Rural Settlement and Raised Field Agriculture in the Lake Titicaca

Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

Top-down or bottom-up: rural settlement and raised ﬁeld agriculture in the Lake Titicaca Basin, Bolivia

John Wayne Januseka,*, Alan L. Kolatab

a Department of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN 37235, United States b Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL 60137, United States

Received 12 May 2004; revision received 10 August 2004

Abstract

Differing interpretations regarding the organization of past intensive farming are often distinguished as ‘‘top-down’’ or ‘‘bottom-up’’ perspectives. The development of intensive farming and its social organization are attributed to either nascent states and centralized governments or the incremental work of local communities or kin-based groups. We address the social organization of raised field farming in one region of the Lake Titicaca Basin of the Andean altiplano, Bolivia. We evaluate past research in the Katari Valley, including our own, based on recent settlement survey, excavation, and a variety of analyses. Taking a long-term perspective covering 2500 years, we find that relations of production and rural organization changed greatly over time in relation to changing sociopolitical conditions. Local communities played dynamic roles in the development and organization of raised field farming, yet its intensification and ultimate recession were keyed to the consolidation and decline of the Tiwanaku state. We conclude that the top-down/bottom-up dichotomy is overdrawn. Local communities and their productive practices never operated in a political or economic vacuum but both shaped and were transfigured by regional processes of state formation, consolidation, and fragmentation. Ó 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Rural settlement; Raised ﬁelds; Andes; Lake Titicaca; Tiwanaku

Over the past ﬁfty years rural society and agrarian recent studies have focused on the inseparable and dy- landscapes have become increasingly important themes namic interactions of past societies and their regional in the study of past complex societies. Beginning with physical settings and environmental conditions (Ashmore Gordon WilleyÕs study of settlement systems in Peru, re- and Bernard, 1999; Bender, 1993; Bradley, 1998; Crum- gional studies were foundational in emphasizing the ley, 1994, 2001; Fischer et al., 1999; Gartner, 1999; Kirch importance of documenting all settlements, cultural fea- and Hunt, 1997; Kolata, 1996b; Thurston, 1999; Tilley, tures, and environmental conditions in a given landscape 1994). Such studies emphasize that past landscapes were (e.g., Flannery, 1976; Parsons, 1972; Willey, 1953). Most products, in part, of concrete human activity and experience, and thus were deeply imbued with social signiﬁ- * Corresponding author. cance. Such an approach encourages a shift toward E-mail address: [email protected] (J.W. understanding the fundamental cultural and environmen- Janusek). tal matrices that gave rise to past cities and states.

Nevertheless, fundamental interpretive and epistemo- power relations, and ruling regimes of past imperial logical differences, with roots in the foundations of Wes- systems is not just outmoded, it can be considered tern social thought, typify rural and landscape studies. unethical. On the one hand, since the 1950s it has been common Interpretive differences habitually follow old theo- to attribute development of large-scale farming and irri- retical divides. Regarding the organization of past pro- gation systems to centralized governments and nascent duction systems, the debate has been construed as states. Paradigmatic of such a perspective is WittfogelÕs ‘‘top-down’’ versus ‘‘bottom-up’’ interpretations (1957) model of ‘‘hydraulic civilizations,’’ in which states (Chambers, 1980; Erickson, 1993; Fischer et al., emerged to organize the construction, maintenance, and 1999). Proponents of both interpretations argue that labor coordination that was deemed necessary to man- intensive production was a highly effective, if costly age large-scale irrigation systems in challenging environ- means of adapting to particularly rigorous environmental conditions. Even though evidence globally ments. Following top-down interpretations, intensive demonstrates that complex irrigation systems rarely production was developed under the impetus of cen- caused states to develop, it is common in archaeology tralized state governments. Following bottom-up inter- to attribute archaeological evidence of large scale, highly pretations, intensive agriculture was developed and integrated productive systems to the work of efficient, organized locally, without the involvement of overarch- centralized governments. In this view such systems, like ing state systems or despite their impact. In one view, monumental architecture, imply the hand of a powerful the dynamic locus is the state, and in the other it is state. the local community or kin-based group. The terms Recent alternative perspectives emphasize that cul- of debate, we believe, have been distorted by current tural creativity and political power was also the product disciplinary ethics that encourage the construction of of local groups, not simply rulers and central govern- easily-debunked ‘‘straw man’’ models, often without ments. In many world regions, convincing evidence dem- benefit of new empirical data. Determining who devel- onstrates that cultural elements once considered as oped and managed intensive production in any specific diagnostic of state-directed actions, including monu- case and with what technologies and resources requires mental construction, craft specialization, and large-scale rigorous interdisciplinary collaboration and empirical economic production, were at least as much the product research. of local kin-based groups as of the elites and leaders In this paper we critically review recent research who, in some cases, coordinated such activities (Mose- bearing on the prehistoric organization of rural settle- ley, 1992; Pauketat, 2000). Local communities, social ment and intensive farming in the southern Lake Titic- groups, and political factions played key roles in the for- aca Basin of the Andean altiplano, Bolivia (Fig. 1A). mation and collapse of many complex societies in the Specifically, we detail shifting relations of prehispanic New World (Brumfiel, 1994; Joyce and Weller, 2005). settlement and production in the Katari River Valley In the Andes abundant anthropological research illumi- (Fig. 1B). The region is pivotal in part because it com- nates the fundamental roles of kin-based groups and prised, for several centuries, a major segment of the communities in managing long-distance exchange, craft core of Tiwanaku, a prehispanic state that emerged production, and intensive farming (Browman, 1997; around AD 500 in the Tiwanaku Valley just to the Erickson, 1985, 1988; Janusek, 1999, 2002; Kolata, south (Kolata, 1993; Ponce, 1981). In the past few dec- 2003; Murra, 1972; Nielson, 2001; Nuń˜ez and Dillehay, ades researchers have systematically studied native 1995). agrarian systems, in particular ancient raised field However, as with WittfogelÕs position, attention to farming, in the Lake Titicaca basin and elsewhere local foundations for power is problematic when it be- (Denevan, 1970; Erickson, 1985, 1987, 1988, 1993; comes a bias determining ex ante the interpretation of Kolata, 1983, 1985, 1986, 1991, 1996a; Lennon, 1983; empirical evidence. Such a situation has developed in Smith et al., 1968). This research has generated a the current climate of the social sciences in general, vigorous debate centering on a few key questions: and in anthropology in particular, to the extent that When were raised fields built and by whom? When the traditional role of writing about and interpreting and why were they abandoned? Did raised fields other cultures has accreted a moral role of writing require state management, or were they the exclusive and speaking for other cultures. Often linked to such domain of local communities? With fresh and extensive a position is a romantic ‘‘lure of the local’’ (Lippard, data we re-examine the empirical record, accentuating 1997) and its corollary, an ascription of negative value complexities and temporal shifts in relations among to the imperial and the exploitative in favor of those state institutions, local communities, and the develop- deemed subdominant or colonized. Illuminating the ment of intensive farming. role of local groups and communities and giving them The polarized character of theoretical differences ‘‘voices’’ has become the symbolic capital of anthro- coupled with a lack of rigorous empirical research in pology. In this climate attention to the institutions, much of the Lake Titicaca basin emphasizes the need 406 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Fig. 1. Maps of the Lake Titicaca Basin (A) and the Tiwanaku and Katari Valleys (B), showing areas and sites of particular significance. for a research design focused precisely on these prob- Graffam, 1990, 1992; Kolata, 1986, 1991). Disagreement lems. The Katari Valley and its low flood plain, the Koa- in the region has turned on results of small-scale re- ni Pampa, is one major focus of such a debate (Fig. 2; search, including general reconnaissance, limited tran- J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 407

Fig. 2. View of the Koani Pampa in the Katari Valley (A), with fossil and rehabilitated fields in the background, and a plan of raised field segments near the Quiripujo Mound Group (B; field beds are in gray, swales or canals in white). sect surveys, and test excavations in relatively small sec- age survey of the entire southern half of the lower Katari tions of the flood plain. To address this problem we Valley (102 km2), nearly 200 trenches in fossil raised completed a research program that entailed full-cover- field systems in the Koani Pampa, and extensive excava- 408 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 tions at various sites (Fig. 3). Based on intensive ceramic Raised fields in the Lake Titicaca Basin analysis and a large suite of radiocarbon assays from raised fields and site occupations, this research program Altiplano landscape and environment conditioned produced a reliable chronological framework. the economic and ideological foundations of its past Our conclusions provide a long-term (ca. 2500 civilizations. Research in the Lake Titicaca basin dem- years) characterization of rural society and production onstrates that populations developed raised field agri- dating from the emergence of complex societies until cultural systems in this unique environment European colonization. This long term perspective sug- (Erickson, 1988, 1993, 1999; Kolata, 1986, 1991, gests that the top-down versus bottom-up dichotomy 1993, 1996a; Kolata and Graffam, 1989; Kolata and has been overdrawn. Like other elements of past An- Ortloff, 1996; Ortloff, 1996; Seddon, 1994). These sys- dean culture, intensive raised field production was tems were functionally similar to native raised field embedded in multiple social domains, and over time, systems developed in other regions of the New World predominant relations of production shifted in relation (Adams, 1983; Denevan, 1970; Gallagher et al., 1985; to changing economic demands and sociopolitical con- Matheny, 1976; Parsons, 1972; Riley and Freimuth, ditions. Just as Bloch (1966) noted of 18th century 1979; Turner and Denevan, 1985). They consisted of French rural society, we conclude that in the Lake Tit- canals, or swales, alternating with elevated planting icaca basin local communities played dynamic roles in beds that ranged from 1.5 to 10 m in width (Fig. the unfolding histories of complex societies, including 2B). Swales in some areas were fed by natural springs processes of state formation and collapse. However or river networks, but in low-lying floodplains with rural settlement and agrarian production must be high water tables, or pampas, many were fed by perco- understood in relation to broader sociopolitical histo- lating groundwater. The elevated beds provide well- ries, including emergent strategies of resource appropri- drained topsoil and optimal edaphic conditions for ation and social hegemony. Our evidence offers insight plant growth (Denevan, 1970; Denevan and Turner, into the shifting social organization of intensive farm- 1974; Smith et al., 1968). ing in the Tiwanaku polity, and the sociopolitical Rehabilitation projects (Erickson, 1985, 1988, 1993; dynamics of Andean regional landscapes and rural Kolata et al., 1996) illustrate other ways that raised histories. fields can enhance productivity in the altiplano. First,

Fig. 3. Map of excavated raised fields and settlements in the Katari Valley. J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 409 water circulating in canals is rapidly colonized by nutri- labor and land (Kolata, 1986, 1991, 1993, 1996a; Kolata ent-trapping macrophytes (Azolla, Myriophyllum, and and Ortloff, 1989; Mathews, 1992; Ortloff and Kolata, Elodea) which, through periodic recycling of decayed or- 1989; Seddon, 1994; Stanish, 1994). Based on early re- ganic matter provide a natural fertilizer for what are search in the Koani Pampa, Kolata (1986, p. 160) first normally nitrogen-poor soils (Biesboer, 1999; Binford argued that raised field systems ‘‘were the proprietary et al., 1996; Carney et al., 1996, 1993; Kolata, 1991, p. agricultural estate of Tiwanaku’’ rulers; he hypothesized 102). Second, raised field systems effectively absorb that intensive raised field agriculture here was a state and conserve heat from solar radiation during the day, strategy ‘‘devised and managed by a centralized arm of forming a ‘‘heat envelope’’ that effectively protects government (1986:760).’’ Based on further research he maturing plants from possible frost damage at night refined this interpretation, arguing that Tiwanaku rulers (Erickson, 1985, 1988; Kolata, 1991, p. 103; Sanchez maintained a managerial role, seeking collaboration de Lozada, 1996; Smith et al., 1968). Third, raised field with local leaders in the construction and management cultivation, because of its perennial water supply, can of raised field systems. The resulting benefits, he extend the short altiplano productive season by as much believes, would have been ‘‘sufficient incentive such that as 1–2 months, providing the possibility for double crop- local communities readily contributed their labor to ping (Knapp and Ryder, 1983; Kolata, 1991, p. 108). enhance the collective forces of production’’ (Kolata, Based on such observations, Erickson, Kolata, and oth- 1996a, p. 17). In this view state rulers, through the coor- ers agree that the indigenous technology of raised field dination of intensive productive systems, ultimately agriculture could support dense human populations. served society. Based on research in the in the Juli-Pomata region of Peru, in the southwestern basin, Stanish (1994) reaches a State and community: the timing and production of similar conclusion. Stanish (1994, p. 329) hypothesizes raised fields that raised field agriculture was an ‘‘economic strategy employed by elite groups to maximize wealth extraction Despite consensus on the productivity of raised field from subject populations.’’ However, he links the devel- agriculture, researchers disagree about the social organi- opment of raised field agriculture with the emergence of zation of raised field systems. Fundamental points of political elites from as early as the Late Formative Per- disagreement surround two key questions: Were raised iod (200 BC to AD 500), during which raised fields fields developed before, during, or after Tiwanaku state formed one high-risk component in a diversified produc- emergence and consolidation (AD 500–1150)? Were they tive mosaic; one that preceded the state but was later built and maintained by local kin-based corporate intensified and expanded by Tiwanaku elites (Stanish, groups and communities or elite groups and state lead- 2003). In interpreting the organization of these systems, ers? Based on research in the northwest Titicaca basin, he adopts a political rather than a managerial perspec- near Huatta, Peru, Erickson (1988, 1992, 1993, 1999) ar- tive. Stanish (1994, p. 329) sees the intensification of gues that state rulers never ‘‘tampered with’’ ancient raised field farming as an ‘‘opportunistic political strat- raised field systems (Erickson, 1988, p. 348). He believes egy.’’ Tiwanaku elites either ‘‘provided incentives or raised field agriculture developed out of the knowledge coerced’’ local populations into intensifying existing sys- and skills of communities and kin-based social groups, tems, but in either cases the extracted surplus primarily or ayllus, who survived wave after wave of subjugation supported elites and their retainers. In this scenario, by Andean states. Erickson (1988, p. 315) points out state rulers served themselves. that, unlike large-scale irrigation raised field agriculture Disagreement about the organization of raised field ‘‘differs... in that there is no necessarily inherent need production centers on a few key interpretive discrepan- for large-scale cooperation, in the construction, use, cies. Two of the most significant include the interpreta- nor maintenance of the system.’’ He concludes: tion of surface features and the timing of raised field construction and use. Surface patterns of fossil field sys- ‘‘states of the region developed and collapsed with regu- tems have been one accessible way of interpreting their larity, but the agricultural systems organized at lower timing and organization. Erickson (1988, 1993), follow- levels continued relatively unaffected and perhaps ing a pioneering survey by Smith et al. (1968, p. 362), thrived. To suppose that raised field farming could only emphasizes the variable character of raised fields. He be planned, executed and maintained by the highly cen- notes that raised field systems throughout the Titicaca tralized state is to disregard the rich agricultural knowl- basin demonstrate impressive hydraulic engineering, edge and organizational potential of the Andean and that they tend to be oriented close to the cardinal farmer.’’ (Erickson, 1993, p. 413) directions (Erickson, 1988, pp. 335–337). However, they Others disagree. Research in the southern basin sug- are segmented into discrete blocks that vary greatly in gests that raised field systems were developed and orga- size and form, (Lennon, 1983; Smith et al., 1968), partic- nized by political elites who directly appropriated local ularly in Huatta (Erickson, 1988, p. 334), suggesting that 410 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 they were built in an incremental fashion. Erickson con- (Erickson, 1988, pp. 377–378). All sites with Tiwanaku cludes that raised fields were built and maintained by lo- ceramics were located in the adjacent piedmont, includ- cal groups, and that the boundaries between raised field ing most of the ‘‘larger Huatta sites’’ (Erickson, 1988, p. blocks marked boundaries between the fields of specific 376). Sites in the pampa, those Erickson interpret as groups. Formal variability among these blocks may be being directly associated with raised field production, stylistic differences marking distinct group identities. dated to the Middle to Late Formative (800 BC to AD Kolata and colleagues, while acknowledging variabil- 300) and post-Tiwanaku periods. ity in raised field design, emphasize the regional features To establish his chronology, Erickson (1987, 1988) linking raised field segments (Kolata, 1986, 1991; Kolata also obtained seven thermoluminescence (TL) dates and Ortloff, 1996; Ortloff and Kolata, 1989). In the Koa- from ceramics recovered in three raised field contexts. ni Pampa, they argue, centralized administration is re- Erickson (1988:194) himself notes that TL dates often flected in integrated systems of causeways, dikes, are unreliable (also Graffam, 1990, p. 98), and the sigma canals and other hydrological features that extend from values- or degrees of error- of the Huatta samples were the piedmont zone (or cerro) across the pampa. Cause- extraordinarily high (Table 1). Of EricksonÕs seven sam- ways served both as roads to provide transport and as ples only two provided dates with a one-sigma (68% con- dikes to prevent flooding when lake levels were high. fidence) value of less than 500 years (DUR TL 26-3AS According to Kolata regional administration is most and 35-7AS), and both came from post-abandonment salient in the artificial canalization of the Katari River sediments post-dating the Tiwanaku Period. Two of (also Erickson, 1988, p. 333), which would have opened the other three dates yielded centroids that Erickson up hundreds of hectares of land to raised field produc- considered earlier than expected, and one is close to tion. Through such projects, leaders produced an inte- the Tiwanaku period (DUR TL 25-6AS and 35-1AS). grated productive landscape requiring considerable In the Koani Pampa itself the timing of raised field planning and central co-ordination. farming is under debate. Kolata (1986, p. 76, 1991) ar- Disagreement about the organization of raised field gued that raised field systems in the Koani Pampa were production is perhaps most patently a question of when first developed and last implemented under the stimulus raised field systems were first developed and last used. of the Tiwanaku state, based on his documentation of a The debate has centered both on the relationship be- four-tiered ‘‘hierarchical settlement network’’ of Tiwa- tween settlements and raised fields and on the absolute naku sites ‘‘marked by unambiguous distinctions in size, chronology of raised field construction and use. Erick- status and function.’’ In his view the extensive centers of son (1988, pp. 377–380) proposes two phases of raised- Lukurmata and Pajchiri in the piedmont zones on either field construction and use in the northwestern basin: side of the valley served as secondary regional centers Phase I, dating to the Early and Middle Formative peri- that coordinated production for the whole valley. In ods (1500–200 BC); and Phase II, dating to the post- the pampa itself Kolata located several small Tiwanaku Tiwanaku period (Erickson, 1987, 1988, pp. 377–380). mound sites and one relatively large site, CK 65. Be- According to this chronological scheme, raised fields fell cause of its size, Kolata (1986, p. 755) interpreted this into disuse during the intervening Tiwanaku Period. as a built monument ‘‘of paramount ritual and adminis- Erickson bases his conclusions, in part, on regional trative importance, subordinate only to the two regional settlement patterns. Distinguishing piedmont and pam- centers.’’ Located on or amidst fossil raised fields, Kola- pa zones, he found no clear settlement hierarchy during ta (1986, 1991) considered these sites to be associated the Tiwanaku period (Erickson, 1988, p. 347). Further, with their construction and use. The chronology sup- no sites with diagnostic Tiwanaku-style ceramics were porting this interpretation was based largely on ceramic located in the pampa, near fossil raised field systems assemblages collected at sites considered to be associated

Table 1 Thermoluminescence measurements recovered by Erickson from raised ﬁeld contexts in the Huatta Pampa, Peru (adapted from Erickson, 1988, Table 2) Site Provenience Lab No. Era Date Context Pancha T-8 DUR TL 35-5AS BC 1310 ± 660 Phase I Pancha T-14 DUR TL 26 1AS BC 400 ± 500 Phase I Construction/use Pancha T-12 DUR TL 35-8AS AD 440 ± 310 Phase I Post-Abandonment Pancha T-10 DUR TL 26-3AS AD 1325 ± 120 Phase II Post-Abandonment Pancha T-11 DUR TL 35-7AS AD 1540 ± 90 Phase II Post-Abandonment Pancha T-9 DUR TL 35-6AS AD 80 ± 380 Phase II Post-Abandonment Juchata T-3 DUR TL 35-1AS AD 380 ± 320 Phase II J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 411

Fig. 4. The location of four post-Tiwanaku mounds in relation to raised field systems of the Koani Pampa (sites were excavated by Graffam, 1990, figs. 30–36). with raised field construction and use. However, most of GraffamÕs (1990, 1992) dissertation research in the the ceramics recovered were non-diagnostic, and at the Koani Pampa reached a different conclusion. He con- time research was conducted little was known of undec- ducted sampled survey transects and excavated test orated ceramics from Formative, Tiwanaku, and post- trenches in a small segment (13 km2) of the Koani Pam- Tiwanaku cultural phases. pa, near the modern town of Chucara. Of the seven 412 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 mound sites that he excavated, six of them (or 86%) da- organization thriving outside of state organizations ted to the post-Tiwanaku Early Pacajes Period (AD and interests (Erickson, 1993, p. 400; Graffam, 1990; 1150-1450), and all of these he considered to be ‘‘strati- Kolata, 1991, p. 113). Whether they are considered to graphically tied’’ to visible fossil fields (1990, p. 187, have played a dynamic role in managing raised field sys- 245). Graffam (1990, pp. 207–219; 1992) speculated that tems, in most interpretations ayllus are considered to most of (68%) of the raised fields in the Katari Valley have had a peripheral role in a centralized polity such were built and managed by kin-based ayllus after Tiwa- as Tiwanaku. Such a perspective exaggerates the most naku state collapse, as a local adaptation to changing specific meaning of ayllu, as a group of kin who shared sociopolitical conditions and the onset of a long-term certain common lands and resources, local sacred places, drought. and a focal ancestor. A review of GraffamÕs excavation data and maps The historically-documented ayllu, as a basic princi- indicates that he considered occupations on top of fossil ple of social order and general term for ‘‘community,’’ raised field beds to be ‘‘stratigraphically tied’’ to the field could refer at once to multiple scales of social organiza- systems (Fig. 4). These are relatively high areas in an tion (Abercrombie, 1998; Platt, 1987; Rasnake, 1988). otherwise undulating and often marshy landscape. Does The term invoked regional ethnic-like groups that gath- location on top of field beds necessarily indicate contem- ered during external conflicts and major ceremonies, and poraneity, when concluding that post-Tiwanaku sites at the time of Spanish contact centralized polities, feder- inhabited once-cultivated field beds just as simply ex- ations, and states (Abercrombie, 1998; Platt, 1987). At plains the evidence? If GraffamÕs proposed association such scales, political relations were described as intimate between raised fields and post-Tiwanaku occupations relations within the family, and leaders were metaphor- is true, why was valuable cultivation area dedicated to ical ‘‘elder-brothers’’ or ‘‘fathers’’ (Abercrombie, 1986, human occupation, especially in drought conditions? p. 86; Platt, 1987). Ayllu could invoke any of multiple And why would people inhabit a pampa characterized scales of affiliation, and at the broadest scales it was a by the marshy conditions required to sustain raised form of political ideology, distilling hierarchical socio- fields? political relations crossing vast landscapes. Joining kin- These questions engage the larger issue of determin- ship and broader political relations, ayllus were not ing the chronological relationship between archaeologi- simply homogeneous kin groups that survived in some cal sites and fossil fields. First, previous interpretations primordial form as hegemonic systems rose and fell. of such relations in the Lake Titicaca basin have been Rather, emergent polities were inextricably comprised based on the assumption that visible surface fields repre- of such communities. Hierarchical sociopolitical rela- sent eroded remnants of past systems. As discussed be- tions were conceived of and subsumed in the social rela- low, our comprehensive research into the stratigraphy tions that characterized more intimate groupings. and depositional characteristics of raised fields reached In the following sections we discuss recent evidence a very different conclusion. Further, settlement on or bearing on the absolute chronology of raised fields, the near fields and their hydraulic sustaining features in Ka- relations of fields and past settlements, and whether tari, Huatta, and Juli-Pomata have often been inter- the fields of the Katari Valley were built and managed preted as an indication of contemporaneity (Erickson, by local communities or state leaders. In discussing the 1988; Kolata, 1986; Stanish, 1994). In altiplano land- role of central authorities in raised field production, scapes, however, piedmont and pampa zones are always we also address the issue of whether state strategies were juxtaposed, and walking distance from a site in the fundamentally managerial or political, or as we put it, piedmont to fields in the pampa was in most cases far incorporative or transformative. As we employ these less than an hour. Today, as in the past, families ideally terms, they define a continuum of strategies of produc- maintain numerous fields in a mosaic of distinct tive organization and resource appropriation rather environments, some several hours from their primary than a typology of broad political strategies (see DÕAlt- residences. Clearly, assuming that proximity or superpo- roy, 1992 and Hassig, 1985 for analogous concepts). sition denotes direct association is problematic. Incorporative strategies refer to relatively noninvasive Disagreement about the organization of raised field or indirect strategies of productive intensification that production also engages theoretical issues regarding pre- leave direct management and distribution of resources hispanic sociopolitical organization in the Andes. In in the hands of local communities. Transformative strat- arguing that either state or community was the dynamic egies involve direct control over local resources and pro- force in past Andean productive management, the de- ductive systems and thus intervene in or transform local bate has centered on an overly dichotomized view of An- communities and sociopolitical networks. Incorporative dean sociopolitical organization. Archaeologists have strategies of productive organization tend to leave pre- artificially divided and essentialized both state and com- existing local productive systems and rural settlement munity. In particular, most consider the ayllu a funda- networks relatively intact, while transformative strate- mental corporate group, a kin-based unit of social gies tend to impinge on or significantly transform prior J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 413 productive systems, fostering major shifts in local site mann, 1994, 1997; Janusek, 1999, 2004a; Kolata, 1989; roles, settlement networks, and social organizations. Wise, 1993), the mid-range piedmont site of Qeyakuntu We raise the likelihood that intensive farming was man- (CK152), and several smaller mound sites in the pampa. aged within a mosaic of resource strategies that shifted Two of the latter, CK 65 and CK 70, formed part of over time in accord with changing relations between lo- a larger cluster, the Quiripujo mound group, that cal communities and regional sociopolitical conditions. had been the subject of KolataÕs earlier test excavations (Kolata, 1986). Trench operations were designed to determine the Research in the Katari Valley nature and chronology of raised field construction, maintenance, and abandonment (Seddon, 1994). Considering Our research program entailed three main compo- that field use was influenced by fluctuating lake levels, we nents: full-coverage survey of the entire southern part implemented a random sample stratified by contour of the Katari Valley, extensive excavations at selected intervals to optimize the spatial distribution of the sam- habitation sites, and trench operations in a large sample ple. In total we excavated 193 trenches in the pampa, of fossil raised fields. Survey covered 102 km2 and iden- and encountered clear raised fields in 88 (46%) of them tified 212 sites, 12 of which we excavated (Figs. 1 and 3 (Fig. 3). To address chronology we retrieved datable B). These included the large site of Lukurmata (Ber- samples of mollusk shell and organic carbon from fields

Table 2 Radiocarbon assays obtained from excavated raised field contexts in the Katari Valley, Bolivia Context Lab. Nos. Material Proveniencea 14CAge Calibrated years Calibrated 1-sigma (BP) (AD) age range (AD)b Construction/use OS-2441 Mollusc 86-4-2 1040 ± 35 1010 990–1020 OS-2540 Mollusc 86-2-1 820 ± 30 1230 1220–1280 OS-2538 Mollusc 109-2-3 1070 ± 30 990 970–1010 OS-2539 Mollusc 88-3-3 1070 ± 30 990 970–1010 OS-2654 Mollusc 111-2-3 1030 ± 35 1010 990–1020 OS-2564 Carbon 111-2-3 1360 ± 40 670 650–680 OS-2651 Mollusc 111-2-4 930 ± 30 1050d 1040–1170 OS-2649 Mollusc 112-3-2 1290 ± 50 710e 670–780 OS-2557 Carbon 113-3-2 950 ± 30 1040f 1030–1160 OS-2565 Carbon 113-3-3 690 ± 30 1300 1290–1300 OS-2544 Mollusc 134-4-2 980 ± 30 1030 1020–1150 OS-2562 Mollusc 114-5-3 990 ± 30 1030 1020–1040 OS-2559 Carbon 35-1-7 1220 ± 40 790 780–880 OS-2653 Mollusc 89-3-4 1440 ± 45 640 600–660 Post-abandonment OS-2542 Mollusc 83-2-1 775 ± 60 1280 1220– 1290 OS-2563 Carbon 62-1-3 840 ± 45 1220 1170–1260 OS-2650 Mollusc 110-3-1 875 ± 35 1190 1160–1120 OS-2561 Carbon 110-3-2 955 ± 30 1040 1030–1160 OS-2566 Carbon 147-5-1 910 ± 30 1160 1050–1180 OS-2566 Carbon 114-5-1 840 ± 35 1220 1180–1250 OS-2558 Carbon CC33-1 860 ± 40 1210 1170–1230 Problematicc OS-2537 Mollusc 63-3-1 1410 ± 30 650 630– 660 OS-2560 Carbon 63-3-1 615 ± 30 1320 ± 890 1310–1400 OS-2543 Mollusc 85-3-5 1140 ± 30 890–970 OS-2562 Carbon 85-3-5 425 ± 45 1450 1440–1480 +Additional calibrated dates generated by Oxcal 3 Program: 1340, 1390. a For each provenience, the three hyphenated numbers represent trench quadrant, trench number, and stratum (see Seddon, 1994). b All samples were processed at the National Ocean Sciences AMS facility (NOSAMS), at Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute, Woods Hole, MA. Calibrated dates were calculated using the Stuiver and Pearson (1993) calibration curve with CALIB 3.0 by the University of Washington. c The four problematic assays represent two pairs of samples from identical stratigraphic contexts that returned highly divergent dates. d Additional calibrated dates generated by Oxcal 3 Program: 1090, 1120, 1140, and 1160. e Additional calibrated dates generated by Oxcal 3 Program: 750, and 760. f Additional calibrated dates generated by Oxcal 3 Program: 1150. 414 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 and habitation sites, ultimately selecting 25 samples from Post-Tiwanaku dates to AD 1150–1570. Both Late For- raised field contexts for radiocarbon assays (Table 2). We mative and Tiwanaku encompass two important phases, also analyzed diagnostic cultural remains from field con- Late Formative 1 and 2 and Tiwanaku IV and V. Nota- texts, examined the potential superposition of raised field ble is the late date of the Tiwanaku to Pacajes transition, beds, and documented stratigraphic relationships be- corresponding to the collapse of the Tiwanaku state. tween fields and habitation sites. The timing of this cultural transition, which is supported The Katari Valley was an ideal setting for raised field by numerous assays from undisturbed contexts at vari- agriculture. The valley is low, flat, and poorly drained, ous sites (Table 3), bears significantly on the conclusions and its pampa is extensive and prone to seasonal flood- of this research. ing. The slope of the Pampa Koani is so gradual that In the following pages we discuss archaeological evi- a rise in lake level of one meter will cause the lake shore dence for settlement and raised field production in the to migrate ca. 5 km inland, covering dozens of square Katari Valley. First, we present settlement patterns for kilometers of potentially arable land (Binford and Kola- each period, discussing implications for predominant ta, 1996, p. 38). Visible fossil fields stretch nearly contin- forms of sociopolitical organization, followed by results uously across this pampa, from the current lake edge to of research in raised field contexts. the foot of Cerro Katavi. All documented raised field types – checkerboard, linear, curvilinear, and embanked – are represented, but linear and curvilinear field seg- Settlement patterns over the long term ments are most common (see Erickson, 1988 and Len- non, 1983 for typologies of raised field morphology). Early-middle formative periods An important prerequisite was a refined chronology for the southern Lake Titicaca Basin, which has been The earliest sites in Katari dated to the Early- Middle established over the past decade (Albarracıń-Jordan Formative periods (1500–200 BC) and were associated and Mathews, 1990; Alconini, 1995; Burkholder, 1997; with the Chiripa cultural complex, centered on the Tar- Janusek, 2003a; Steadman, 1995, 1999; Whitehead, aco peninsula just east of the Katari Valley (Bandy, 1999). Rigorous ceramic analyses, stratigraphic excava- 2001; Browman, 1978, 1980; Cha´vez, 1988; Hastorf, tions, and a large suite of calibrated radiocarbon assays 1999a ; Kolata, 1983; Ponce, 1970). We located seven allow us to divide local prehispanic history into Early- Early-Middle Formative sites, three of which were over Middle Formative, Late Formative, Tiwanaku, and 3ha(Fig. 5A). All occupied the upper or lower pied- Post-Tiwanaku (Pacajes) periods, each with significant mont zones, and the largest was Qeyakuntu (6 ha). sub-phases (Janusek, 2003a). Early-Middle Formative Excavations at Qeyakuntu yielded evidence for the pro- dates to 1500–200 BC, Late Formative dates to 200 duction of agricultural hoes and the consumption of BC to AD 500, Tiwanaku dates to AD 500–1150, and camelids, smaller mammals, and lake birds. Agricultural

Table 3 Chart of late radiocarbon assays from Tiwanaku Period contexts in the Tiwanaku and Katari Valleys, and published assays from Pacajes Period contexts Period Region and site Lab. No. 14C (years) Calib. years AD Tiwanaku Tiwanaku Valley Tiwanaku SMU 2330 1080 ± 210 950 ± 110 Tiwanaku SMU 2473 850 ± 243 1160 ± 210 Tiwanaku SMU 2331 872 ± 197 1142 ± 174 Tiwanaku SMU 2470 632 ± 183 1330 ± 140 LV-109 SMU 2564 Unpublished 1131 ± 171 Katari Valley Lukurmata ETH 3180 990 ± 95 1045 ± 100 Lukurmata B 55488 1110 ± 90 1220 ± 90 Lukurmata B 55489 1030 ± 70 1112 ± 80 Lukurmata ETH 3178 1085 ± 90 950 ± 100 CK-65 B 91778 940 ± 40 1112 ± 60

Pacajes Tiwanaku Valley LV-23 SMU 2559 Unpublished 1189 ± 128 Katari Valley CC-33 OS 2558 875 ± 35 1190 ± 30 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 415

Fig. 5. Maps of Early-Middle (A) and Late Formative settlement (B) in the Katari Valley.

hoes and their debitage comprised 20–23% of lithic arti- than Qeyakuntu and other nearby sites (Bandy, 1999, facts at Qeyakuntu (Janusek, 2001; Janusek and Kolata, p. 24). Regional patterns point to the dynamic co-exis- 2003). Small sites (<3 ha) clustered near larger sites, but tence of multiple semi-autonomous communities, and settlement patterns yielded no clear settlement hierar- perhaps small-scale polities, each of which thrived on chy. Even Chiripa itself, a local ceremonial center (Has- broader political alliances, religious aﬃliations, and eco- torf, 1999b), was, at 7.5 ha, just a little more extensive nomic networks. 416 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Late formative period tributed across the valley, less than a third of them (30%) located in the pampa. During the Late Formative settlement patterns in the Surface survey and excavation in Tiwanaku Period valley changed in several significant ways. The period sites of various sizes revealed a range of significant regio- (200 BC to AD 500) encompassed two phases, and dur- nal patterns, including major changes between the Tiwa- ing the second, Late Formative 2 (AD 300–500), Tiwa- naku IV and V phases. From Late Formative 2 to naku emerged as a major religious and political center Tiwanaku IV human settlement in the Katari Valley (Janusek, 2004a; Ponce, 1981). In Late Formative 1, changed in several significant ways. First, frequencies the number of sites increased by at least four times that of lithic hoes and hoe debitage at pampa sites, those pre- in the Middle Formative period, and settlement ex- sumably most heavily invested in farming, decreased panded considerably in the pampa zone (Fig. 5B). In precipitously. Second, ceramic assemblages at all sites addition, settlement sizes diverged considerably. Lukur- included significant quantities of Tiwanaku style serving mata, located near the lake shore and at the edge of the and ceremonial vessels. Unlike the distribution of elabo- Koani Pampa, became a major settlement of ca. 20 ha rate vessels during the Late Formative, which was highly (Bermann, 1994). At this time, Lukurmata was the cen- selective, elaborate serving and ceremonial wares were ter of an emerging polity, one among many that were now ubiquitous (Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Tiwanaku developing in the southern basin (Bandy, 2001; Janusek, serving wares were also far more specialized in form 2004a). and function, forming an intricate technology geared Many sites, including those in the Quiripujo mound to periodic rituals of consumption (Janusek, 2003a). group, clustered near the elbow of the Katari River, over The widespread appearance of such wares in local alluvial sands deposited in old river courses. Excavations assemblages marks the establishment of Tiwanaku cul- at two of the Quiripujo sites, CK-65 and CK-70, had tural hegemony, which may have been characterized substantial occupations spanning the Late Formative. by the distribution of elaborate wares with food and Residential occupations and middens yielded substantial drink in return for services on the part of local groups. quantities of stone hoes and debitage; they comprised The ubiquity of Tiwanaku style vessels may represent, 39–60% of lithic artifacts (Janusek, 2001; Janusek and in part, the widespread distribution of state productive Kolata, 2003). Furthermore at CK-65 two adult burials obligations among communities and groups in the (one female and one male) included lithic hoes as mortu- region. ary offerings. Hoes were less common at Qeyakuntu and Significantly, though, a range of complementary pat- altogether infrequent at Lukurmata, suggesting that terns appear to represent the maintenance of regional farming, or at least certain farming technologies, were identity in the Katari Valley (Janusek, 1999, 2002, more important at sites in the pampa than they were 2004a). Tiwanaku ceramic wares predominated in resi- in some of the larger piedmont settlements. dential and ritual contexts of all excavated piedmont and pampa sites, but each site also yielded a range of Tiwanaku period serving and ceremonial wares in a distinct local style. These local wares, found in high densities at sites such The number and average size of settlements increased as Lukurmata (18–80% of ceramic assemblages) and significantly during the Tiwanaku Period (Fig. 6A). The Qeyakuntu (25% of assemblages), are either uncommon piedmont zone remained the preferred area of settlement or absent at excavated sites in the adjacent Tiwanaku (Table 4). Some 73% of sites, or 96% of total settlement Valley (Bermann, 1994; Burkholder, 1997; Janusek, area, occupied the piedmont zone. Significantly, settle- 1999, 2002; Janusek and Kolata, 2003, 153). Local pat- ments ranged in size far more than they had in previous terns characterized other vehicles of stylistic expression periods, and collectively formed multi-tiered site-size and group identity. These included a predominant style hierarchies. Lukurmata, already an extensive settlement of human cranial modification among individuals buried in the Late Formative (Bermann, 1994, 1997), became in at Katari sites, an annular or ‘‘tapered’’ style far less Tiwanaku IV an urban center with a prominent monu- common at Tiwanaku (Blom, 1999), as well as distinct mental complex, the ritual focus of a metropolitan com- mortuary patterns (Janusek, 2004a). This conjunction munity approaching 2 km2. Settled along the low edge of of patterns indicates an enduring regional identity that the piedmont were several smaller sites of 3.5–15 ha, pre-dated, but remained vibrant during, Tiwanaku linked to one another by an ancient thoroughfare. La- hegemony. kaya was strategically-located at the mouth of the Lilli- In Tiwanaku V (AD 800–1150) occupations at many mani drainage system that originated near Tiwanaku. sites changed significantly. Many residential sectors at Line with Tiwanaku period sites, the Lillimani Valley Lukurmata and Qeyakuntu, two major centers in the re- may have been a direct transportation route between gion in Tiwanaku IV, were either abandoned or con- the valleys, with Lakaya serving as the local entrepoˆt verted into middens and mortuary areas (Bermann, for inter-valley traffic. Smaller sites (<3.5 ha) were dis- 1994; Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Population densities J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 417

Fig. 6. Maps of Tiwanaku (A) and Early Pacajes (B) settlement in the Katari Valley. at these sites, and thus the importance of the centers, tion and storage jars, or tinajas, these patterns may indi- apparently declined. Corresponding to these shifts were cate an increasing frequency and significance of significant changes in Tiwanaku style ceramic wares. communal consumption and large-scale feasting. Assemblages now included much higher proportions of Changes at some small pampa sites were equally sig- redundant and expediently-produced serving wares, nificant. Excavations at these sites demonstrated that implying a greater emphasis on mass production. Along Tiwanaku occupation, while most intensive in Tiwanaku with increasing relative proportions of large fermenta- V, was relatively ephemeral. In one characteristic mid- 418 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Table 4 Comparison of Tiwanaku and Pacajes Period sites for three ecological zones, according to number of identiﬁed sites and total settlement area Ecological zone Tiwanaku Period Pacajes Period N %Ha%N %Ha% Lower Piedmont 33 69 216.8 95 67 46 96.9 57 Upper Piedmont 2 4 3.1 1 3 2 1.7 1 Pampa 13 27 9.1 4 75 52 71.3 42

den, stratified Tiwanaku refuse accounted for only in new (non-Tiwanaku) locations (Fig. 6B). However, 10 cm (7%) of the entire sequence, whereas Late Forma- average site size decreased dramatically, from a mean tive accounted for 1 m (69%, Janusek and Kolata, 2003). of 4.77 to 1.12 ha. Thus, while the number of sites in- More significant, occupations at these sites no longer creased by a factor of three, average settlement size de- consisted of substantial buildings but rather of movable, creased by more than four times that of Tiwanaku temporary structures. Clusters of small, angled post- Period sites. Bandy (2001) argues that population den- holes near hearths and refuse pits indicate that residence sity decreased precipitously in the old Tiwanaku core consisted of portable tent-like structures, similar to during this phase. Settlement hierarchy fragmented those of contemporary field guardians, or kamani. To- and populations in the region dispersed as people left day, kamani is an annual position that rotates among the nucleated centers once focused on Tiwanaku politi- families in a community. A person so charged guards cal activity, monumental constructions, rituals practices, community crops against theft, predation, and, through and ceremonial feasting. various ritual practices, hail and frost (see Kolata, 1991; Accompanying settlement dispersal and overall pop- Winterhalder and Thomas, 1978). During their tenure ulation decrease were several other significant changes. kamani live in tent-like structures of wooden poles cov- First, unlike any previous cultural phase, people now ered with tarpaulin or reeds. The Quiripujo mound settled the pampa on a major scale (Table 4). Seventy- group, located in the Koani Pampa, appears to have five sites (52% of the total number, or 42% of total occu- served similar roles during the Tiwanaku Period. pied area) now occupied the pampa. Sites clustered By AD 1200, Tiwanaku ritual and domestic prac- along packed earth roads that crisscrossed the pampa. tices, material styles, and settlement patterns no longer Many sites (n = 17) surrounded Katavi, a massive lime- characterized the Katari Valley. Proposed dates for stone outcrop that may have been exploited for ceramic Tiwanaku state collapse have ranged from AD 1000 to temper, among other uses. Sites in the pampa formed 1200 (Kolata, 1993; Ponce, 1981). To be sure, significant larger community clusters, and sites in the piedmont changes occurred in the several generations between AD tended to cluster around large sites such as Tumuyu 1000 and 1150, or Late Tiwanaku V. Research at Tiwa- and Qeyakuntu. These clusters represent the formation naku indicates that an elite residence was razed to the of the micro-ayllus that continued to thrive into the ground in the late tenth century (Couture and Sampeck, Spanish Colonial Period. 2003), and not long after large-scale construction in Excavations at two piedmont sites and ten pampa monumental structures apparently ceased (Alconini, sites demonstrated that many Early Pacajes occupations 1995; Vranich, 1999). Nevertheless, residential sectors were ephemeral. Middens were thin, and evidence for in Tiwanaku and many sites in the Katari Valley, includ- primary occupation at most sites consisted of isolated ing Lukurmata and CK-65, continued to be occupied hearths and refuse pits rather than clear structures and into the early 12th century as indicated by numerous associated activity areas. These patterns suggest that radiocarbon assays (Table 3; Janusek, 2004b). Inhabit- Early Pacajes groups were relatively mobile. This, in ants of these sites continued to use Tiwanaku-style addition to the fragmentation of sociopolitical networks, goods and engage in characteristic Tiwanaku residential would account for the high number of Early Pacajes set- and ritual practices. Tiwanaku collapse was a protracted tlements. Overall, occupation middens at Pacajes sites and, most likely, chaotic process of state disintegration. revealed balanced proportions of camelid, small mam- mal, bird, and fish remains. However, an occupation Pacajes period associated with high densities of fish bone was located near the marshy north edge of Lukurmata (Wise, Settlement patterns changed significantly again fol- 1993). By all accounts these were lake and fishing spe- lowing Tiwanaku state collapse. During the Early Paca- cialists much like, and perhaps historically antecedent jes Period (AD 1150–1450) the number of sites in the to the documented Uru communities that later inhabited survey area increased to 145, and they included 108 sites the shore of Lake Titicaca. Productive specialization J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 419 among ayllus became important in post-Tiwanaku polit- would have fed fields while slowing processes of erosion ical economies. and sedimentation. Trench excavations in visible raised fields were designed to determine the method and chronology of raised Research in raised field systems field construction, maintenance, and abandonment (Sed- don, 1994). Of our 193 excavation units, 75 (40%) were in Study of raised fields and their sustaining features areas with visible surface fields, 10 (5%) were in visible clarifies the relation between shifting settlement patterns habitation zones, and 105 (54%) were in areas with nei- and agricultural production in the Katari Valley. As ther visible fields nor sites. The excavations consistently noted above, most archaeologists consider occupation produced one significant result. Raised fields in the Ka- on or near visible raised field systems to indicate direct tari Valley and undoubtedly in other pampas of the Lake association between them. As Erickson (1988, pp. 331– Titicaca Basin have been buried since their abandonment 332) points out, such associations are not reliable. In by wind and water-borne sediment. Most archaeologists fact, substantial occupation on top of field beds may have assumed that the principal post-depositional pro- indicate that field systems had fallen into disuse. Of all cess affecting raised fields, accounting for their low relief, pampa sites (n = 111), more than half were located on has been erosion (e.g., Erickson, 1988, p. 59–204; Kolata, or near raised field beds. Although Late Formative 1986; Stanish, 1994). Rather, our research indicates that and Tiwanaku sites were located near raised fields, only the process has been substantial sediment aggradation Early Pacajes sites were consistently located directly on (Janusek and Kolata, 2003; Seddon, 1994). Rather than top of them. Of 74 total Early Pacajes sites in the pam- having eroded, most agricultural features in the Katari pa, some 40% were located directly on top of raised field basin were gradually buried after abandonment. This beds, as demonstrated by excavations at CK-33 (Fig. 7; process is identical to the gradual burial of Post-Classic Seddon, 1994, pp. 137–139). chinampa systems in the Basin of Mexico, as reported More general relationships between settlements and by Parsons et al. (1982, 1985). This observation seriously raised fields were identified in a series of raised cause- affects the way Koani Pampa and similar anthropogenic ways that led from the piedmont into the pampa (Kola- landscapes are interpreted, particularly with respect to ta, 1986, 1991). Each site in the piedmont that had been the timing of construction, use, and abandonment cycles. a major settlement in the Late Formative and Tiwanaku Field construction techniques were relatively expedi- Periods was also associated with at least one such cause- ent across the pampa. Most fields (89%) were built as way, and some sites with several. The longest led from single construction events, and only one demonstrated Lakaya to the Katari River, but it was only one of sev- an additional sub-field layer of cobbles similar to the eral that linked Lakaya to raised field segments in the elaborate fields reported from Lukurmata (Fig. 9A; Ko- pampa (Kolata, 1986, Fig. 4). Similarly, several cause- lata and Graffam, 1989). Only six fields (7%) demon- ways linked Qeyakuntu to agricultural features in the strated multiple periods of construction, and four of pampa. One descended obliquely from the edge of an these were simple enlargements (Fig. 9B). Most multi- intermittent stream (Fig. 8), indicating that in addition ple-period fields were located near the lake or in areas to transport, it served to conduct running water into of high groundwater, raising the possibility that the ear- the pampa during the rainy season. Such a construction liest fields were built near readily accessible water

Fig. 7. Proﬁle of excavation unit in CK 33, showing post-Tiwanaku occupation on top of an older raised ﬁeld bed. 420 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Fig. 8. Map of Qeyakuntu showing the origin of a major causeway that leads from the site into the Koani Pampa. sources. In one case (Trench 109-2) a piece of charcoal When grouped by context, these dates demonstrate between two sets of superimposed fields yielded a date significant patterns. First, two pairs of samples, each of AD 990 (No. OS-2538, BP 1070 ± 30). pair from a single trench context, were problematic be- To date fields we recovered diagnostic artifacts (e.g., cause they provided incompatibly divergent dates. Of ceramic sherds) as well as datable mollusk shell (Taphius the 11 fields that yielded construction/use dates, ten montanus) and organic samples from raised field contexts. (91%) of them securely date before AD 1150 within Nearly all recovered artifacts were from habitation mid- one sigma range. Of these, six dated to the Tiwanaku dens and features in post-abandonment overburden on V phase (post-AD 800). Only two fields securely dated raised field beds and swales (Seddon, 1994), and by far before AD 800 within the one sigma range and one dem- most of the diagnostic sherds we recovered from these onstrated use during both Tiwanaku IV and V. The ear- contexts represented the Pacajes and Colonial periods liest date from a field use context, AD 600–660, falls in (Seddon, 1994, p. 106). We recovered only one post-Tiwa- Tiwanaku IV. One field dates to Early Pacajes and an- naku sherd from a field use context. The abundance of other field dates to both Tiwanaku V and Early Pacajes. post-Tiwanaku sherds over raised field use-contexts indi- Considering the 14 construction/use samples alone, cates that most fields had been abandoned by that time. three centered in Tiwanaku IV, nine in Tiwanaku V, Further, radiocarbon assays were conducted on 25 and two in Early Pacajes. All but one of the Tiwanaku samples of carbon and shell recovered from 17 different V dates fall toward the end of the phase, dating to AD raised field complexes (Table 2)(Binford et al., 1997, Ta- 970–1170. Of the seven post-abandonment dates, one ble 2; Kolata and Ortloff, 1996, Table 8.1). We followed falls toward the end of the Tiwanaku V phase, while an explicit sampling protocol: we collected samples from the remaining six fall in Pacajes Period. a broad geographic range in the study area; from a wide We recovered no evidence for field construction ear- range of context types (e.g., pre-construction, construc- lier than AD 600, despite the large number of samples tion, abandonment); and in several cases from the same and the extensive area represented. This suggests that contexts to cross-check assays. Samples dating ‘‘con- raised field construction and use began on a significant struction contexts’’ were from field bed fill, those dating scale in the Tiwanaku IV phase. Apparently, most fields ‘‘use contexts’’ were from canal cleanings, and those dat- were built and farmed during the Tiwanaku V phase, ing ‘‘post-abandonment contexts’’ were from sediment particularly toward the end of that phase (AD 950– overburden or occupation features stratigraphically 1150). Assuming our sample reflects a chronology of superimposed on fields. field system construction and use, ca. 24% of fields were J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 421

Fig. 9. Three profiles of raised fields, showing two examples of expedient field construction (A, B; the second with evidence for a major reconstruction/cleaning event), and one example of superimposed raised field systems (C; note the buried swale and field bed). built and used during Tiwanaku IV, 64% during Tiwa- tlements and settlement clusters affiliated with the naku V, and 12% during Early Pacajes. The absolute Chiripa cultural complex. The small scale of settlement chronology of raised field construction, use, and aban- and the ‘‘convexity’’ of the settlement network point to donment are provocative when correlated with survey low (Johnson, 1977, 1980) or heterarchical integration and excavation results. Many Pacajes sites, and most (Crumley, 1987, 1994), and perhaps chiefly power and Pacajes ceramics from raised field contexts, were located religious prestige as integrative principles (Bandy, in post-abandonment contexts on top of earlier fields. 2001; Hastorf et al., 2001; Stanish, 1999, 2003). To date, These data indicate that many fields fell out of use dur- there is no clear evidence for a direct relationship being this period. tween these piedmont settlements and raised fields on the pampa. High proportions of quartzite hoes at Mid- dle Formative sites indicate that farming was a central Discussion: shifting settlement and land use in the element of local and regional economies (Bandy, 2001; Katari Valley Janusek and Kolata, 2003). Most likely, people were practicing agriculture both in the piedmont and pampa Synthesizing the various strands of evidence we reach zones, and we cannot discard the possibility that they several conclusions. By the Middle Formative, the Ka- built and used raised field segments on a small scale. tari Valley housed a sparse network of well-spaced set- Nevertheless, combined evidence here and on the Taraco 422 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Peninsula indicates that Middle Formative groups main- Excavations and radiocarbon dates indicate that tained a diversified economy of lacustrine resources, raised field cultivation in the valley was conducted on camelid herding, and extensive forms of agriculture a major scale during the Tiwanaku Period. They suggest (Moore et al., 1999). that raised fields were built and maintained during the During the Late Formative human settlement in- Tiwanaku IV phase, perhaps as discrete segments near creased significantly in the southern part of the Katari settlements, and then on a much greater scale during Valley and emerging settlement networks demonstrated the ensuing Tiwanaku V phase. Thus, it appears that a more hierarchical arrangement focused on Lukurmata. raised field production was initiated or at least greatly Apparently for the first time, people moved into the intensified under the stimulus of the Tiwanaku polity. pampa zone, concentrated in a substantial community In Tiwanaku IV, raised field production corresponded of small villages (the Quiripujo Mound Group) near with a well-defined settlement hierarchy in which most the Katari River. Most likely, part of the reason for this large settlements lined the edges of the pampa. Yet key settlement shift was a change in emphasis on specific cultural features were not limited to Lukurmata but productive strategies. Whatever importance the pampa were distributed among a number of important sites. had in the past, during the Late Formative it now be- In addition to Lukurmata, large and small towns such came a key productive zone. Inhabitants of the pampa as Lakaya and Qeyakuntu also had monumental plat- fished, ate camelids and small mammals, and farmed. forms. Each large site also had a series of causeways Stone hoes were extremely common, and not only were linking it to a specific segment of raised field systems they produced at local sites but site inhabitants were in the pampa. Thus, it is most likely that the task of buried with them. Farming was a central part of local building and maintaining these local field segments economic and ritual practice. Most settlements, includ- was distributed among local towns and villages. We sug- ing the large settlements of Lukurmata and Qeyakuntu, gest that each settlement planted, harvested, and directly were concentrated in the piedmont zone flanking the controlled specific field segments drawing on the labor of pampa, and they too yielded significant quantities of that community, distributing it among constituent stone hoes. Combined evidence renders it likely that household units. Nevertheless, regional settlement hier- raised fields were first built in the pampa on a relatively archy indicates that production was coordinated and small scale during this period (Janusek, 2001). Inhabit- managed through an emergent state network focused ants of all settlements, however, herded camelids and on Tiwanaku. maintained diverse diets that included guinea pig, fish, Overall, the organization of rural settlement net- and lake birds. To the extent that they were cultivated, works and production systems in Tiwanaku IV was stra- raised fields formed one part of a diversified economy tegic and incorporative more than it was direct and that included herding, fishing, and other forms of transformative. The Katari Valley had a long history agriculture. of pre-Tiwanaku occupation and was home to at least The Tiwanaku Period, characterized by the emer- one autonomous polity centered at Lukurmata during gence and consolidation of the Tiwanaku state, involved the Late Formative. Stylistic expressions indicate that both continuity and dramatic innovation. Settlement inhabitants of the valley maintained a distinct regional locations changed little from those in Late Formative, identity, most likely grounded in a periodically revital- and many patterns of previous domestic life endured ized collective memory of this history as well as enduring throughout the Tiwanaku Period. Now, however, settle- social and spatial relations grounded in political and rit- ment patterns in the southern portion of the valley ual practice. Facing such a scenario, Tiwanaku author- formed a clear multi-tiered scalar hierarchy focused on ity was of necessity indirect. Nevertheless, the ubiquity Lukurmata, an urban center with a major monumental of Tiwanaku-style ceramics, local and otherwise, indi- complex. Several other settlements in the piedmont, lo- cates that an ideology of reciprocal sociopolitical obliga- cated at regular distances from Lukurmata, became ma- tions grounded in rituals of consumption was central to jor towns and villages, each with their own monumental the creation and reproduction of Tiwanaku state cul- platforms. Overall, the range in settlement sizes was ture. In state-sponsored events of commensalism, these much greater than it had been previously or would be obligations were distributed among local groups, who again, implying that the regional political system had be- reciprocated, in part, by working in raised fields. come significantly more centralized and complex. Settle- Lukurmata, the most important local center by the ment consisted of four broad tiers, with the city of end of the Late Formative, was a politically strategic Lukurmata as a primary regional center, large towns and expedient place for a major Tiwanaku regional cen- (e.g., Lakaya) as major secondary centers, smaller towns ter. However, on the lake at the far southwest edge of (e.g., Qeyakuntu) as tertiary centers, and villages/ham- the valley, it was not optimally located to oversee a re- lets as quaternary habitations or mortuary sites. Some gional economy focused on raised field farming across small pampa sites, such as CK-65 and CK-70, main- the vast pampa to the east, but rather one balancing fish- tained specialized roles in this settlement network. ing, lacustrine trade, and farming. Lakaya, at the termi- J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 423 nus of both a trans-pampa causeway and a route to creased in size, intensity of occupation, and by inference, Tiwanaku, most likely played a more central role in importance during the V phase. Second, lithic hoes de- managing production in the Koani pampa. Thus, be- clined in overall frequency throughout the Tiwanaku tween AD 600 and 900 populations in Katari practiced period, when raised fields were most intensively built a regional political economy balancing raised field farm- and maintained. Overall, proportions of hoe production ing and other endeavors, such as fishing. Raised field and use peaked during the Late Formative, declined cultivation consisted of segments of raised fields man- during the Tiwanaku Period, and remained insignificant aged by local towns and communities. during Pacajes. What is the significance of each of these As part of an incorporative political economy, raised changes, and how does it relate to the initiation of inten- field cultivation was most likely integrated into the re- sification of raised field production in the valley? source strategies and agrarian calendar of local Katari Each pattern appears less anomalous when consid- Valley populations. Pre-Tiwanaku economies had bal- ered in relation to broader regional shifts in state devel- anced agrarian, pastoral, and lacustrine resources, and opment and political economy. Our evidence strongly a similar balance was maintained in the Tiwanaku peri- suggests that after AD 900 Tiwanaku rulers concen- od. Excavations at small sites in the Katari Valley indi- trated their economic interests on raised field agriculture cate that, even when raised fields were most intensively in the Katari Valley. Declining settlement density at the cultivated, fishing and herding continued to thrive. In once-important settlements may mark local dissatisfac- fact, because raised field cultivation would have ex- tion with increasing state control and perhaps resistance tended the length of the productive season (Kolata, to the appropriation of local productive systems, 1991, p. 108), in a given productive cycle local groups encouraging conflict and emigration. More likely, from could have tended them while at other times pursuing our perspective, population decline at Lukurmata and other resource strategies. These may have included Qeyakuntu may mark the strategic movement of local qochas, or sunken agricultural basins (Albarracıń- populations either within the region, to sites such as La- Jordan, 1996; Kolata, 1986), visible as fossil systems east kaya, or perhaps to other regions, including warm val- of Cerro Katavi. In light of settlement concentration in leys such as Moquegua. Not outside of reason is the the piedmont, it is also likely that local communities possibility that population movement was incited by continued to maintain rain-fed fields on hill tops and conflict, as a form of proto-mitmaq resettlement similar slopes (Bandy, 1999). to that instituted by Inca rulers several centuries later. In Changes in settlement patterns and productive strat- this light, evidence for extremely close genetic relation- egies in Tiwanaku V are best understood in relation to a ships between populations in the Katari and Moquegua broad inter-regional perspective. Tiwanaku V witnessed Valleys, based on analysis of non-metric traits (Blom, important changes in Tiwanaku influence in many re- 1999; Blom et al., 1998), are striking. Such data at least gions. Tiwanaku itself experienced substantial renewal, render possible a scenario in which Tiwanaku rulers as manifested in an elaborate residential complex on moved local populations, with generations of experience the Akapana (Alconini, 1995; Kolata, 1993; Manzanilla, as farmers but also with a vibrant regional identity and 1992), erection of the nearby Putuni and an attached strong ties to their landscape, to new agricultural colo- elite residential complex (Couture, 2002; Couture and nies, as an astute, imperialistic political strategy. Sampeck, 2003), and construction of specialized feast Tiwanaku authorities converted the entire Katari production complexes at the edge of the urban core (Ja- Valley into an extensive productive system in Tiwanaku nusek, 2003b). Outside of the core, regional integration V. Most likely, it is now that the Katari River was arti- and interaction with Tiwanaku intensified on the Island ficially straightened and canalized with a levee system, of the Sun (Bauer and Stanish, 2001; Seddon, 1998), and that a complex series of canals and dikes were built while in the Moquegua Valley, near the coast to the to irrigate fields and control flooding (Kolata and Ortl- west, a specialized maize production center was estab- off, 1989, 1996). It is in this phase that the Quiripujo lished at Chen Chen (Blom et al., 1998; Goldstein, Mound Group became a cluster of field guardian sites, 1989). For reasons that remain unclear, and potentially their rotating inhabitants apparently drawn from settle- in response to crisis or the ascendance of a new dynasty, ments in the piedmont. Because some large sites had de- many regions of the South-Central Andes experienced creased in size, local populations remaining in the valley major settlement shift and power realignments as state may not have been large enough to work raised field sys- rulers intensified control in strategic regions and tems at all times. They were undoubtedly large enough contexts. to manage fields most of the year, but during planting During the Tiwanaku V phase and in particular after and harvest, the agricultural ‘‘crunch time,’’ local lead- AD 900 raised field cultivation increased dramatically in ers may have brought in temporary laborers from other the Katari Valley. Significantly, evidence of productive regions, such as the nearby Tiwanaku Valley. It is at intensification appears to contradict two other patterns. these times that reserves of rotating field guardians First, major settlements, including Lukurmata, de- and laborers would have been most important. 424 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

In this light it is significant that serving ceramic tion projects demonstrate, raised fields demand intensive assemblages in Katari Valley settlements were now more digging and in dense, clayey soils that are highly dura- commonly produced for mass consumption and indicate ble. One deep stratum under much of the Koani Pampa a greater role for feasting. In Tiwanaku IV elite-spon- consists of a natural, concrete-like crystalline mineral sored rituals of consumption were a key element of the that would have rendered stone hoes inefficient as dig- state political economy. In Tiwanaku V productive ging tools (Seddon, 1994). Unlike stone hoes, wooden intensification in the region coupled with an increasing foot plows would not have shattered frequently while need for labor at specific times would have required ever building and maintaining raised field beds. Systematic more frequent and magnificent displays of ritual gener- analysis of carbonized wood from rural sites promises osity in which to distribute social obligations. Commen- to shed more light on this hypothesis. salism was increasingly critical as a foundation for state Initiating the Pacajes Period were dramatic shifts in power and intensive raised field production in the region regional settlement patterns and overall population de- (Janusek, 2004a). cline. New mortuary practices and serving assemblages A second apparent anomaly, the decreasing impor- mark a profound shift in cultural values and practices. tance of lithic hoes during the Tiwanaku Period, makes Most Tiwanaku sites continued to be occupied, but large sense in relation to overall changes in agricultural tech- settlements fragmented into a greater number of much nologies. By the Tiwanaku IV phase, lithic agricultural smaller settlements. The number of settlements in the re- tools were negligible, and they remained an unimportant gion increased significantly, due to population dispersal component of lithic assemblages thereafter. These data and an increasing emphasis on human mobility (Bandy, point to a gradual but profound shift in agricultural 2001; Janusek, 2004b). Significantly, the pampa was set- technology. We suggest that during the Tiwanaku Peri- tled on a major scale for the first time. Small sites in the od the large hyuso, or foot plow, became important as pampa lined a network of thoroughfares, and in the an agricultural digging tool (Fig. 10). Until recently, piedmont they tended to cluster around larger towns. the foot plow, in most cases made solely of durable These clusters represent the formation of historically wood and tied with cordage, served as the primary agri- documented ayllus, focused on multiple centers of social cultural digging tool throughout much of the Andes. In and ceremonial convergence, or markas (Albarracıń-Jor- the altiplano, these wooden implements have left no dan, 1996; Isbell, 1997; Janusek, 2004a). trace in the archaeological record. The hyuso most likely Some raised fields continued to be cultivated, most emerged as the most efficient tool for building and clean- likely as local systems under the authority of local ayllu ing raised field systems during the Tiwanaku period. leaders, as Erickson and Graffam argue. Yet contrary to Much more than extensive dry-field systems, rehabilita- GraffamÕs conclusions, field beds were now the favored

Fig. 10. Traditional farming tools in the region: A and B, liukana, and C, lupana, are mattocks; D is the hyuso, or foot plow. J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 425 locations of Early Pacajes settlement, indicating in rela- seen to be rigidly dichotomized and, for the case of the tion to a suite of other evidence that raised field cultiva- Katari Valley, inapplicable. Raised field agriculture al- tion was far more restricted in scope and intensity. In the ways remained firmly situated in the dynamic relations face of severe environmental and sociopolitical stress between political authorities and local communities. It post-Tiwanaku populations invested in a highly diversi- is likely that this cultivation technology was developed fied range of resource strategies in which raised fields prior to state emergence, during the Late Formative (Ja- played a more peripheral role. nusek, 2001), as one in a diversified mosaic of productive Changes in regional landscape dynamics over the long enterprises adapted the high-altitude conditions. Even so term correspond remarkably well with evidence for long now, as under Tiwanaku, raised fields were developed term environmental shifts in the Lake Titicaca basin. and maintained not by romantically egalitarian kin- Although Erickson (1999) has labeled the consideration groups, but hierarchical kin-based communities that of major environmental shifts ‘‘neo-environmental deter- inhabited multi-tiered settlement networks. Tiwanaku minism,’’ recent El Ninõ events make poignantly clear manifested a broad scale of hegemony that encompassed that environmental shifts seriously affect the lives and prior settlement networks and transformed existing pro- livelihoods of Andean people on a vast scale. Limnolog- ductive enterprises. Tiwanaku eventually transformed ical evidence (Abbott et al., 1997; Binford et al., 1997)in the Katari Valley into an integrated, state-managed accordance with results of cores taken from the Quelc- ‘‘breadbasket.’’ Yet in such a precarious and dynamic ceya ice cap by Thompson (Thompson et al., 1985; high-altitude environment, and in the face of an increas- Thompson and Moseley-Thompson, 1987) document ingly top-heavy and appropriative elite class, such con- several major lake level shifts. Lake cores indicate that ditions were inherently unstable. Following state around 800 BC, the beginning of the Middle Formative fragmentation, hierarchical ayllu communities incorpo- and classic Chiripa culture, the lake rose significantly rated raised field segments into productive regimes that, after a 300 year period of relatively low levels. Rising once again, favored a more balanced mosaic of agropas- water tables would have potentially opened up more land toral enterprises. to cultivation throughout the Katari Valley, in particular inland areas between Lakaya and Cerro Katavi. Condi- tions amenable to raised field cultivation remained in Conclusions place, for the most part, through the Late Formative and Tiwanaku Periods. Rural settlement and regional landscapes are effec- However, both lake and ice cores unanimously and tively studied employing a rigorous research design independently point to a major reduction in lake levels emphasizing historical change. A long-term perspective >17 m after AD 1100, the result of severe drought con- emphasizes the need to consider intensive agriculture ditions (Abbott et al., 1997; Binford et al., 1997; Kolata in relation to shifting sociopolitical dynamics, resource and Ortloff, 1996). This drought caused the shores of strategies, and macro-environmental changes. Com- Lake Titicaca to recede for kilometers, and local water bined surface observation, excavation results, and radio- tables to drop far below the surface. Decreasing lake lev- carbon dates demonstrate conclusively that the els effectively stranded huge tracts of raised fields and construction and use of raised field systems began on a rendered their hydraulic sustaining systems inoperable, large scale after AD 600 and declined precipitously after particularly in inland areas. Decreasing lake levels AD 1150. Evidence also suggests that forms of state would have opened the pampa to occupation on a major management and control changed significantly over scale, precisely what happened after AD 1150. The pam- time, following the historical trajectory of state consoli- pa zone shifted from a marshy landscape of intensive dation and growth. During the Tiwanaku IV phase, we productive systems to a drier landscape devoted both conclude, Tiwanaku leaders and local communities to habitation and less intensive, more diversified strate- implemented a managerial or incorporative approach gies of production. In this scenario, climate change did to the management of raised field systems in the Koani not in itself cause state collapse. Rather protracted Pampa. During the Tiwanaku V phase, Tiwanaku devel- drought conditions destroyed the viability of the large- oped transformative strategies of resource appropria- scale, integrated production managed predominantly tion, embarking on major projects of demographic and by and for state rulers, thereby inducing sociopolitical productive reorganization to transform the valley into fragmentation by aggravating pre-existing and emerging a directly controlled agricultural estate. Raised field tensions in the region. technology undoubtedly developed out of the knowl- A long-term approach exposes both the top-down edge and practices of local groups, perhaps during the and bottom-up perspectives as overly simplistic interpre- Formative Period, but it was intensified on a monumen- tations of rural settlement and intensive production in tal scale in response to the desires and needs of emergent the southern Lake Titicaca Basin. The broader frame- elite groups. Upon state disintegration and in drier con- work in which such perspectives have been defined is ditions, local corporate groups continued to cultivate 426 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 raised fields on a much-reduced scale, as part of a more Lake Titicaca, Bolivia-Peru. Quaternary Research 47, 169– diversified subsistence strategy. 180. Intensive agriculture in the Katari Valley was neither Abercrombie, T., 1986. The politics of sacrifice: an aymara invented by the state nor solely controlled by ruling cosmology in action, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni- elites. Intensive farming had a long and diverse history versity of Chicago. Abercrombie, T.A., 1998. Pathways of Memory and Power: in the Lake Titicaca Basin, one with organizational com- Ethnography and History Among an Andean People. plexities, historical turns, and perhaps regional varia- University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. tions that remain unclear. Nevertheless, our Adams, R.E.W., 1983. Ancient land use and culture history in conclusions confirm BenderÕs (1999, p. 632) suspicion the Pasioń River Region. In: Vogt, E.Z., Leventhal, R.M. that some theorists, ‘‘in creating a bottom up picture (Eds.), Prehistoric Settlement Patterns: Essays in Honor of and emphasizing the voices and work of local lake-side Gordon R. Willey. University of New Mexico Press, inhabitants that usually go unheard... [sidestep] the is- Albuquerque, pp. 319–336. sue of changing political and social relations and percep- Albarracıń-Jordan, J.V., 1996. Tiwanaku: Arqueologıá Regional tions associated with periods of state formation and y Dina´mica Segmentaria. Plural Editores, La Paz, Bolivia. ´ urbanization.’’ Inhabitants of local communities in the Albarracın-Jordan, J.V., Mathews, J.E., 1990Asentamientos prehispańicos del valle de Tiwanaku, vol. 1. Producciones Katari basin were dynamic players in shifting political CIMA, La Paz, Bolivia. dynamics and the organization of regional landscapes Alconini M.S., 1995. Rito, sı´mbolo e historia en la pira´mide de such as the Katari Valley. Yet as Friedman (1994) notes, Akapana, Tiwanaku: Un ana´lisis de cera´mica ceremonial by participating in encompassing social and political prehispańica, Editorial Accioń, La Paz, Bolivia. fields, local societies and productive regimes were trans- Ashmore, W., Bernard, A.K. (Eds.), 1999. Archaeologies of formed. As Bloch (1966, p. 235) remarked of turbulent Landscape: Contemporary Perspectives. Blackwell Publish- 18th century French rural history, ‘‘If all the nuances ers, New York. are to be appreciated...it needs constantly to be related Bandy, M.S., 1999. The Montıćulo Excavations. In: Hastorf, to the course of... political revolution’’. C.A. (Ed.), Early Settlement at Chiripa, Bolivia: Research Rural settlement and agrarian production are fully of the Taraco Archaeological Project. University of Cali- fornia Archaeological Research Facility, Berkeley, pp. 43– understood only when keyed to such sociopolitical 50. changes. Rural practices in the Katari Valley were tena- Bandy, M.S., 2001. Population and history in the ancient cious, and ancient farmers responded creatively to Titicaca Basin, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University changing environmental conditions. Still, they never of California at Berkeley. operated in a political or environmental vacuum. Tradi- Bauer, B.S., Stanish, C., 2001. Ritual and Pilgrimage in the tional practices and local societies both shaped and were Ancient Andes. University of Texas, Austin. transfigured by regional processes of state formation, Bender, B., 1993. Landscape: Politics and Perspective. Berg consolidation, and disintegration. Of necessity, rural set- Publishers, Oxford. tlement, farming strategies, and agricultural landscapes Bender, B., 1999. Introductory comments. Antiquity 73, 632– were in mutual interaction and continual flux. 634. Bermann, M., 1997. Domestic life and vertical integration in the Tiwanaku Heartland. Latin American Antiquity 8 (2), 93– 112. Acknowledgments Bermann, M., 1994. Lukurmata: Household Archaeology in Prehispanic Bolivia. Princeton University Press, Princeton, We acknowledge grants provided by the National NJ. Science Foundation and the National Oceanic and Biesboer, D.B., 1999. Nitrogen fixation in soils and canals of Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) of the U.S. rehabilitated raised-fields of the Bolivian Altiplano. Biotro- Department of Commerce (to Alan Kolata and Michael pica 31 (2), 255–267. Binford). We thank the following individuals for their Binford, M.W., Kolata, A.L., 1996. The natural and human invaluable contribution to the research: Oswaldo Riv- setting. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and its Hinter- land: Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Andean civiliza- era, Cesar Calisaya, Felipe ‘‘Papi’’ Choque, Matthew tion, vol. I. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, Seddon, Deborah Blom, Joanne Harrison Isabel Ander- pp. 23–56. ton, Santiago Morales, and J. Joaquıń Narvaéz; as well Binford, M.W., Brenner, M., Leyden, B.W., 1996. Paleoecology as Matt Bandy and Clark Erickson for helping us devel- and Tiwanaku agroecosystems. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), op and sharpen our argument. Tiwanaku and its Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecol- ogy of an Andean Civilization, vol. I. Smithsonian Institu- tion Press, Washington DC, pp. 89–108. References Binford, M.W., Kolata, A.L., Brenner, M., Janusek, J.W., Seddon, M.T., Abbott, M., Curtis, J.H., 1997. Climate Abbott, M., Binford, M.W., Brenner, M., Kelts, K., 1997. A variation and the rise and fall of an andean civilization. 4500 14C yr high-resolution record of water-level changes in Quaternary Research 47, 235–248. J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 427

Bloch, M., 1966. French Rural History: An essay on its Basic Crumley, C. (Ed.), 1994. Historical Ecology: Cultural Knowl- Characteristics (Janet Sondheimer, Trans.). University of edge and Changing Landscapes. School of American California Press, Berkeley. Research Press, Santa Fe, NM. Blom, D.E., 1999. Tiwanaku regional interaction and social Crumley, C. (Ed.), 2001. New Directions in Anthropology and identity: a bioarchaeological approach, unpublished Ph.D. Environment: Intersections. Altamira Press, Santa Fe NM. dissertation, University of Chicago. DÕAltroy, T.N., 1992. Provincial Power in the Inka Empire. Blom, D.E., Hallgrı´msson, B., Keng, L., Marıá, C., Lozada, C., Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, DC. Buikstra, J.E., 1998. Tiwanaku ÔcolonizationÕ: bioarchaeo- Denevan, W.M., 1970. Aboriginal drained-field cultivation in logical implications for migration in the Moquegua Valley, the Americas. Science 169, 647–654. Peru. World Archaeology 30 (20), 238–261. Denevan, W.M., Turner II, B.L., 1974. Forms, functions and Bradley, R., 1998. The Significance of Monuments: On the associations of raised fields in the old world tropics. Journal Shaping of Human Experience in Neolithic and Bronze Age of Tropical Geography 39, 24–33. Europe. Routledge Press, London. Erickson, C.L., 1985. Applications of prehistoric Andean Browman, D.L., 1978. The temple of Chiripa (Lake Titicaca, Technology: experiments in raised field agriculture, Huatta, Bolivia). In: Matos, R. (Ed.), El Hombre y la Cultura Lake Titicaca: 1981–1982. In: Farrington, I.S. (Ed.), Andina. Tercer Congreso Peruano del Hombre y la Cultura Prehistoric Intensive Agriculture in the Tropics. British Andina, Lima, pp. 807–813. Archaeological Reports, Oxford, pp. 209–232. Browman, D.L., 1980. Tiwanaku expansion and altiplano Erickson, C.L., 1987. The dating of raised-field agriculture in economic patterns. Estudios Arqueolo´gicos (Antofagasta) the Lake Titicaca Basin, Peru. In: Denevan, W., Mathew- 5, 107–120. son, K., Knapp, G. (Eds.), Pre-Hispanic Agricultural Fields Browman, D.L., 1997. Political institutional factors contribut- in the Andean Region. British Archaeological Reports, ing to the integration of the Tiwanaku State. In: Manza- Oxford, UK, pp. 373–384. nilla, L. (Ed.), Emergence and Change in Early Urban Erickson, C.L., 1988. An archaeological investigation of raised Societies. Plenum Press, New York, pp. 229–244. field agriculture in the Lake Titicaca Basin of Peru, Brumfiel, E.M., 1994. Ethnic groups and political development in unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois at Ancient Mexico. In: Brumfiel, E.M., Fox, J.W. (Eds.), Urbana-Champaign. Factional Competition and Political Development in the Erickson, C.L., 1992. Prehistoric landscape management in the New World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. Andean Highlands: raised field agriculture and its environ- 89–102. mental impact. Population and Environment 13 (4), 285– Burkholder, J.E., 1997. Tiwanaku and the Anatomy of Time, 300. unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New Erickson, C.L., 1993. The social organization of prehispanic York, Binghamton. raised field agriculture in the lake Titicaca basin. In: Carney, H.J., Binford, M.W., Kolata, A.L., Marin, R.R., Scarborough, V.L., Isaac, B.L. (Eds.), Economic Aspects Goldman, C.R., 1993. Nutrient and sediment retention in of Water Management in the Prehispanic New World. JAI andean raised-field agriculture. Nature 364, 133. Press, Greenwich, pp. 369–426. Carney, H.J., Binford, M.W., Kolata, A.L., 1996. Nutrient Erickson, C.L., 1999. Neo-environmental determinism and fluxes and retention in andean raised-field agriculture: Agrarian ÕcollapseÕ in andean prehistory. Antiquity 73, implications for long-term sustainability. In: Kolata, 634–642. A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Hinterland: Archaeology Fischer, C.T., Pollard, H.P., Frederick, C., 1999. Intensive and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. 1. agriculture and socio-political development in the Lake Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 169– Pa´tzcuaro Basin, Michoacań, Mexico. Antiquity 73, 642–649. 180. Flannery, K.V. (Ed.), 1976. The Early Mesoamerican Village. Chambers, R., 1980. Basic concepts in the organization of Academic Press, New York. irrigation. In: Coward, J.W.E. (Ed.), Irrigation and Friedman, J., 1994. Cultural Identity and Global Process. Sage Agricultural Development in Asia; Perspectives from the Publications, London. Social Sciences. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, pp. 28– Gallagher, J.R., Boszhardt, R.S., Stevenson, K., 1985. Oneota 50. ridged field agriculture in Southwestern Wisconsin. Amer- Cha´vez, K.L.M., 1988. The significance of Chiripa in Lake ican Antiquity 50, 605–612. Titicaca basin developments. Expedition 30, 17–26. Gartner, W.G., 1999. Late woodland landscapes of Wisconsin: Couture, N.C., 2002. The construction of power: monumental ridged fields, Effigy mounds, and territoriality. Antiquity 73, space and elite residence at Tiwanaku, Bolivia, unpublished 671–683. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago. Goldstein, P.S., 1989. Omo, a Tiwanaku provincial center in Couture, N.C., Sampeck, K., 2003. Putuni: a history of palace Moquegua, Peru, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Univer- architecture in Tiwanaku. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku sity of Chicago. and its Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Graffam, G.C., 1990. Raised fields without bureaucracy: an Andean Civilization, vol. II. Smithsonian Institution Press, archaeological examination of intensive wetland cultivation Washington DC, pp. 226–263. in the Pampa Koani Zone, Lake Titicaca, Bolivia, unpub- Crumley, C., 1987. A dialectical critique of hierarchy. In: lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto. Patterson, T.C., Gailey, C.W. (Eds.), Power Relations and Graffam, G.C., 1992. Beyond state collapse: rural history, State Formation. American Anthropological Association, raised fields, and pastoralism in the South Andes. American Washington DC, pp. 155–159. Anthropologist 94 (4), 882–904. 428 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Hassig, R., 1985. Trade, tribute, and transportation: the Kirch, P.V., Hunt, T.L. (Eds.), 1997. Historical Ecology in the sixteenth century political economy of the valley of mexico. Pacific Islands: Prehistoric Environmental and Landscape University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK. Change. Yale University Press, New Haven. Hastorf, C.A. (Ed.), 1999a. Early Settlement at Chiripa, Knapp, G., Ryder, R., 1983. Aspects of the origin, morphology Bolivia: Research of the taraco archaeological project. and function of ridged fields in the Quito Altiplano, University of California Archaeological Research Facility, Ecuador. In: Darch, J. (Ed.), Drained Field Agriculture in Berkeley. Central and South America. British Archaeological Hastorf, C.A., 1999b. An introduction to chiripa and the site Reports, Oxford, pp. 201–221. area. In: Hastorf, C.A. (Ed.), Early Settlement at Chiripa Kolata, A.L., 1983. The South Andes. In: Jennings, J.D. (Ed.), Bolivia: Research of the Taraco Archaeological Project. Ancient South Americans. W.H. Freeman and Company, University of California Archaeological Research Facility, San Francisco, CA, pp. 241–286. Berkeley, pp. 1–6. Kolata, A.L., 1985. El Papel de la Agricultura Intensiva en la Hastorf, C.A., Bandy, M.S., Whitehead, W.T., Steadman, L., Economıá Polı´tica del Estado Tiwanaku. Dia´logo Andino 4, 2001. El Periodo Formativo en Chiripa, Bolivia. Textos 11–38. Antropolo´gicos 13 (1–2), 17–92. Kolata, A.L., 1986. The agricultural foundations of the Isbell, W.H., 1997. Mummies and Mortuary Monuments: A Tiwanaku State: a view from the Heartland. American Postprocessual Prehistory of Central Andean Social Orga- Antiquity 51, 746–762. nization. University of Texas press, Austin. Kolata, A.L., 1989. Introduccıón: objectivos y estrategias de la Janusek, J.W., 1999. Craft and local power: Embedded investigacıón. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Arqueologıáde specialization in Tiwanaku cities. Latin American Antiquity Lukurmata. Instituto Nacional de Arqueologia y Ediciones 10 (2), 107–131. Puma Punku, vol. 2. La Paz, Bolivia, pp. 13–40. Janusek, J.W., 2001. Asentamiento rural y campose elevados de Kolata, A.L., 1991. The technology and organization of cultivo en el Valle del Rio Katari durante el Periodo agricultural production in the Tiwanaku State. Latin Formativo Tardio. Textos Antropologicos 13 (1–2), 111–134. American Antiquity 2 (2), 99–125. Janusek, J.W., 2002. Out of many, one: style and social Kolata, A.L., 1993. Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean Civili- boundaries in Tiwanaku. Latin American Antiquity 13 (1), zation. Blackwell, Cambridge. 35–61. Kolata, A.L., 1996a. Proyecto Wila Jawira: an introduction to Janusek, J.W., 2003a. Vessels, time, and society: toward a the history, problems, and strategies of research. In: Kolata, chronology of ceramic style in the Tiwanaku Heartland. In: A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Hinterland: Archaeology and Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and its Hinterland: Archae- Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. 1. Smithsonian ology and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. II. Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 1–22. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 30–92. Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), 1996b. Tiwanaku and its Hinterland: Janusek, J.W., 2003b. The changing face of Tiwanaku residen- Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization. tial life: state and social identity in an Andean City. In: Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC. Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Hinterland: Archae- Kolata, A.L., 2003. The social production of Tiwanaku: political ology and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. II. economy and authority in a Native Andean State. In: Kolata, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 264– L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Hinterland: Archaeology and 295. Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. 2. Smithsonian Janusek, J.W., Kolata, A.L., 2003. Prehispanic rural history in Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 175–201. the Katari Valley. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Kolata, A.L., Graffam, G.C., 1989. Los campos elevados de Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecology of an Andean Lukurmata, Bolivia. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Arqueologıáde Civilization, vol. II. Smithsonian Institution Press, Wash- Lukurmata, vol. 2. Instituto Nacional de Arqueologıá and ington DC, pp. 129–172. Ediciones Puma Punku, La Paz, Bolivia, pp. 173–212. Janusek, J.W., 2004a. Identity and power in the Ancient Andes: Kolata, A.L., Ortloff, C.R., 1989. Thermal analysis of raised Tiwanaku and Lukurmata. Routledge, London. field systems in the Lake Titicaca Basin of Bolivia. Journal Janusek, J.W., 2004b. Collapse as cultural revolution: power of Archaeological Science 16, 233–263. and identity in the Tiwanaku to Pacajes transition, in: Kolata, A.L., Ortloff, C.R., 1996. Tiwanaku raised-field agri- Conlee, C.A., Ogburn, D., Vaughn, K.(Eds.), Foundations culture in the Lake Titicaca Basin of Bolivia. In: Kolata, of Power in the Prehispanic Andes. American Anthropo- A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Hinterland: Archaeology and logical Association, Arlington, VA (in press). Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. 1. Smithsonian Johnson, G.A., 1977. Aspects of regional analysis in Archae- Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 109–152. ology. Annual Reviews in Anthropology 6, 479–508. Kolata, A., Oswaldo, R.S., Ramirez, J.C., Gemio, E., 1996. Johnson, G.A., 1980. Rank-size convexity and system integra- Rehabilitating raised-field agriculture in the Southern Lake tion: a view from Archaeology. Economic Geography 56 Titicaca Basin of Bolivia: theory, practice, and results. In: (3), 234–247. Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwanaku and Its Hinterland: Archaeol- Joyce, A.A., Weller, E.T., 2005. Commoner rituals, resistance, ogy and Paleoecology of an Andean Civilization, vol. 1. and the Classic-to-Postclassic transition. In: Gonlin, N., Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, pp. 203–230. Lohse, J.C. (Eds.), Commoner Ritual, Commoner Ideology: Lennon, T.K., 1983. Pattern analysis of prehispanic raised fields Evidence from Households and beyond across Ancient of Lake Titicaca, Peru. In: Darch, J. (Ed.), Drained Field Mesoamerica, University Press of Colorado, Boulder, in Agriculture in Central and South America. British Archae- press. ological Reports, Oxford, pp. 183–200. J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430 429

Lippard, L.R., 1997. The Lure of the Local: Senses of Place in a Ponce, S.C., 1981. Tiwanaku: Espacio, tiempo, Cultura: Ensayo Multi-centered Society. New York Press, New York. de sıńtesis arqueolo´gica. Los Amigos del Libro, La Paz, Manzanilla, L., 1992. Akapana: Una pira´mide en el centro del Bolivia. mundo. Universidad Nacional Autońoma de Me´xico, Rasnake, R.N., 1988. Domination and Cultural resistance: Instituto de Investigaciones Antropolo´gicas, Mexico City. Authority and Power among Andean People. Duke Uni- Matheny, R., 1976. Maya lowland hydraulic systems. Science versity Press, Durham. 193 (4254), 639–646. Riley, T.J., Freimuth, G., 1979. Field systems and frost Mathews, J.E., 1992. Prehispanic settlement and agriculture in drainage in the prehistoric agriculture of the Upper Great the Middle Tiwanaku Valley, Bolivia, unpublished Ph.D. Lakes. American Antiquity 44, 271–285. dissertation, University of Chicago. Sanchez de Lozada, D., 1996. Heat and Moisture Dynamics in Moore, K.M., Steadman, D., DeFrance, S., 1999. Herds, fish, Raised Fields of the Lake Titicaca Region, Bolivia, unpub- and fowl in the domestic and ritual economy of formative lished Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, Ithaca. Chiripa. In: Hastorf, C.A. (Ed.), Early Settlement at Seddon, M.T., 1994. Excavations in the raised fields of the Rıó Chiripa, Bolivia: Research of the Taraco Archaeological Catari Sub-Basin, Bolivia, unpublished M.A. Thesis, Uni- Project. University of California Archaeological Research versity of Chicago. Facility, Berkeley, pp. 105–116. Seddon, M.T., 1998. Ritual, power, and the development of a Moseley, M.E., 1992. The Incas and Their Ancestors. Thames complex society, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of and Hudson, New York. Chicago. Murra, J.V., 1972. El control vertical de un ma´ximo de pisos Smith, C.T., Denevan, W.M., Hamilton, P., 1968. Ancient ecolo´gicos en la economıá de las sociedades andinas. In: ridged fields in the region of Lake Titicaca. The Geograph- Murra, J.V. (Ed.), Visita de la Provincia de Leońde ical Journal 134, 353–367. Huańuco en 1562. Universidad Nacional Hermilio Val- Stanish, C., 1994. The hydraulic hypothesis revisited: Lake dizań, Huańuco, pp. 429–476. Titicaca Basin raised fields in theoretical perspective. Latin Nielson, A.E., 2001. Ethnoarchaeological perspectives on cara- American Antiquity 5 (4), 312–332. van trade in the South-Central Andes. In: Kuznar, L.A. (Ed.), Stanish, C., 1999. Settlement pattern shifts and political ranking Ethnoarchaeology of Andean South America. International in the Lake Titicaca Basin, Peru. In: Billman, B.R., Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor, pp. 163–201. Feinman, G.M. (Eds.), Settlement Pattern Studies in the Nuń˜ez A., Lautaro, Dillehay, T.C., 1995. [1979] Movilidad Americas. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington DC, giratoria, armonıá social y desarrollo en los Andes merid- pp. 116–128. ionales: Patrones de tra´fico e interaccioń econo´mica. Uni- Stanish, C., 2003. Ancient Titicaca: The Evolution of Social versidad Cato´lica del Norte, Antofagasta. Complexity in Southern Peru and Northern Bolivia. Uni- Ortloff, C.R., 1996. Engineering aspects of Tiwanaku ground- versity of California Press, Los Angeles. water-controlled agriculture. In: Kolata, A.L. (Ed.), Tiwa- Steadman, L., 1999. The ceramics. In: Hastorf, C.A. (Ed.), naku and Its Hinterland: Archaeology and Paleoecology of Early Settlement at Chiripa, Bolivia: Research of the Taraco an Andean Civilization, vol. I. Smithsonian Institution Archaeological Project. University of California Archaeo- Press, Washington DC, pp. 153–168. logical Research Facility, Berkeley, pp. 61–72. Ortloff, C.R., Kolata, A.L., 1989. Hydraulic analysis of Steadman, L.H., 1995. Excavations at Camata: an early Tiwanaku aqueduct structures at Lukurmata and Pajchiri, ceramic chronology for the Western Titicaca Basin, Peru, Bolivia. Journal of Archaeological Sciences 16, 513–535. unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Parsons, J.R., 1972. Archaeological settlement patterns. Annual Berkeley. Review of Anthropology 1, 127–150. Thompson, L.G., Moseley-Thompson, E., Bolzan, J.F., Koci, Parsons, J.R., Parsons, M., Popper, V., Taft, M., 1982. Late B.R., 1985. A 1500-year record of tropical precipitation in Prehistoric Chinampa Agriculture on Lake Chalco-Xochi- ice cores from the Quelccaya Ice Cap, Peru. Science 229, milco, Mexico. Report submitted to the National Science 971–973. Foundation and the Instituto Nacional de Anthropologia e Thompson, L.G., Moseley-Thompson, E., 1987. Evidence of Historia, Mexico City. abrupt climatic change during the last 1500 years recorded Parsons, J.R., Parsons, M., Popper, V., Taft, M., 1985. in ice cores from the Tropical Quelccaya Ice Cap, Peru. In: Chinampa agriculture and Aztec urbanization in the Valley Berger, H., Labeyrie, L.D. (Eds.), Abrupt Climatic Change: of Mexico. In: Farrington, I.S. (Ed.), Prehistoric Intensive Evidence and Implications. Reidel Publishing Company, pp. Agriculture in the Tropics. British Archaeological Reports, 99–110. Oxford, pp. 49–96. Thurston, T., 1999. The knowable, the doable, and the Pauketat, T.R., 2000. The tragedy of the commoners. In: undiscussed: tradition, submission, and the ÕbecomingÕ of Dobres, M.-A., Robb, J. (Eds.), Agency in Archaeology. rural landscapes in DenmarkÕs Iron Age. Antiquity 73, 661– Routledge, London, pp. 123–139. 671. Platt, T., 1987. Entre chÕaxwa y muxsa: Para una historia del Tilley, C., 1994. A Phenomenology of Landscape: Places, paths, pensamiento polı´tico Aymara. In: Bouysse-Cassagne, O.H., and Monuments. Berg Publishers, Oxford. Platt, T., Careceda, V. (Eds.), Tres reflexiones sobre el Turner II, B.L., Denevan, W.M., 1985. Prehistoric manipula- pensamiento Andino. Hisbol, La Paz, pp. 61–132. tion of Wetlands in the Americas: a raised field perspective. Ponce, S.C., 1970. Las Culturas Wankarani y Chiripa y su In: Farrington, I.S. (Ed.), Prehistoric Agriculture in relacioń con Tiwanaku. Academia Nacional de Ciencias de the Tropics. British Archaeological Reports, Oxford, pp. Bolivia, La Paz, Bolivia. 11–30. 430 J.W. Janusek, A.L. Kolata / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 404–430

Vranich, A., 1999. Interpreting the meaning of ritual spaces: the Winterhalder, B.P., Thomas, R.B., 1978. Geoecology of South temple complex of Pumapunku, Tiwanaku, Bolivia, unpub- Highland Peru: A Human Adaptation Perspective. Univer- lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. sity of Colorado, Institute of Arctic and Alpine Research, Whitehead, W.T., 1999. Radiocarbon dating. In: Hastorf, C.A. Boulder. (Ed.), Early Settlement at Chiripa, Bolivia: Research of the Wise, K., 1993. Late intermediate period architecture of Lukur- Taraco Archaeological Project. University of California mata. In: Aldenderfer, M.S. (Ed.), Domestic Architecture, Archaeological Research Facility, Berkeley, pp. 17–22. Ethnicity, and Complementarity in the South-Central Andes. Willey, G.R., 1953. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Viru´ University of Iowa Press, Iowa City, pp. 103–113. Valley, Peru. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington Wittfogel, K., 1957. Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study DC. of Total Power. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.