Moraic alignment of Mixtec tone: exploring complex timing relations in Oto-Manguean tonal systems
Christian T. DiCanioa [email protected] Jonathan Amithb Rey Castillo Garcíac
Haskins Laboratoriesa University at Buffalo - Department of Linguisticsa http://www.haskins.yale.edu/staff/dicanio.html Gettysburg Collegeb Secretaría de Educación Pública - Guerrero, Mexicoc
6/2/14
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 1 Introduction Typology and tonal systems
How useful is a typological perspective for the study of tonal phonetics?
1 Structural diversity is abundant. Structural differences among languages contribute to phonetic variation in tone production/perception, even across well-known languages.
2 The phonetic timing of tones differs dramatically. There is substantial cross-linguistic variation in how tones are coordinated with each other.
3 Models of speech production should be inclusive with respect to such cross-linguistic variability.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 2 Introduction Typology and tonal systems
How useful is a typological perspective for the study of tonal phonetics?
1 Structural diversity is abundant. Structural differences among languages contribute to phonetic variation in tone production/perception, even across well-known languages.
2 The phonetic timing of tones differs dramatically. There is substantial cross-linguistic variation in how tones are coordinated with each other.
3 Models of speech production should be inclusive with respect to such cross-linguistic variability.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 2 Introduction Typology and tonal systems
How useful is a typological perspective for the study of tonal phonetics?
1 Structural diversity is abundant. Structural differences among languages contribute to phonetic variation in tone production/perception, even across well-known languages.
2 The phonetic timing of tones differs dramatically. There is substantial cross-linguistic variation in how tones are coordinated with each other.
3 Models of speech production should be inclusive with respect to such cross-linguistic variability.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 2 Introduction Typology and tonal systems
How useful is a typological perspective for the study of tonal phonetics?
1 Structural diversity is abundant. Structural differences among languages contribute to phonetic variation in tone production/perception, even across well-known languages.
2 The phonetic timing of tones differs dramatically. There is substantial cross-linguistic variation in how tones are coordinated with each other.
3 Models of speech production should be inclusive with respect to such cross-linguistic variability.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 2 Introduction Typology and tonal systems
How useful is a typological perspective for the study of tonal phonetics?
1 Structural diversity is abundant. Structural differences among languages contribute to phonetic variation in tone production/perception, even across well-known languages.
2 The phonetic timing of tones differs dramatically. There is substantial cross-linguistic variation in how tones are coordinated with each other.
3 Models of speech production should be inclusive with respect to such cross-linguistic variability.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 2 Introduction E. Zsiga, R. Nitisaroj 347
Structural differences? Mandarinfalling slightly and vs. remaining Thai as low or lower than the mid tone for the first half of the syllable, then rising steeply in the second half. The low tone falls steadily, reaching the bottom of the pitch range at the end of the syllable. The falling tone is realized as a rise-fall contour, and the rising tone as a fall-rise contour. Contextual tonal ariations 67 &## 160 Figure 1 Tone 1 Contour shapes of Thai tones Tone 2 %$" ! in citation form. Representative examples from one speaker 140 % Tone 3 %"#
Tone 4 120 (Hz) 0
f %%" " &'()*+%, 100 %## #
!$" 80 $
0 25 50 75 100 !"# # #'! #'% #'& #'( #'" Normalized time (%) )*+,-.)
Figure 2 . Mean f 0 contours (averaged over speakers and tokens ; n 48) of four Mandarin tones in the monosyllable / m a / produced in isolation . The time is normalized , with all tones plotted with their average duration Creating these complex contours from simple H and L associated to the syllable proportional to the average duration of Tone 3 . is certainly possible. Such phonetic mapping rules would be complex, however. A What does a falling tone look like? Whatsingle accounts H associated for to the asyllable delayed would havefall to be mapped in into a level-rising scooped contour, while an H linked as part of a falling tone would correspond to a quick Thai? 3 . Results rise to the top of the pitch range. The complexity of attempting to map H and L 3 . 1 . Tones produced in isolation auto segments onto the actual contours of the tones of Thai leads Abramson (1979) to reject a compositional analysis of the contours. He argues (p.7) that the data “lend To establish the canonical forms of the four Mandarin tones produced byno the phonetic plausibility” to arguments for the specification of rising and falling tones (Figures speakers in this from study , tones Xu produced (1997); in isolation Zsiga were analyzed and first Nitisaroj . Fig . 2 showsas sequences (2007)) of H and L autosegments. the average f 0 contour of the syllable / m a / in the four tones , obtained by averaging over all tokens produced by all eight speakers (48 utterances for eachFor phonetic support of the argument one would expect to be able to devise a tone) and plotted as functions of average relative time of each segment , with theformula by which the dynamic tones were obviously to be derived from the shape average duration of Tone 3 as the reference duration (100%) . The cross symbol ‘‘ ’’of the static tones. Even the citation forms, let alone the F0 curves of running indicates boundaries between m and a . Tone 1 starts with a high f valuespeech, provide no acoustic basis for such a claim. It seems psychologically far Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) / / / / Mixtec alignment 0 6/2/14 3 (near 130 Hz) and stays around that level throughout the syllable . Tone 2 starts withmore reasonable to suppose that the speaker of Thai stores a suitable tonal shape as part of his internal representation of each monosyllabic lexical item. (p.7) a low f 0 (near 110 Hz) , then falls slightly before rising (starting at 20% into the vowel) throughout the remainder of the syllable . Tone 3 starts with an f 0 valueMorén and Zsiga argue, however, that a mora-based representation as in (2) slightly lower than the onset of Tone 2 , falls to the lowest f 0 of all the four tonesdoes allow a straightforward mapping from autosegments to the acoustics of Thai (about 90 Hz) right at the vowel midpoint , then rises sharply to the end oftones. the During moras with no phonological tone, pitch falls gradually to or within syllable . Tone 4 starts with the highest f 0 value of the four tones (140 Hz) , continuesthe mid range. Phonologically-specified moras reach a high or low pitch inflection to rise before reaching the maximum about one fifth of the way into the vowel , at then their right edge. Thus mid tones, with no phonological specification, remain fairly falls sharply to the end of the syllable . level throughout their duration. High tones are specified only on the second mora, In terms of duration , Tone 4 is the shortest tone (214 ms on average) , Toneand 3 isthus remain in the mid range during the first half of the syllable, begin to turn the longest (349 ms) , while Tones 1 and 2 have intermediate durations , with Toneupward 2 at syllable midpoint, and reach their high point at the rightmost edge of the (273 ms) longer than Tone 1 (247 ms) . These duration patterns match those found in previous studies (e . g ., Lin , 1988) . Language and Speech Downloaded from http://las.sagepub.com at Bibliotheques de l'Universite Lumiere Lyon 2 on April 20, 2009 The f 0 patterns of tones produced in isolation reflect relatively directly the canonical forms of the tones . In multisyllabic utterances , the canonical forms will be distorted by various factors , including the adjacent onset and of fset values of the neighboring tones . As suggested earlier and demonstrated by Xu (1994 a ) , it is Introduction
A typological perspective will reveal the extent to which both structural and language-specific differences contribute to phonetic patterns related to tone.
Oto-Manguean languages possess a unique collection of structural properties and phonetic patterns which challenge some of the established ideas within the tonal phonetics literature.
1 Strong evidence for the mora as the TBU and the unit of planning, as opposed to the syllable (Prom-on et al., 2009; Xu and Prom-on, 2014; Zhang, 2004).
2 Maintenence of tonal contours and moraic alignment even in the context of word-medial glottalization; tonal contrast maintenence.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 4 Introduction
A typological perspective will reveal the extent to which both structural and language-specific differences contribute to phonetic patterns related to tone.
Oto-Manguean languages possess a unique collection of structural properties and phonetic patterns which challenge some of the established ideas within the tonal phonetics literature.
1 Strong evidence for the mora as the TBU and the unit of planning, as opposed to the syllable (Prom-on et al., 2009; Xu and Prom-on, 2014; Zhang, 2004).
2 Maintenence of tonal contours and moraic alignment even in the context of word-medial glottalization; tonal contrast maintenence.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 4 Introduction Roadmap
1 Properties of the Oto-Manguean stock
2 Tonal domains and alignment
3 Experiment on tonal alignment in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec
4 Discussion
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 5 Oto-Manguean stock Language families in Mexico
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 6 Oto-Manguean stock Oto-Manguean languages
With 177 languages, Oto-Manguean is the largest language family in the Americas (and 9th largest in the world).
A majority of these languages are spoken in the state of Oaxaca. In fact, 157 of the 285 languages spoken in Mexico are found in Oaxaca.
Extensive diversity within language family largely correlates with biological diversity in the areas where it is spoken. Oaxaca is the most biologically diverse state in Mexico with the greatest number of endemic vascular plants (de Ávila, 2010).
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 7 Oto-Manguean stock
!"#$%& !"#$%& '()*+,-. /01*+2(- /01*+2 3,04#+ 5#02(*+2 6&7&8&2(- /($(*+2 912(*+2 5:&2:&8*+2 6&7&8&2( ;(7&*+2(- ;(7&*+2 5:(*0-& <*&=/(-%#+(-. <*&=6("+(- 5:02:0"+2 6("+ /(*8(*$0-2( <*&"> /($(:#( ?+)*+,-. 5:0-(-*+2(- 5:0-(-*+2 @#A*0(A(=38(7B @#A*0(A( 38(7(-+2 5:&,&*+%(- 5:0(7(-+2 5:&,&*+%(
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 8 Oto-Manguean stock
Roughly 40% (71/177) of Oto-Manguean languages are endangered (“threatened” or worse).
Endangerment status of Oto-Manguean languages (Ethnologue, 2013)
50
Family
40 Amuzgo Chinantecan Manguean 30 Mixtecan Oto-Pamean 20 Popolocan Tlapanec-Subtiaba Number of languages Number 10 Zapotecan
0
Educational Developing Vigorous Threatened Shifting Moribund N.extinct Dormant Extinct Language status
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 9 Oto-Manguean stock Tone in Oto-Manguean languages
All are tonal and many have very large tonal inventories. At least three tones are reconstructed at the earliest levels (Kaufman, 1990; Rensch, 1976).
Laryngeal/glottal features which are often orthogonal to tone (Silverman, 1997).
Complex onsets are possible, but most languages lack codas. Most languages have polysyllabic words.
Complex morphology on verbs and with personal clitics which frequently involves tone (Campbell et al., 1986; Palancar, 2009; Suárez, 1983) and classic processes of tone sandhi (Goldsmith, 1990; Pike, 1948).
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 10 Oto-Manguean stock Distribution of tone languages
(Maddieson, 2010)
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 11 Oto-Manguean stock Tonal complexity (Maddieson, 2010)
Languages Percentage Non-tonal 307 58.2% Tonal 220 41.8% Languages Percent of tone languages 1-2 tones 132 60% 3+ tones 88 40%
Languages with between 3-6 tonal contrasts are relatively common, e.g. Thai (5), Mandarin (4), Vietnamese (6), Cantonese (6), Yoruba (3).
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 12 Oto-Manguean stock Complex tonal systems
How many tones occur in Oto-Manguean languages?
Language Tones Northern Pame 2 (Berthiaume, 2004) Mazahua 4 (Knapp Ring, 2008) Tlacoatzintepec Chinantec 7 (Thalin, 1980) Itunyoso Triqui 9 (DiCanio, 2008) Yoloxóchitl Mixtec 10 (DiCanio et al., 2012) San Juan Quiahije Chatino 11 (Cruz, 2011) Chiquihuitlan Mazatec 17 (Jamieson, 1977) Quiotepec Chinantec 19+ (Castillo Martínez, 2011)
But how do you count? Is the TBU the stem? the syllable? the mora?
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 13 Oto-Manguean stock Quetzalapa Chinantec
Five tone levels with contours (rising tones excluded). Words courtesy of Isabel Alhondra.
Tone Word Gloss 55 tsoU ‘his/her fault’ 44 tsoU ‘illness’ 33 tsoU ‘he/she goes’ 22 tsoU ‘straight’ 21 tsoU ‘sin’ 32 tsoU ‘male’ 42 tsoU ‘people’
What is the TBU here though? Are there only 5 (1/mora)? or are there more?
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 14 Oto-Manguean stock Tone and glottal features
Glottal contrasts and phonation are orthogonal to tone in many Oto-Manguean languages, e.g. Jalapa Mazatec (Kirk et al., 1993; Silverman et al., 1995), but co-dependent in others, like Zapotec.
Figure: Tone and phonation in San Lucas Quiaviní Zapotec (Chávez Peón, 2010) Tone Phonation Word Gloss High modal gji:a ‘will go home’ Low modal gji:a ‘agave root’ Low breathy gji:a ‘rock’ Low creaky gj¨i:a¨ ‘flower’ Low checked gj˜iPa˜ ‘market’
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 15 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Variation in tonal alignment
How we count tones is tied to the phonological domains for tone. What evidence is there for such domains in speech production in Oto-Manguean languages? (Phonology and the phonetics of alignment)
Intonational pitch accents are anchored to segmental targets/onsets (Atterer and Ladd, 2004; Ladd et al., 1999; Ladd, 2004).
Lexical tones are aligned to syllables (Gao, 2008, 2009; Prom-on et al., 2009; Xu, 1998; Xu and Prom-on, 2014).
Lexical tones are aligned to moras (Myers, 2003; Morén and Zsiga, 2006).
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 16 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Syllables or moras?
Similar alignment across CVN and CV syllables at different speech rates in Mandarin. Tonal contrasts are aligned to syllables (Xu, 1998).
Contour tone licensing is insensitive to moraic structure, but sensitive to rime sonority (Zhang, 2004). Contour tones surface on syllables with longer duration of voicing and even are sensitive to polysyllabic shortening (Lehiste, 1970; Turk and Shattuck-Hufnagel, 2000).
Earlier F0 maxima observed for H and HL tones in Kinyarwanda than for the LH tone, suggesting moraic alignment (Myers, 2003).
The inflection points of Thai tonal contours align at the right edge of moras. Trajectories only begin in the second mora (Morén and Zsiga, 2006; Zsiga and Nitisaroj, 2007).
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 17 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Case study: Yoloxóchitl Mixtec
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 18 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Tonal phonology
Like other Mixtecan languages, all roots are minimally composed of bimoraic couplets, consisting of either monosyllabic stems with long vowels (CVV) or disyllabic stems with shorter vowels (CVCV) (Castillo García, 2007).
Glottalization is a feature of the couplet and occurs word-medially in monosyllables and disyllables. It is orthogonal to tone, i.e. not a feature of tonal contrasts. Similar tonal melodies surface on glottalized words as on non-glottalized words.
ndoP1o4 ‘basket’ ndaP1Ba1 ‘be turned off’ ndo1o4 ‘sweet sugarcane’ nda1Ba1 ‘undivided branch’
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 19 Moraic alignment in Mixtec
Table: Tone in YM (4 = high, 1 = low) Level nda1a1 Sa3a3 nda4a4 ‘flat’‘fast’‘black’ Falling nda3a2 nda4a2 ‘sloping’‘where’ Rising ta1a3 ndo1o4 nde3e4 nda13a3 tu13u4 ‘man’‘sugarcane’‘strong’‘went up’‘stripped’
Rise+Fall kwe13e2 Sa14a3 ndi1i42 ñu3u42 ‘linger’‘new’‘pink’‘night’ High+Rise nde4e13 kwi4i14 ka4a24 ‘they enter’‘is peeling’‘slips’ Rise+Rise ndo14o13 kwi14i14 ka14a24 ‘to not stay’‘is not peeling’‘does not slip’
If the syllable is the unit of tone planning, how many distinct types?
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 20 Moraic alignment in Mixtec The mora as the TBU
If the mora is considered as the TBU, the number of possible tonal patterns on a single syllable is reduced.
Moreover, just five possible tones occur on the initial mora regardless of word type (monosyllables, disyllables, with and without glottalization).
Five possible tones on the initial mora: 1, 3, 4, 13, 14
Nine possible tones on the final mora: 1, 2, 3, 4, 13, 14, 24, 32, 42
/Bi3ta42/‘soft’ vs. /˜n˜u3˜u42/‘night’ /˜n˜u3˜u2/‘town’ vs. /˜n˜uP3˜u2/‘fire’ /nu14u3/‘face’ vs. /Sa14tu3/‘soft corn tortilla’
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 21 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Mixtec morphology (Castillo García, 2007)
Habitual verbs are formed by replacing the tone on the initial mora with tone /4/.
Sa1a1 ‘to arrive’ Sa4a1 ‘to be arriving’ k˜a3˜a2 ‘to perforate’ k˜a4˜a2 ‘to be perforating’ kaP1a1 ‘to drown’ kaP4a1 ‘to be drowning’
A transitivity alternation on verbs with tonal melody /1.4/ replaces the tone on the initial mora with /3/.
kwi1i4 ‘to peel (intr)’ kwi3i4 ‘to peel (tr)’ k˜u1˜u4 ‘to be ground (intr)’ k˜u3˜u4 ‘to grind’ ku1Si4 ‘to be cut up’ ku3Si4 ‘to cut up’
It’s unclear how one could target individual tone levels on monosyllabic words without moras.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 22 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Alignment study
If tone is aligned to moras in Mixtec, alignment of contour tones should be similar between monosyllabic and disyllabic words, as both are bimoraic.
If tone is aligned to syllables, then alignment of contour tones in monosyllables need not correspond to the alignment in disyllables.
“Complex” contours with initial rises should show earlier alignment than simple rises, e.g. /13.3/ vs. /1.3/.
Examined F0 alignment in large elicited corpus of 261 words x 6 repetitions x 10 speakers.
LMER with word size, normalized time, and tone as DVs, speaker as a random effect.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 23 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Expectations for alignment – parity across word types
0.484939271 0.834889968 220 200
150 ) z H (
h c t i 100 P 80 v1
v1 v2
0.4849 0.8349 Time (s)
Test: to what extent do F0 contours differ across word types?
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 24 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Results
There is no general effect of word size. However, there was a significant tone x word size interaction (tone /4/)
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 25 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Falling tones are similar
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 26 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Rising tones are similar.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 27 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Complex vs. simple rises
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 28 Moraic alignment in Mixtec
Late target attainment of tone /1/ in /1.4/, but early rise of tone /13/ in /13.4/.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 29 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Double rises
Complete rise attained in first mora of vowel in monosyllables.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 30 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Results - overview
No general effect of word size on alignment – not predicted if the syllable is the unit of tone planning.
Interactions between word size and tone with respect to F0 height (not time), for melodies /1.3, 1.4, 4.14, 4.2, 4.4/.
Strong evidence for alignment to the mora, even within a monosyllabic long vowel.
Strong similarity across word sizes also suggests phonetic alignment to the mora.
Counter Zhang’s (2004) argument that tonal licensing is not constrained by moraic structure. Alignment was not considered in his proposal.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 31 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Discussion: Alignment
Moraic structure not simply assumed to account for the tonal distributional differences and alternations in Mixtec, but it is supported by phonetic data examining alignment.
Typological considerations into the size of tonal inventories need to look carefully at the nature of the tone-bearing unit in particular languages, lest we mischaracterize apparent (or hidden) complexity.
We just didn’t know that languages could do this!
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 32 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Discussion: Alignment
Moraic structure not simply assumed to account for the tonal distributional differences and alternations in Mixtec, but it is supported by phonetic data examining alignment.
Typological considerations into the size of tonal inventories need to look carefully at the nature of the tone-bearing unit in particular languages, lest we mischaracterize apparent (or hidden) complexity.
We just didn’t know that languages could do this!
YM has a large inventory of tones, but it’s not as many as you might assume.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 32 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization and tone
Glottalization is known to influence the F0 of tonal targets, though to varying degrees.
Medial glottalization induces F0 lowering for only the highest tone (/45/) in Itunyoso Trique, but final glottal stops have no consistent effect on any tone (DiCanio, 2012).
Creaky phonation does not induce F0 changes on H, M, and L tones in Jalapa Mazatec (Garellek and Keating, 2011).
Glottalization is often coextensive with slight dips in F0 and amplitude in Coatzospan Mixtec (Gerfen and Baker, 2005).
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 33 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization and alignment
General prediction is that creaky phonation will lower F0 (Blankenship, 2002; DiCanio, 2008; Dilley et al., 1996; Garellek, 2012; Gordon and Ladefoged, 2001).
Is this the case in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec and does an F0 change alter the alignment of tones on moras?
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 34 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in YM
ndoP1o4 ‘basket’
5000
4000 ) z H ( 3000 y c n e
u 2000 q e r F 1000
0
c1 v1 c2 v2
0 0.5182 Time (s)
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 35 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in level tones - monosyllables
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 36 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in level tones - disyllables
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 37 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in rising tones - monosyllables
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 38 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in rising tones - disyllables
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 39 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in rising tones - monosyllables
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 40 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in rising tones - disyllables
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 41 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Glottalization in complex rising tones
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 42 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Results - overview
Glottalization induced significant effects on F0, but these varied substantially by tone.
Lower tones (/1/) underwent F0 raising while higher tones (/4/) underwent lowering.
The influence of glottalization on tone was asymmetrical too – the effect was much stronger in pre-glottalized vowels than post-glottalized vowels.
The effect of glottalization on tone was stronger in disyllabic words than in monosyllabic words.
However, alignment remained unchanged, even in monosyllabic words.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 43 Moraic alignment in Mixtec Glottalization and alignment Discussion - glottalization and alignment
Variable effects of glottalization on F0 of tonal targets resembles reported patterns of historical tone change in Mixtecan (Dürr, 1987).
Stronger effect of glottalization on disyllabic words may result from a general pattern of phasing to maintain contrast (Silverman, 1997). Stronger F0 effects near a V-C transition are less perceptually costly than those in a V-V transition.
Location of minima/maxima maintained on mora despite presence of phonation-induced F0 perturbations.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 44 Discussion/Conclusions Discoveries from Oto-Manguean languages
Structural differences between languages influence tonal alignment.
The target of a tone need not be what we consider the typical unit of speech planning (the syllable) (Krakow, 1999; Goldstein et al., 2007).
Glottalization induces variable effects on tone: high tones lower but low tones raise.
Presence of non-modal phonation does not alter moraic alignment; primarily a local phonetic process.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 45 Discussion/Conclusions Investigating complexity
There is not only a unique complexity to the phonology of Oto-Manguean tonal systems, but also unique phonetic processes.
1 Our attempts to understand and model tonal processes should come to grips with this.
2 Suggests the need for a fusion between fieldwork and experimental research on tone (or at least a fusion of researchers).
3 Not every language show these patterns, but the patterns show us what constraints speakers control in tone production.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 46 Discussion/Conclusions Investigating complexity
There is not only a unique complexity to the phonology of Oto-Manguean tonal systems, but also unique phonetic processes.
1 Our attempts to understand and model tonal processes should come to grips with this.
2 Suggests the need for a fusion between fieldwork and experimental research on tone (or at least a fusion of researchers).
3 Not every language show these patterns, but the patterns show us what constraints speakers control in tone production.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 46 Discussion/Conclusions Investigating complexity
There is not only a unique complexity to the phonology of Oto-Manguean tonal systems, but also unique phonetic processes.
1 Our attempts to understand and model tonal processes should come to grips with this.
2 Suggests the need for a fusion between fieldwork and experimental research on tone (or at least a fusion of researchers).
3 Not every language show these patterns, but the patterns show us what constraints speakers control in tone production.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 46 Discussion/Conclusions Investigating complexity
There is not only a unique complexity to the phonology of Oto-Manguean tonal systems, but also unique phonetic processes.
1 Our attempts to understand and model tonal processes should come to grips with this.
2 Suggests the need for a fusion between fieldwork and experimental research on tone (or at least a fusion of researchers).
3 Not every language show these patterns, but the patterns show us what constraints speakers control in tone production.
Is alignment the missing dimension in research on tonal contrasts?
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 46 Discussion/Conclusions Future directions
1 While the current study is limited to words in isolation, we are investigating Mixtec tonal variability in spontaneous corpus data and in controlled coarticulatory contexts using forced alignment (DiCanio et al., 2013).
2 Modelling of tonal coarticulation and speech rate effects in Itunyoso Triqui in a general production model (TADA) under NSF grant (Whalen & Xu).
3 Investigating the use of dynamic F0 cues by native listeners in tone perception.
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 47 Discussion/Conclusions Acknowledgements
The research was partly funded through a grant to Haskins Laboratories (Douglas Whalen, PI) on phonetic documentation in endangered languages.
Doug Whalen, Jonathan Amith, Rey Castillo García
The Yoloxóchitl Mixtec community. Thank you!
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 48 Appendices Duration of tone in YM
600
400 Duration (ms) Duration
200
complex rise concave double rise fall level rise Tonal melody type
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 49 Appendices Duration in disyllables
v1 v2
400
300
200 Duration (ms) Duration
100
0
complex rise concave double rise fall level rise complex rise concave double rise fall level rise Tonal melody type
Christian DiCanio (((Haskins))) Mixtec alignment 6/2/14 50 Appendices Duration in disyllables - glottalized
v1, no v1, yes 400
300
200
100
0 v2, no v2, yes 400 Duration (ms) Duration
300
200
100
0 complex rise concave double rise fall level rise complex rise concave double rise fall level rise Tonal melody type
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