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Abbreviations
AbbreviAtions ABI Associazione Bancaria Italiana (Italian Banking Association) ALD Autonomie Liberté Démocratie (Autonomy Liberty Democracy) ALDE Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe AN Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) ANCI Associazione Nazionale Comuni Italiani (National Association of Italian Municipalities) ANM Associazione Nazionale Magistrati (National Magistrates Association) BdI Banca d’Italia (Bank of Italy) BMPS Banca Monte dei Paschi di Siena CD Centro Democratico—Diritti e Libertà (Democratic Center—Rights and Freedom) CGIL Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (Italian General Confederation of Labor) CIR Compagnie Industriali Riunite (an Italian holding company) CISE Centro Italiano Studi Elettorali (Italian Center for Electoral Studies) CISL Confederazione Italiana Sindicati dei Lavoratori (Italian Confederation of Workers’ Trade Unions) CISR Comitato Interministeriale per la Sicurezza della Repubblica (Committee for the Security of the Republic) CLN Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale (National Liberation Committee) CN Centrodestra Nazionale (National Center-Right) COPASIR Comitato Parlamentare di Controllo per i Servizi di Informazione e Sicurezza e per il Segreto di Stato Italian Politics: Still Waiting for the Transformation 29 (2014): vii–ix © Berghahn Books doi:10.3167/ip.2014.290101 viii Abbreviations (Parliamentary Committee for the Intelligence and Security Services and for State Secret Control) CSD Consiglio Supremo di Difesa (Supreme Council of Defense) CSM Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura -
How to Cite Complete Issue More Information About This Article
Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais ISSN: 1519-6089 ISSN: 1984-7289 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul Vannucci, Alberto Systemic corruption and disorganized anticorruption in Italy: governance, politicization, and electoral accountability Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais, vol. 20, no. 3, 2020, September-December, pp. 408-424 Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul DOI: https://doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37877 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=74266204008 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative OPEN ACCESS CIVITAS Revista de Ciências Sociais Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Sociais Civitas 20 (3): 408-424, set.-dez. 2020 e-ISSN: 1984-7289 ISSN-L: 1519-6089 http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37877 DOSSIER: FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION: STATE OF THE ART AND ANALYSIS PERSPECTIVES Systemic corruption and disorganized anticorruption in Italy: governance, politicization, and electoral accountability Corrupção sistêmica e anticorrupção desorganizada na Itália: governança, politização e accountability eleitoral Corrupción sistémica y anticorrupción desorganizada en Italia: gobernanza, politización y accountability electoral Alberto Vannucci1 Abstract: This paper provides, trough different indicators, empirical evidence on the orcid.org/0000-0003-0434-1323 presumably high relevance of corruption in Italian politics and administration, providing [email protected] an explanation of how this “obscure” side of Italian politics – a pervasive market for corrupt exchanges – has found its way to regulate its hidden activities within an informal institutional framework, i.e. -
Vertreter Aus Südtirol in Rom Und in Europa 154 Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 Vertreter Aus Südtirol in Rom Und in Europa
Vertreter aus Südtirol in Rom und in Europa 154 Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 Vertreter aus Südtirol in Rom und in Europa Parlamentswahlen und Parlamentarier Parlamentswahlen am 18.4.1948 Kammer: Parteien Stimmen % SVP 107.059 62,70 DC 37.392 21,80 Volksfront 13.218 7,70 Vereinigte Sozialisten 10.262 5,90 Blocco Naz. 3.263 1,90 Insgesamt 171.149 100% Senat: Wahlkreis Bozen Wahlkreis Brixen Parteien Stimmen % Parteien Stimmen % SVP 36.378 48,90 SVP 58.852 82,55 DC 21.512 28,92 DC 8.802 12,34 PRI 4.065 5,46 PRI 1.754 2,46 Blocco Naz. 3.553 4,78 Social- Social- comunisti 8.889 11,95 comunisti 1.890 2,65 Abkürzungen: SVP = Südtiroler Volkspartei; DC = Democrazia Cristiana; PRI = Partito Repubblicano Italiano. Kammerabgeordnete der Provinz Bozen 1948-53: Otto von Guggenberg (SVP), Friedl Volgger (SVP), Toni Ebner (SVP), Angelo Facchin (DC); Senatoren: Karl von Braitenberg (SVP), Josef Raffeiner (SVP). Das Südtirol-Handbuch 2017 155 Parlamentswahlen am 7.6.1953 Kammer: Parteien Stimmen % SVP 118.394 60,06 DC 34.720 17,61 PSI 11.510 5,84 MSI 9.141 4,64 PCI 8.025 4,07 PSDI 6.286 3,19 PNM 4.764 2,42 U. Soc. Ind. 1.856 0,94 PLI 1.036 0,53 PRI 646 0,33 PPTT 393 0,20 Unitá Popol. 340 0,17 Insgesamt 197.111 100% Senat: Wahlkreis Bozen Wahlkreis Brixen Parteien Stimmen % Parteien Stimmen % SVP 40.591 45,53 SVP 66.548 83,78 DC 20.967 23,52 PSI 13.604 15,26 DC 10.420 13,12 MSI 6.100 6,84 PSDI 4.639 5,20 PNM 3.244 3,64 PCI 2.459 3,10 Insgesamt 89.145 100% Insgesamt 79.427 100% Abkürzungen: PSI = Partito Socialista Italiano; PSDI = Partito Socialista Democra- tico Italiano; MSI = Movimento Sociale Italiano; PCI = Partito Comunista Italiano; PLI = Partito Liberale Italiano; PNM = Partito Nazionale Monarchico; Soc. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
The World's Modern Autonomy Systems
2 The concepT of poliTical auTonomy Thomas Benedikter The World‘s Modern Autonomy Systems Concepts and Experiences of Regional Territorial Autonomy 1 The World’s Modern Autonomy Systems Institute of Minority Rights Concepts and Experiences of Regional Territorial EURAC Research Autonomy Viale Druso/Drususallee 1 I – 39100 Bolzano/Bozen Bozen/Bolzano, 2009 Email: [email protected] This study was written for the European Academy of A second version of this work is available in German Bolzano/Bozen (EURAC; www.eurac.edu), Institute for language: Minority Rights, in the frame of the project Europe- Thomas Benedikter South Asia Exchange on Supranational (Regional) Autonomien der Welt – Eine Einführung in die Policies and Instruments for the Promotion of Human Regionalautonomien der Welt mit vergleichender Rights and the Management of Minority Issues Analyse, ATHESIA, Bozen 2007 (EURASIA-Net) (FP7). ISBN 978-88-8266-479-4 www.athesiabuch.it The first edition of this publication has been released [email protected] in India in 2007 under the title „The World‘s Working Regional Autonomies“ by ANTHEM PRESS, www. This work is dedicated to my father, Alfons Benedikter anthempress.com (born in 1918), who for most of his life gave his all for C-49 Kalkaji, New Delhi 110019, India autonomy and self-determination in South Tyrol. 75-76 Blackfriars Road, London SE1 8HA, UK or PO Box 9779, London SW19 7ZG, UK 244 Madison Ave. #116, New York, NY 10016, USA Edited by Copyright © EURAC 2009 This edition is published in collaboration with the Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group GC 45, Sector 3, Salt Lake, Kolkata-700106, India. -
Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3. -
Italyˇs (Definitely Complicated) Election
FEB Market Update 2018 Italy’s (Definitely Complicated) Election Giuseppe Ricotta, CFA, FRM, Senior Vice President, Portfolio Manager/Analyst Guillaume Samama, CFA, Vice President, Research Analyst Italy’s political future was thrown into doubt a little over a year ago after the then-Prime Minister Matteo Renzi resigned following the electorate’s rejection of the constitutional reforms he had championed (for details see our Lazard Market Update, Comments on the Italian Referendum Result). We believe the referendum was a missed opportunity for positive reforms and that the next general election, scheduled for 4 March this year, could be pivotal for the country’s direction. In this paper, we discuss the election, the new electoral system, the potential for a hung parliament populism and other risks, and potential election scenarios. We use scenario analysis, conducted by our Multi-Asset team, to gauge the possible market reactions and economic implications for investors. A Missed Opportunity From 2014 to 2016, under the leadership of the centre-left Democratic Party (PD) and Prime Minister Renzi, Italy’s budget deficit remained well below the European Union’s (EU) headline target of 3.0% of GDP, and the labour market and banking sector underwent a series of transformations. The constitutional reform, to which Renzi staked his political future, represented an opportunity to drive reform efforts forward. The proposed constitutional reforms of 2016 would likely have made it easier and faster to pass new laws, as it would have lessened the Senate’s law-making powers and introduced several new paths to enact laws. We regarded these reforms as potentially transformational and, in our view, they would have been a positive step for Italy, in contrast with the present situation in which the Lower House (or Chamber of Deputies) and the Senate—which together comprise Italy’s parliament—have equal voting powers. -
Italy Health System Review
Health Systems in Transition Vol. 11 No. 6 2009 Italy Health system review Alessandra Lo Scalzo • Andrea Donatini Letizia Orzella • Americo Cicchetti Silvia Profili • Anna Maresso Anna Maresso (Editor) and Elias Mossialos (Series editor) were responsible for this HiT profile Editorial Board Editor in chief Elias Mossialos, London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom Series editors Reinhard Busse, Berlin University of Technology, Germany Josep Figueras, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Martin McKee, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, United Kingdom Richard Saltman, Emory University, United States Editorial team Sara Allin, University of Toronto, Canada Matthew Gaskins, Berlin University of Technology, Germany Cristina Hernández-Quevedo, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Anna Maresso, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies David McDaid, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Sherry Merkur, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Philipa Mladovsky, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Bernd Rechel, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Erica Richardson, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Sarah Thomson, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Ewout van Ginneken, Berlin University of Technology, Germany International advisory board Tit Albreht, Institute of Public Health, Slovenia Carlos Alvarez-Dardet Díaz, University of Alicante, Spain Rifat Atun, Global Fund, Switzerland Johan -
Does the Five Star Movement Deviate from Its 'Democratic Formula'?
Innovative Politics: Does The Five Star Movement Deviate from its ‘Democratic Formula’? Anna Grazia Napoletano S4609301 16 November 2017 Comparative Politics Master thesis Supervisor: Dr. Maurits J. Meijers Nijmegen School of Management Radboud University Nijmegen Word count. 33, 759 Table of Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………. 3 1.1 Innovative politics: from a minimalist concept of democracy to a complex one……….. 8 1.2 Innovative politics: Pirate Party, Geenpeil and the Five Star Movement……………….. 12 2.The Five Star Movement: History and organization……………………………………... 15 2.1 Italian political context:……………………………………………………………… 15 2.2 From a website to a Movement: The Five Star Movement’s embryo stage………….. 18 2.2.1 Anti-media………………………………………………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Meetup……………………………………………………………………………… 21 2.3 From a Movement to a party…………………………………………………………. 24 2.3.1 Current structure……………………………………………………………………… 27 2.3.2 The Five Star Movement manifesto and its system of checks and balances…………. 28 2.3.3 Staff…………………………………………………………………………………… 30 2.3.4 Financing……………………………………………………………………………… 30 3. Divergence from the Five Star Movement’s Democratic Formula………………………. 31 3.1 The FiveStar Movement democratic formula: direct-participatory, transparent and deliberative………………………………………………………………….. 31 3.2 Direct and Participatory Democracy……………………………………………………. 32 3.3 Transparent Democracy…………………………………………………………………. 35 3.4 Deliberative Democracy………………………………………………………………… 35 3.5 Deviations from the Five Star Movement’s democratic formula……………………….. 36 3.6 Expectations regarding the Five Star Movement’s divergence from its “democratic formula”……………………………………………………………………………………… 38 3.6.1 The massive organization of internal democracy and “the Iron Law of Oligarchy”….… 38 3.6.2.The Lack of ideology: Delegation Vs. Representation and Taggart’s protest politics….. 41 4. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………… 46 4.1 Exploring the world of the Five Star Movement…………………………………………. -
Downloads/JB2017 K3(1).Pdf (Last Accessed on 20Th December 2018)
THE TREMBLING OF A COMPLEX REGIONAL CONSOCIATION: 2018 PROVINCIAL ELECTION IN SOUTH TYROL Guido Panzano ECMI WORKING PAPER #112 December 2018 ECMI- Working Paper # 112 The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno- political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper # 112 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Prof. Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2018 ISSN 1435-9812; ISSN-Internet 2196-4890 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper # 112 THE TREMBLING OF A COMPLEX REGIONAL CONSOCIATION: 2018 PROVINCIAL ELECTION IN SOUTH TYROL Located in the northeastern part of Italy, the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen, also known with the historical name of South Tyrol, is one of the two provinces of Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol region. It is a border region and a deeply divided place, w ith a majority of German-speaking population (62.3%) and minorities of Italians (23.4%), Ladins (4.1%) and past and recent migrants (10.2%). -
Forty Years of Populism in the European Parliament1 Luca Manucci2
População e Sociedade 25 População e Sociedade CEPESE Porto, vol. 35 jun 2021, pp. 25-42 DOI: https://doi.org/10.52224/21845263/rev35a2 Forty years of populism in the European Parliament1 Luca Manucci2 Abstract: In May 2019, the elections for the European Parliament (EP) saw populist parties obtain almost a third of the available seats, with populist radical right parties making the biggest gains compared to the 2014 elections. Despite the results were less resounding than some predictions anticipated, a considerable amount of Members of the EP represent a populist party. This article first presents the performance of populist parties in forty years of EP elections, from their first occurrence in 1979 until 2019, and then focuses on populist radical right parties. The analysis suggests that (i) the number of seats occupied by populist parties in the EP continues to grow over time; (ii) right-wing populist parties no longer struggle to form political groups within the EP; (iii) radical right populist parties have become the most common type of populist party within the EP. Keywords: European Parliament; elections; populism; parties; political groups. Introduction Looking at forty years of elections for the European Parliament (EP), one of the most striking phenomena that took place is the constant growth of populist parties in terms of their overall number, electoral performance, and number of seats they occupy. This phenomenon is not particularly surprising since populist parties grew also in national elections during the same period, but it is significant because their growing influence poses serious questions about the European Union (EU), its common identity, its principles, and its future.