Notes
Introduction
1. Oscar Wilde, ‘A few maxims for the instruction of the over educated’, Saturday Review, November 1894, Collins Complete Works of Oscar Wilde (Glasgow, 2003). 2. L. James, ed., Desire and Denial in Byzantium (Aldershot,1999). 3. See L. James, ed., Women, Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium (London and New York, 1997); D. Smythe, ed., Byzantine Masculinities: Publications of the Sussex Colloquium on Gender (forthcoming). 4. E. Gombrich, ‘Art and Scholarship’, College Art Journal, 17, n. 4 (1958), 342–356. On children in Byzantium see C. Hennessy, Images of Children in Byzantium (Aldershot, 2009). On display in Byzantium see E. Jeffreys, ed., Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, vol. II (Aldershot, 2006), 263–267. On new approaches to Byzantium in current scholarship see L. James, ed., The Blackwell Companion to the Byzantine World (forthcoming). 5. E. Prettejohn, Beauty and Art (Oxford, 2005). 6. R. Cormack, Painting the Soul: Icons, Death Masks and Shrouds (London, 1997), 17. 7. L. James, ‘ “And Shall These Mute Stones Speak?” Text as Art’, Art and Text in Byzantine Culture, ed. L. James (Cambridge, 2007), 188–206. 8. R. Nelson, ‘Descartes’s Cow and Other Domestications of the Visual’, Seeing as Others Saw; Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance, ed. R. Nelson (Cambridge, 2000), 3. 9. L. James, ‘Art and Text in Byzantium’, Art and Text in Byzantine Culture, ed. L. James (Cambridge, 2007), 1. 10. See A.P. Kazhdan and A. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Berkeley, 1985). 11. Robin Cormack has noted that the notions of the stability and continuity of an uninterrupted Roman Empire fostered by the Byzantine Court after 1261 were ‘more of a vision than a reality’: R. Cormack, Byzantine Art (Oxford, 2000), 217.
1 The Byzantine Ideal of Beauty: Definitions and Perceptions
1. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIII.10.4), tr. (English). E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena (London and New York, 1969), 422. For the Greek text see Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIII.10.4), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis (Berlin, 2001), 411. 2. On the re-occurrence of beauty in the Alexiad, see A. Laiou, ‘Introduction: Why Anna Komnene?’, Anna Komnene and Her Times, ed. T. Gouma-Peterson (New York and London, 2000), 11. 3. ‘ , , , , ̉ ̉ , ɕ % %
139 140 Notes
( ̣ ʯ ʰ˪ (2 Ʌ ̥ (. . .) ʩ ̘ ̘ ɱ % , ʚ ʯ ̥ ʰ 2 ʎ , ̥ , + % , ʳ ʝ ʍ , ʳ ʁ% ( ʳ –Ʌ((ʩ ̘ Ʌ ’ ʍ ̥ ʯ Ʌ % ʰ# . ʯ ʆ ə ̥ ( , ʍ ʮ ɧ , ʆ Ʌ ̥ ̘ , ɱ ʑ % 2 ( L’ Anna Komnene, Alexiad (I.9.4), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 35. 4. ‘ ʩ ɕ+ % ʚ ̗ L ʁ% ( ʍ ˻ ʍ ʰ ( , , ̗ʯ ʮ, ( , (. . .) ɲ ̥ ̥ ɕ+ ( , ʵ ɋ(( ̘ ˻ L ! , ɲ ( ʰ + % ʰ, ( ʰ, ̉ , ʰ , ʯ ̘ L (. . .) ʩ ( ˻ + ʩ ̥ ʁ 2 ʚ + ɧ ɟ 2 ɕ , ə ʚ ə # ( ʯ ̗ , ʯ %ʩ #2 ̥ ( % ɢ L’ Niketas Eugenianos, (I.124–126, 134–138, 145–150), ed. and tr. (Italian) F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino del XII Secolo; Teodoro Prodromo, Niceta Eugeniano, Eustazio Macrembolita, Constantino Manasse (Turin, 1994), 313–314. 5. On the process of formation of the Digenis Akritis story from oral tale to written text and the question of dating see Digenis Akritis (IV.196–199), ed. and tr. (English) E. Jeffreys, Digenis Akritis: The Grottaferrata and Escorial Versions (Cambridge, 1998), lvi–lvii. On the discussion of Digenis Akritis’s status as ambiguously between epic and romance (or ‘proto-romance’) see R. Beaton, ‘The Byzantine Revival of the Ancient Novel’, The Novel in the Ancient World, ed. G. Schmeling (Leiden, New York and Cologne, 1996), esp. 719–721 and R. Beaton, The Medieval Greek Romance (London and New York, 1996), 29–48. See also R. Beaton, The Medieval Greek Romance, 67–86, for a comparative discussion of the twelfth-century romances and their dating. 6. ‘ɷ ʩ ʑ ɢ( ʰ , + %ʮ , ɕ ʰ , ʁμμ ( , 2 , ̗ , ʁ , ʯ ˻% ʞ (( , ʁ ʩ ɷ ( .’ Digenis Akritis (IV.196–199), ed. and tr. (English) E. Jeffreys, 79. 7. ‘ɯ ʩ ɢ Ʌ( %̥ ʞ ɲ L ʅ ɕ ʮ , + % ʯ ̘ , ʁ ʳ ɷ , ( , ʚ 2 , !! , ɶ ɕ ( ɦ ! (̉ ̥ .’ Digenis Akritis (IV.349–356), ed. and tr. E. Jeffreys, 89. 8. ‘ (( ̥ (2 ʯ 2 ɕ Ʌ !˻ ʚ L ʍ %ʮ ʩ ɧ ʯ ʅ ( ʯ ʚ Ʌ( %̥ ( .’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (III.18), ed. and tr. (Italian) D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri et al. (Milan, 1984), vol. I, 96, 98, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers: The Chronographia of Michael Psellus (London, 1996), 76. 9. ‘ɚ ɥ ɖ ̣ ʩ ʮ , ( ɢ( ̥ Ʌ + ʯ ʮ , ’ ʆ ɕ ʮ% ʯ ʯ ̥ ʯ ̉ Ʌ % , ˻ Ʌ ( ( ! ̘ Ʌ + ə (2 . ʯ ɵ ɕ ̉ Ʌ !̥ ˈ ̉ ˬ , Ʌ ʰ2 ɷ ʯ ʑ 2 ʍ ̦ ʩ ʰ% , (( ɢ(ʰ ( ɵ , ɸ ʮ Ʌ ̉ ̉ % +ʯ ( , ((̣ ( ̥ ̦ % 2 ̣ ʯ ̉.’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.126), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 69, 70 translated in E.R.A Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 221. Notes 141
10. On Beck’s reading of this as a sign of the effeminate air of the male characters in the romances see H.G. Beck, , tr. (Greek) I. Dimitroukas (Athens, 1999), 224. 11. L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine Art (Oxford, 1996), 131. 12. J. Ljubarskij, ‘Why Is the Alexiad a Masterpiece of Byzantine Literature?’, Anna Komnene and Her Times, 179. 13. Ibid. 14. On the Byzantine eikonismos see G. Dagron, ‘Holy Images and Likeness’, DOP, 45 (1991), 25–28. 15. For a discussion of physiognomics in Byzantium see G. Dagron, ‘Image de Bête ou Image de Dieu; la Physiognomonie Animale dans la Tradition Grecque et ses Avatars Byzantins’, Poikilia; Etudes Offertes à J.P. Vernant (Paris, 1987), 69–80. 16. ‘ ʑ !! % ʯ , ʑ ɕ , Ʌ((’ ɵ ( Ʌ 2 ̘ Ʌ ʰ(! L’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (I.35), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. I, 50. 17. ‘ ɷ ʍ ̦ ! ɸ ʯ 2 ˼ ˻ ɥ 2 ̦ ʆ L ʩ ʍ ̦ ʩ ʅ ʯ ɢ ʁ ʳ ʑ ! ʩ ʑ ɸ ʒ ʯ ɕ % ̉ ʁ% ( ̉ ’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VII.3.5), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 368. 18. Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.151), tr. E.R.A Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 235. 19. For Agapitos’s date of c.1300 for the romances of Velthandros and Chrysandza and Kallimachos and Chrysorroi see P. Agapitos, ‘Narrative Structure in the Byzantine Vernacular Romances’, MiscByzMonac 34 (1991), 15–16. 20. ‘ə (( ʩ 2 , ɵ ˻ ɢ( ˬ L (. . .), ʇ ɕ ɢ , Ʌ ((˻ ʰ . ɲ ɕ ( ˻ ʚ ʰ , ʰ 2 , . ( , ʍ ! ʩ ʰ( .’ > ) (688, 699–704), ed. E. Kriaras, Έ44 ) (Athens, 1959), 114–115. 21. Physical beauty in these descriptions consists of the familiar list of ideal features, suggesting that the ideal image of beauty in Byzantium appears not to have changed between the twelfth and the fourteenth centuries despite the numerous social and political changes of the intervening years. On the ideal of beauty in thirteenth-century writing see, for instance, Niketas Choniates’s description of beautiful characters in the Historia, including the young Renier of Montferatt, whose fair long hair shimmered like the sun, and Isaac Angelos with his ruddy complexion, red hair and healthy, vigorous body. In the fourteenth century, the Romaiki Historia of Nikephoros Gregoras equally praises Theodore Metochites for his tall stature, symmetrical body and cheerful eye, which attracted the gaze of beholders, while in the romance of Kalimachos and Chrysorroi the fair heroine possesses rivers of curls, hair that gleams brilliantly like the sun’s golden rays, a white body that evokes the nature of crystal, both white and blessed with the hue of a rose: “‘ ɸ , ɕ 2 ʳ ( L ɸ ! ʍ ɱ ( ˻ L Ʌ (! ʎ ˻ Ʌ ̉ ̘ ɢ(ʰ . ̥ ( ʎ ʍ ̘ (( L ʎ ( ʳ ʁ% ( ʳ ̘ ɢ . ɛ ʩ ʳ ̦ ( ̦ ʯ 142 Notes
ə .’ ο ) 0 ͩ ο ) (811–816), ed. E. Kriaras, Έ44 ) , 45. 22. W. Treadgold, ‘The Bride-Shows of the Byzantine Emperors’, Byzantion, 49 (1979), 398. On the historicity of Byzantine bride shows see W. Treadgold, ‘The Historicity of Imperial Bride-Shows’, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik’, 54 (2004), 39–52. 23. ‘ɱ ’ ɕ ʯ ̘ ! (ʰ %ʰ % ʯ 2 ( Ʌʮ ̥ ʁ% ( ̥ , ɕ ʯ ʍ Ʌ (( ʯ ʯ ˻ ʆ( 2 . ( ʩ ɢ ʁ ̘ ɖ 2% ɕ ̘ , ˼ ʁ% ʎ % !( Ɋ ʯ ɦ ɕ ̥ , ʚ Ʌ ˻ ! (˻ ̥ ʁ 2 ʯ ˻ ( ̘ ʯ ̥ ̥ ˻ ʯ ̘ ɕ ʍ ̉ ɕ % ̘ ʯ % ʰ L ̥ ʝ 2 ɢ ʍ ʯ ̥ ! 2 ʯ ̥ 2 ɢ ! ( ɢ 2 ʩ ʯ ʆ(2 ʰ % ! ʯ ʳ (( ʳ ɕ ( L ʩ ʍ ̘ Ʌ ʯ ʞ ɷ ʯ ʯ ! ʯ ʅ Ʌ ’ Anna Komnene, Alexiad (III.3.2), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 93 translated in E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 109–110. 24. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (IV.6.8), tr. E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 149. 25. B. Baldwin, ‘Physical Descriptions of Byzantine Emperors’, Byzantion, 51 (1981), 12, n.18. 26. C. Head, ‘Physical Descriptions of the Emperors in Byzantine Historical Writing.’ Byzantion, 50 (1980), 237. 27. A. Laiou, ‘Introduction: Why Anna Komnene?’, Anna Komnene and Her Times, 9. 28. See Ibid., 1–14. 29. For the Greek text see Anna Komnene, Alexiad (I.5), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 20. 30. For the Greek text see Anna Komnene, Alexiad (III.1.2), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 87. 31. Ibid. 32. L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine Art, 73. 33. Ibid., 84. 34. ‘ ˭ ʍ ˻, ̦ % 5 , ʯ 5 2 ʍ ̘ ʍ # ʎ ɦ( , ɡ ( % ˻. l ! %ʯ ʓ ɛ ɕ ʯ !( 5 2 ʍ ̘, ʯ ʎ ˻ ʚ ʯ , ʚ ̘ ɕ+ (. . .) + %5 ( , ʚ ɷ ʩ ʰ ’ 4 > Ζ 4 ο Ͱ)K ͛ > ο ο > (963–969), ed. and tr. (English) L. Rydén, The Life of St Andrew the Fool; Text, Translation and Notes, vol. II (Uppsala, 1995), 76, 78. 35. L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine Art, 84. 36. ‘ ʍ 2 , % ʯ ʑ 2 ˻ +2 3ʵ ɥ ( ɥ %ʰ ʰ ʯ ʍ ʰ ʅ , ( ʍ ̥ Ʌ ’ Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XV.5.2), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 474. 37. I. Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts (Leiden, 1976), 102. 38. I. Spatharakis, The Portrait, 101. 39. For the Greek text see Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.2), ed. J.A. van Dieten (Berlin, 1975), 54. 40. G. Litavrin, ‘Malade et Médecin à Byzance XIe-XIVe Siècles. Remarques sur le Cod. Plut. VII 19 de la Bibliothèque de Lorenzo de Medici à Florence’, Notes 143
Maladie et Societe à Byzance, ed. E. Patlagean (Spoleto, 1993), 97–101. The fact that the medical manuscript was copied and reused in the fourteenth century underlines its continuing relevance. On this point see also D. Bennett, ‘Medical Practice and Manuscripts in Byzantium’, The Society for the History of Medicine, 13.2 (2000), 279–291. 41. Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (I.1.2), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, Byzantinae Historia Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn, 1829–55) vol. I, 11. 42. Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.2), tr. (English) H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium; Annals of Nicetas Choniates (Detroit, 1984), 183. 43. For an analysis of the agenda behind Neophytos’s imagery in the Enkleistra see R. Cormack, Writing in Gold: Byzantine Society and Its Icons (London, 1985), ch. 6. 44. R. Cormack, Writing in Gold, 242. 45. Ibid., 239 and 249. On Neophytos’s self-sanctifi cation see also C. Galatariotou, The Making of a Saint: The Life, Times and Sanctifi cation of Neophytos the Recluse (Cambridge, 1991). 46. On this point see G. Dagron, ‘Holy Images and Likeness’, DOP, 45 (1991), 23–33. 47. The portrait-likenesses of Neophytos both in the sanctuary and the cell are here compared to the monastic fi gures of the contemporary, fi rst phase of the decoration of the Enkleistra dating to 1182/3. On the phases of the decoration see C. Mango and E. Hawkins, ‘The Hermitage of St Neophytos and Its Wall- Paintings’, DOP, 20 (1966), 119–206 and S. Tomecovi4, ‘Ermitage de Paphos; Décors paints pour Néophyte le Reclus’, Les Saints et Leur Sanctuaire à Byzance; Textes, Images et Monuments, ed. C. Jolivet-Levy, M. Kaplan and J.P. Sodini (Paris, 1994), 151–171. 48. On the bodilessness of the monastic saint as a visual sign of the ascetic’s denial of the fl esh which granted him proximity to the divine see H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, Saints and Their Images in Byzantium (London, 1997), 48–99. 49. On the appearance of Empress Zoe see E.R.A Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 239. On Emperor Andronikos’s appearance at the end of his life see Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 193. 50. Neophytos came from a family of farmers and describes in his Typikon how he toiled the land in the service of the monastery. Details on the life of St Neophytos are given in his Typikon for the Enkleistra, see I. Tsiknopoullos ed., 6 4 ! 0 > ͩ , 4 λ ρ 8 L (Larnaca, 1952). 51. ‘ʢ ɕ ( ( ɢ ̉ , ʍ ( ʞ # # 2 ’, 0 4 ) : ’, > > 4 ο ο (221–222), ed. Th. Zoras, (Athens, 1956), 130. See also H. Eideneier, Ptochoprodromos (Cologne, 1991). 52. ‘Manganeios’ Prodromos, ͛4ο ! 4 Ϳ ο Λ Δ ! ! ΐ ͛ ) ΐ , ed. C. Neumann, Griechische Geschichtsschreiber und Geschichtsquellen im zwölften Jahrhundert (Manheim, 1881), 61 translated in E. Jeffreys, ‘The Comnenian Background to the Romans d’ Antiquité’, Popular Literature in Late Byzantium (London, 1983), 471. 53. ‘ 6 ˻ ə+ , ə ʩ ̖ ’, ‘Manganeios’ Prodromos, ͛4ο ! 4 Ϳ ο Λ Δ ! ! ΐ ͛ ) 144 Notes
ΐ , ed. C. Neumann, Griechische Geschichtsschreiber, 61 translated in E. Jeffreys, ‘The Comnenian Background to the Romans d’ Antiquité’, Popular Literature in Late Byzantium (London, 1983), 471. 54. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.7), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 118. 55. On the church and its wall-paintings see S. Pelekanidis and M. Chatzidakis, Byzantine Art in Greece: Kastoria (Athens, 1985), esp. 22–49. 56. ‘ ʯ ! ( ɲ̉ ̦ !ʰ̣ ( , # Ʌ !̥ ʯ ɕ ʰ ˻ ə ˼ ʯ ’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VII.1.28), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 318. Also in the eleventh century, an attempt to use the visual vocabulary of an image as proof of legitimacy is noted in the Historia of Attaleiates. Proclaiming the (supposed and unlikely) decent of Nikephoros Botaneiates from Nikephoros Phokas, Attaleiates compares Botaneiates’s appearance to a painted likeness of Phokas depicted in a church in Crete, thus using the evidence of a visual image as ‘proof’ of Botaneiates’s lineage: see Michael Attaleiates, Historia (228–229), ed. and tr. (Spanish) I. Pérez Martín (Madrid, 2002), 166 for the Greek text. 57. On Anna’s comment and the distinction drawn between her own resemblance to her father and the ugliness of her baby brother see P. Magdalino, ‘The Pen of the Aunt: Echoes of the Mid-twelfth Century in the Alexiad’, Anna Komnene and Her Times, 21. 58. See M. Mullett, ‘The Imperial Vocabulary of Alexios I Komnenos’, Alexios I Komnenos, ed. M. Mullett and D. Smythe (Belfast, 1996), vol. I, 359–363. 59. For an analysis of the image of Zoe and Monomachos in the St Sophia image see R. Cormack, Writing in Gold, ch. 5. For Robin Cormack’s insight into the manipulation of physical resemblance in visual imagery to make claims on the legitimacy of imperial rule in the case of Constantine Monomachos and the image of Christ in St Sophia, and King Roger II and Christ in Martorana of Palermo see R. Cormack, ‘Interpreting the Mosaics of St Sophia at Istanbul’, Art History, 4.2 (1981), 141–146. 60. See also R. Cormack, Writing in Gold, 188–189. For another reading of this image see I. Kalavrezou, ‘Irregular Marriages in the Eleventh Century and the Zoe and Constantine Mosaic in Hagia Sophia’, Law and Society in Byzantium, Ninth–Twelfth Centuries, ed. A. Laiou and D. Simon (Washington, DC, 1994), 241–257. 61. This juxtaposition of male individualization with female idealization in imperial imagery is also apparent in the case of the manuscript image of Manuel I Komnenos and his wife Maria (cod. Vat. gr. 1176, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana). Manuel’s elongated, oval visage, dark complexion, furrowed forehead, visible wrinkles and irregular, expressive eyebrows contrast with Maria’s carefully rounded face, blond hair, white fl awless skin highlighted by perfect pink circles, and arched, slender eyebrows. 62. ‘ʁ% ( ʍ ˼ ʎ !( ˭ ˼ ʁ 3 (. . .) ʮ ɷ + % ʯ ̥ ’ ʆ( ( ( L ɲ ̥ 2 ʍ ˼ ʰ ɕ ʁ(ʰ ʯ ! ( Ʌ ʰ ’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.6), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. I, 252. 63. In the case of Michael VII Doukas (later relabelled Nikephoros III Botaneiates) and Maria of Alania in the eleventh-century Homilies of St John Chrysostom (cod. Coislin 79, f.1v, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris) the image of the emperor Notes 145
is altered slightly to refl ect the change in the emperor’s identity from Michael VII to Nikephoros III, who was older and was portrayed with a longer beard. Notably, the likeness of Maria remains untouched by time between the abdication of her fi rst husband and the coronation of her second, suggesting that like Zoe she too does not age. Maria’s fl awless skin fi ts in with her mask- like ideal beauty: a perfectly rounded face, red, stylized, arched eyebrows, schematic, straight nose, tiny mouth, subtle pink cheeks and fl awless skin. On the adapted likeness of the Emperor Michael VII Doukas/Nikephoros III Botaneiates see H. Maguire, ‘Images of the Court’, The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843–1261, ed. H.C. Evans and W.D. Wixom (New York, 1997), 207. 64. Theodore Prodromos, ( .249–250), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 102. 65. Such descriptions include painted fi gures, such as the allegorical fi gures that adorn the garden wall observed by Hysminias and his friend Kratisthenis: the author describes the white hands and curling locks of Wisdom (Phronesis) that resemble ringlets and golden highlights, or equally the beautiful face of the youth representing the month of May whose hair is carefully dressed to appear curly. 66. ‘ɧ ʩ (˻ 2 , (˻ , (˻ ɢ ˻ L ʁ ʳ ( , ɷ ˻ ɥ ʩ (ʮ L ʅ ( , ʯ ( L ( ʍ ̦ ʩ ʙ+ ʯ ɧ ˻ ̉ ʁ% ( ̉ 2 ˬ(( ɥ ( Lɢ ʯ ɕ !( ʰ % ʯ+ (̥ ɕ ( ʰ L ʯ ɧ ˻ ʁ% ( ʅ 2 ɟ 2 . ʩ ( ʮL ( , ɕ ʆ ʍ ɡ % ʰ L ɕ % L ɕ % ʯ ɸ , ʍ ɸ ( ʯ ʯ ! ʯ 6+ ʰ ʯ ʒ 2 ɕ ( . 2 L (ʳ ˻ ̥ ( 2 , ʯ 2 ʵ ʰ( ʰ . ɵ ɱ ʵ ̗ ɕ %(̉ ̉ ʰ( . 2 ( , ʰ 2 ʍ ʯ ̉( Ʌ ( , ʚ % ̉ ʰ( ɱ . ʌ( 2 ( Ʌ (ʮ L ɢ ̗ʯ ( ɕ ʆ( (2 ’ Eustathios Makrembolites, ’ Σ ) Σ ) (III.6, 1–4), ed. M. Marcovich, Eustatius Macrembolites de Hismines et Hysminiae Amoribus (Leipzig, 2001), 29–30. 67. ‘ɯ ʩ ɢ Ʌ( %̥ ʞ ɲ L’ Digenis Akritis (IV.352), ed. and tr. E. Jeffreys, 89. 68. C. Jouanno, ‘Discourse of the Body in Prodromos, Eugenianos and Macrembolites’, Der Roman im Byzanz der Komnenenzeit (Referate des internationalen symposiums an der Freien Universitat Berlin, 3–6 April 1998), ed. D.R. Reinsch and P. Agapitos (Frankfurt am Main, 2000), 90. 69. On the fi rst wife of Constantine Doukas, Psellos notes: ‘ ʯ ˻ (. . .) ʯ (( ˻’, and Doukas’s second wife ‘ʍ ʯ ʒ ʯ ʰ , ʯ ɷ ((ʮ ’, Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VII.1.6), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 296, 298. 70. On the Sclerena, the author remarks: ‘ʚ ʰ ʓ ʯ (( ’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.1.50), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. I, 296. 71. On Constantine Dalassenos, we are told that he was ‘ Ʌ ̘ ʩ ̥ ((2 , ʯ ɷ ɸ ʍ (( (. . .) ɢ ( ɕ ɱ ̘ 146 Notes
ʯ ʚ ʍ ʰ ʎ ʍ ̘ + ’, Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.12), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. I, 256, 258, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 160. 72. ‘ ʯ ə ʍ Ʌ ( ((2 Ʌ ! , ʒ 2 Ʌ ̉ ʍ ə ˬ(( ʩ Ʌ ˻ !(ʮ ̘ ɥ ( Ʌ ʰ .’ Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VII.87), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 286. 73. For the Greek text see Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VII.1.87), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 286. 74. For the Greek text see Michael Attaleiates, Historia (78), ed. and tr. I. Pérez Martín, 59. 75. Attaleiates’s writing evokes an enthusiasm for impressive build and physique that causes the admiration of onlookers: the strategos George Maniakes, for instance, who took up arms against Emperor Monomachos, is praised for being of big build and broad chested, while the brave warrior Theodore Alyates is described as a man most admirable to look at, who would stand out among others because of his height and build. On Maniakes, ‘ ̘ ʯ ʍ 2 ʯ ʅ ! % ’, Michael Attaleiates, Historia (19), ed. and tr. I. Pérez Martín, 16. On Theodore Alyates ‘ʩ ɕ ̘ ʩ ( ʩ ʯ % %˻ % 7 , % ʯ ʅ 2 ʞ ((ʞ 2 ’, Michael Attaleiates, Historia (170), ed. and tr. I. Pérez Martín, 126. 76. ‘ɧ ʩ % %˻ ! ̘ ʯ ɢ ̦ ( ̦ ̘ % ʯ ˼ ɕ ʰ˪ ˻ ̗ ʯ ̦ ˻ ʅ 2 ̦ ʯ Ʌ ! (̣. ( ʩ ə 2 ʅ Ʌ ̉ ɕ %ʮ , ʳ ʁ% ( ʳ ɕ ʰ ʰ 2 , ( ə+2% ɕ ʎ ʯ (( ̖̗ ə % Ʌ ʰ(! , ʮ ʁ ʳ ʎ ʰ Ɇ ̉ ɕ ʰ˪ ʯ Ʌ ˹ ! ˼, ʯ 2 ! ( ̉ ̉ , ʯ (( ̘ Ʌ ( ̘ ̦ (( ʯ ɦ( ̘ ɕ ʰ .’ Michael Attaleiates, Historia (216), ed. and tr. I. Pérez Martín, 158. 77. ‘ ʯ ʍ ̘ ̦ ! ( ̦ !ʮ ə( ʍ ̘ , ʯ ( ʯ 2 ̥ !( 2 ɕ+ Lɧ ʩ Ʌ ʍ ̉ (( ( ʮ ̥ , Ʌ((ʩ ʯ % %˻ ɦ ’ Michael Attaleiates, Historia (100), ed. and tr. I. Pérez Martín, 74–75. 78. ‘ɕ ʮ ʯ 2 ʯ 2 ɕ (̦ % , ʯ ʍ 2 ʚ Ʌ( %̥ ʯ , ʍ % ( ɵ (( , ʯ (( Ʌ ʰ(!2 ̉ ʁ% ( ̉ , ʮ ’Ʌ ! ( ʮ ( Ʌ #2 ʚ 2 Ʌ((’ʞ ˼ ʰ˪ ˻ 2 ʯ ̦ ɕ %ʮ , Ʌ Ɋ ( % ə 2 , ʯ Ɋ+ ɷ ʩ 2 ʰ ɕ ’ Michael Attaleiates, Historia (99), ed. and tr. I. Pérez Martín, 75. 79. ‘ ʰ ɹ ʰ ̘ ! % ʯ ʰ˪ (( ʓ ɕ # ʰ̣ % ɥ , ɦ(2 ʍ ˻ ʯ ! ɕ ! ( ’ and ‘ ʰ ɹ ʰ ̘ ! ̉ ((˻ % ɵ ʓ ’ John Kinnamos, Epitome (IV.1) and (V.1), ed. A. Meineke, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn, 1839), 135 and 203, respectively, translated in C.M. Brand, Deeds of John and Manuel Komnenos (New York, 1976), 106 and 155. Notes 147
80. John Kinnamos, Epitome (V.4), tr. C.M. Brand, Deeds of John and Manuel Komnenos, 159. 81. Brand underlines that this story is invented by Kinnamos and that the marriage alliance was the reason for Raymond’s visit to Jerusalem, at the invitation of the bride’s father. See C.M. Brand, Deeds of John and Manuel Komnenos, 235–236, n. 20.
2 Only Skin-Deep: Beauty and Ugliness between Good and Evil
1. Niketas Choniates, Historia (V.3), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 241. 2. > ) , ed. E. Kriaras, 44 ) (Athens,1959), 556–640, 112–113. On physical ugliness in art see U. Eco, On Ugliness, tr. (English) A. McEwen (London, 2007). 3. ‘Ʌ % 2 % ̥, 2( ʍ % 2, ( , # ə (2 , ( , (˻, , ̖ , ( ̥ , ʳ ʁ ɕ+2 , ̥ ʯ ( , ( ɕ+ , ʯ ̘ ( ʯ ! ɕ ; ʰ ’ ʍ ̥ ɲ % ʯ ;’ and ‘ ʰ ̘ ’ ə (̉ ɥ ( ʯ ʳ ɕ Ʌ ˼ ̘ % ̉ % ’; Theodore Prodromos, (VII.428–435) and (VII.439–440), ed. and tr. (Italian) F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 246. 4. ‘ ʯ ( l 2 , ʆ ʩ ̘ ɵ ( ɕ ( ɍ # % 2 ’ John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVI.28), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange (Leipzig, 1868–75), vol. IV, 90. 5. On the Byzantine perception of the devils see R.P.H. Greenfi eld, Traditions of Belief in Late Byzantine Demonology (Amsterdam, 1988). 6. ‘ % 2 2 (ʮ% Ʌ ʰ% ’, 4 > Ζ 4 ο Ͱ)K ͛ > ο ο > (46), ed. and tr. (English) L. Rydén, The Life of St Andrew the Fool; Text, Translation and Notes (Uppsala, 1995), vol. II, 14–15. For the use of ͛ ο and · ) in the same context see vol. II, 66. 7. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VII), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 307. 8. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 289. 9. ‘Ʌ % 2 ( , ʰ( ʯ ( 2 (ʰ , ʳ ɕ ʰ ( ɕ % 2 ’ and ‘ ɕ %ʯ Ʌ ʳ (˻ , Ʌ ʰ ( Ʌ Ʌ 2 ’, Ephraim Ainios, Chronographia (6580–5, 6602–4), ed. and tr. (Greek) O. Lampsides (Athens, 1985), vol. II, 216. 10. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.1), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 270. 11. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.1), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 252. On how baldness features in the context of Byzantine humour see L. Garland, ‘And his bald head shone like a full moon . . .’: an appreciation of the Byzantine sense of humour as recorded in historical sources of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Parergon, 8 (1990), 1–31. On the psychological reaction that aligns ugliness with laughter see also ‘theories of laughter’ in 148 Notes
R. Garland, The Eye of the Beholder; Deformity and Disability in the Greco-Roman World (London, 1995), 74–75. 12. Choniates notes that Andronikos I Komnenos was told of Tripsychos’s derisory words towards the emperor’s son John by an informer; see Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.1), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 174. 13. ‘ʚ ̘ Ʌ % ̘ ̥ #2 2 ̉ % ʵ , ɕ ̥ . ʯ ʩ Ʌ ̉ ɵ ̉ Ʌ ɕ 2 ( ( , ɵ ’ɕ ɨ ̘ , ɵ ’ ʓ ɕ ( ̘ ə Ɋ ̥ ̘ ̥ , ʍ Ɋ Ʌ !̥ ɕ # ˼ ˼ ˻ ɱ L Ʌ(( ʮ ɕ % , ʆ ɕ + % , ʮ ’ ʑ ɶ ʮ ʯ ɱ ɢ ʮ ˻ ɱ ə ˹ ̥ , ʮ 2 ʅ Ʌʰ ̉ % ( ̉ ̘ ʰ , ʯ ʰ ̉ ( (2 Ɋ ʯ ( .’ Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (I.1.2), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, vol. I, 11. 14. Ephraim Ainios’s Chronographia subtly underlines this point by repeating Zonaras’s story of the Emperor Theophilos, his iconophile wife Theodora and the mentally deprived court jester Denderis, with a suggestive elaboration: the simple-minded Denderis, who betrayed the empress’s secret worship of icons, is described as uglier than Thersitis, using that as a Homeric reference to add ugliness as a fi tting epithet to the image of the jester. ‘ ɵ Ʌ ʍ ̘ l ʰ , ̘ ʯ , % , 2 ʰ ’, Ephraim Ainios, Chronographia (2352–53), ed. and tr. O. Lampsides, vol. I, 84. For Zonaras’s ‘original’ version of the story see John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XV.26), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. III, 404. 15. See Niketas Choniates, Historia (V.3), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 242. 16. ο ) 0 ͩ ο ) (1065–1069, 1086–1087), ed. E. Kriaras, # ɺ % (Athens, 1959), 50. 17. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.3), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 69. 18. Niketas Choniates, Historia (V.3), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 241. 19. For a case of hair cropping as punishment in the reign of Alexios Angelos see for instance Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 288. For the notion of beauty as a divine gift and ugliness or deformity as a sign of divine displeasure in the ancient world see R. Garland, The Eye of the Beholder (London, 1995). On diverse viewer responses to visual representations of the ugly body in classical art see M. Beard and J. Henderson, Classical Art from Greece to Rome (Oxford, 2001), 141–142. See also N. Vlahogiannis, ‘Disabling Bodies’, Changing Bodies, Changing Meanings: Studies on the Human Body in Antiquity, ed. D. Montserrat (London and New York, 1998), 14. 20. On a similar note, when Choniates describes the second reign of Isaac II Angelos he comments unkindly on the blind emperor’s unsuitability for the throne noting that ‘he who had been blinded was ordained to oversee all things and was led by the hand to ascend the imperial throne’. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VII), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 301. Zonaras presents a case in which punishment literally stigmatizes the condemned, Notes 149
noting how Constantine Kopronymos punished a thousand captives by carving their foreheads and pouring ink in the stigmata. 21. ‘ɍ((’ ʍ ’ ɕμ ʯ 2 ɡ ! (2 , ʍ + ʯ ( ɱ ̘ ’ ʩ ̘ (( ʰ ʚ ̉ % %2 ʰ ’, Theodore Prodromos, (II.2.251–252), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 104. 22. ‘ɱ ʮ ̘ ( ʅ ʯ ɱ %˻, ʯ ʰ , Ʌ2 ɱ % 2 ʯ Ʌ % ’, John Tzetzes, ‘̦ ! ̦ 6 ̣ ɹ ̣ ̦ ̦’, ͩ4 (6), ed. P.A.M. Leone (Leipzig, 1972), 12. A similar letter by Tzetzes to ‘a man who abuses heroes’ parallels the addressee to the Homeric Thersitis who may have been monstrous, ugly and rude but was of better descent than the letter’s recipient: ‘ ˼ ʮ #2 ( ˼ ˼ ʯ , ɱ ʯ ̦ ( ’, John Tzetzes, ‘ɮ 2 ʎ! # % ̣’, ͩ4 (20), ed. P.A.M. Leone, 37. 23. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 293. 24. ‘Ʌ 2 ə 2 ʳ ʁ% ( ʳ ʯ ɕ+ Ʌ ʰ ̦ %2 ̘ % ’, The Life of St Andrew the Fool (1519–1520), ed. and tr. L. Rydén, 114. A similar reference is found in Timarion, where the hero, descending into a pagan underworld with numerous Christian undercurrents, is faced with the stern guards of Hades, closely modelled on demons in their dark appearance and their ability to cause revulsion: ‘ ̉ ʯ Ʌ ̉ , ˬ Ʌ ʰ ɕ ˻ ʅ 2 ! (( ’, ) ͳ 4 K ’ Λ ο 4 ) (XV.356–357), ed. and tr. (Italian) R. Romano, La Satira Bizantina dei Secoli XI–XV (Turin, 1999), 132. 25. PG 87.3, col.3705. 26. On the Baptist in imagery and text see H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, 72. 27. John Apokaukos in H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, 74. See also Maguire on the image of St Mary of Egypt from the Chruch of Panagia Phorbiotissa, Asinou: H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, 32. 28. A. Petrakova, ‘The Beauty of the Human Body in Ancient Greek Vase- Painting’, The Road to Byzantium; Luxury Arts of Antiquity, ed. R. Cormack and A. Eastmond (London, 2006), 23. 29. For the Souda reference to kalos k’agathos and its translation see the online Souda resource http://www.stoa.org/sol-bin/fi ndentry.pl?keywords =kappa+251. 30. ‘ɱ ’ ɲ ( ʯ ̥ %̥ , ʰ ̘ ̘ , 2 % + ̥ (̥ ʁ(2( 2 ; ̉ ˻ ʳ ʯ #˻ , #˻ ( ! ɱ Ʌ ! ʰ ɱ % ʰ 2 ̘ !ʰ ’, Theodore Prodromos, (VII.506–512), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 250. 31. R. Udry and B.K. Eckland, ‘Benefi ts of Being Attractive: Differential Payoffs for Men and Women’, Psychological Reports, 54 (1984), 31. On research in the fi eld of social psychology on human responses to beauty and ugliness and the question of positive or negative stereotyping, see A.M. Griffi n and J.H. Langlois, ‘Stereotype Directionality and Attractivenes Stereotyping: Is Beauty Good or Is Ugly Bad?’, Social Cognition, 24.2 (2006), 187–206. 32. ‘ ʯ ʅ ɧ ɱ % ʯ ɷ ˻ ʅ 2 ʰ ’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XIV.1), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. III, 254. 150 Notes
33. ‘ə ʯ ɲ ʍ ̘ , ɱ %˻ (ʰ ʅ ʯ Ʌ(˻ ʯ ʮ ɵ ʮ ʮ ə ʰ ɕ + ’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XV.14), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. III, 370. 34. ‘ɢ %ʯ ʓ l (ʰ # ɕ ʯ ̦ (ʰ̣ (ɧ ʩ ʍ ʯ ʍ ʮ ʯ ̉ ̉ ʯ + , ! %̉ 2 ʯ ʑ( )’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVI.6), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. IV, 19. 35. ‘ ʯ ɢ ! ʰ( ̥ ʍ ̦ ɕ # ʯ ɖ , ɷ ʯ, Ʌ ʰ! ̘ ɷ ʁ( ˻ ̘ ʍ ˻ , ə 2 ʰ2 ̘ ̘ , ʚ ə( , ( ʍ ˼ 2 % 2 ɕ ̘ ɱ ʰ Ʌ .’ John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVI.7), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. IV, 20. 36. ‘ ̘ ɥ ʯ ʰ , ɵ , ʮ(2 ʩ ɕ ̘ ʰ, ɷ ʍ , ( ( %̉ ʩ ˻ 2 , ɦ ɍ ʵ ( l ʵ 2 ’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVI.21), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. IV, 68. 37. ‘ɱ ( ɧ(% ( % ˪ ̦ # ˼, ɥ ə 2 ̘ Ʌ Ɇ( ̘ (ɧ ʩ ̦ (( ʯ ̘ ɵ Ʌ ʰ ), ɥ ʯ Ʌ+ 2 ̘ ̦ ̥ ( Ʌ ʰ ’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVI.28), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. IV, 89. 38. For Anna’s account of Robert’s good looks and the passage describing his treachery in the Greek text see Anna Komnene, Alexiad (I.10.4) and (I.11), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 36 and 39, respectively. 39. For the Greek text see Anna Komnene, Alexiad (IX.6.5), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 272. 40. See A. Laiou, ‘Introduction: Why Anna Komnene?’, Anna Komnene and Her Times, 1–14. 41. See H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium (Princeton, 1981). 42. H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, 27. 43. Ibid. 44. See K. Corrigan, Visual Polemics in the Ninth-Century Byzantine Psalters (Cambridge, 1992), ch. 3. 45. On zoomorphism, physiognomy and the profi le pose in scenes of the Passion of Christ see G. Dagron, ‘Image de Bête ou Image de Dieu; la Physiognomonie Animale dans la Tradition Grecque et ses Avatars Byzantins’, Poikilia; Etudes Offertes à J.P. Vernant (Paris, 1987), 76–77. 46. On the icon see K.A. Manafi s ed., , 8 (Athens 1990), 99, 147. 47. On Byzantine demons see R.P.H. Greenfi eld, Traditions of Belief in Late Byzantine Demonology (Amsterdam, 1988). A characteristic representation of demons in Byzantine imagery is seen in the late-twelfth-century icon from Mount Sinai depicting St John Klimakos’s treatise on the Heavenly Ladder, where the black fi gures of demons are portrayed throwing monks off their course of heavenly accent. See R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, 160–162. 48. A. Kazhdan, ‘Byzantine Hagiography and Sex in the 5th to 12th centuries’, DOP, 44 (1990), 135. 49. ) ͳ 4 , ed. and tr. (Italian) R. Romano, La Satira Bizantina dei Secoli XI–XV (Turin, 1999), 72–97. Notes 151
50. ‘ (( %̥, Ʌ % ( %̉ (( ʯ % ’, Theodore Prodromos, (II.216–217), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 102. 51. ‘ʟ ʩ(( ɱ , ʟ %̥ ʩ . ʩ ( ʯ ɕ !ʰ̣ ɱ ̘ (( ’, Theodore Prodromos, (VII.329–331), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 240. 52. ‘ ̉ ̘ ̘ ʰ ˬ ( , (( , Ʌ ʰ , ʯ ((ʮ ( ʰ ’, Digenis Akritis (VI.336–337), ed. and tr. (English) E. Jeffreys, Digenis Akritis; the Grottaferrata and Escorial Versions, 170, 172. 53. This scene is found in the Grottaferrata version of the epic; see Digenis Akritis (VI.795–798), ed. and tr. E. Jeffreys, 200.
3 Beauty and Power and Beauty as Power
1. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 55. 2. Ibid. 3. Manganeios Prodromos, ed. E. Miller, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades (Paris, 1881), vol. II, 262 translated in E. Jeffreys, ‘The Comnenian Background to the Romans d’Antiquité’, Popular Literature in Late Byzantium (London, 1983), 478. 4. On Zoe’s involvement in the death of Romanos III, see John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVII.13), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange (Leipzig, 1868–1875), vol. IV, 135–136. 5. E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 76. 6. ‘ ʓ (( ̘ ʞ ( ʯ ̘ , (ʰ ʯ 4 ɕ %ʮ ʍ ɕ % ʰ 2· (. . .) ɕ ʯ ! ( % ɕ % # ɕ (( +, ˻ ɕ ʰ #, ʯ ʯ ʰ ɡ+ʰ2 , ʯ ɕ ʯ ʓ% ɕ %̉ ( ɕ ( ʯ ˻ ɱ ʰ Ʌ ʮ ’, Michael Psellos, Chronographia (III.20), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. I, 100, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 77. 7. Anna Komnene, The Alexiad (II.1), tr. (English) E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena, 75. 8. ‘ɍ , #ʰ# ʅ , Ʌ ( ʰ ʅ ʯ ʚ , ! ( ʰ ’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XIV.20), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. III, 316. 9. In the Byzantine romance of Kallimachos and Chrysorroi, beauty is also linked to a candidate’s right to the throne. The king, Kallimachos’s father, is unable to select an heir among his three sons because they were matched in beauty, stature and physical blessings; the implication is that if were one superior to the others in that respect, this would have tipped the balance in his favour. > ) , ed. E. Kriaras, 44 ) (Athens, 1959), 29. 10. Anna Komnene, The Alexiad (IX.5), tr. E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 280. 11. Anna Komnene, The Alexiad (IX.6.5), tr. E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 282. 12. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.4), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 81. 13. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.3), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 59. 152 Notes
14. ‘ ˼ ( ʰ˪ ̥ % 2 ̤ ʰ ɷ Ʌ ( ʰ , ʍ ̥ ɕ ̥ ’, John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XVIII.22), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. IV, 241. 15. ‘ +ʯ ʩ ˻ # ( ʰ L ɕ ʩ ʯ ̉ ə 2 ɕ ʰ ʰ ʯ ̉ 2 ( 3 ̉ ʩ ( , ʳ ɕ 2 !˼ ʰ ʚ ʰ ɷ , Ʌ ( ʰ ʮ , ʍ ʮ ʚ ( , ʯ !( ʯ 2 ʯ ! ʯ ̘ ʯ ʰ ʯ ( ( ( ̘ ʎ ’, Constantine Manassis, ’ ͛ (114), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 744. Equally, in Makrembolites’s Hysmini and Hysminias, a beautiful fi gure is often described as an agalma: the handsome fi gure of Eros, for instance, is described as a young man of such beauty that he appeared like a divine agalma: ‘ ʩ ʯ ( ʒ 2 , ʎ ˬ , ʎ ˬ % , %̥ ( ’, Eustathios Makrembolites, ’ Σ ) Σ ) ( .7.2), ed. and tr. (Italian) F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 520. 16. ‘ɯ ʓ (( ˻ 5 ˻ + , ( 5 , ɱ 5 % 6 ɱ ɷ ɍ Ʌ + . ( ˻ 5 , ( 6 Ʌ(( ( , (( (( + ̥ ((2 ʯ ɱ ˬ ʍ ̥ ɢ . ʇ ʳ ̥ ʓ 2 ɱ ʍ ɢ ( , ʎ 5 ̗ʯ ʯ 5 ( . 6 ( ̥ ʍ 5% , Ʌ ̉ ˼ ˭ 2 6 ʠ ʳ ɕ ʯ 2 ˻ ʮ Ʌ , ʳ ’ ɕ ʍ ̥ ʞ ɡ % 2 ɕ ̥ ɕ 2 ʍ 2 Ʌ % 2 . ˼ ʯ L Ʌ 7 , ! 2 , Ɇ 6(2 ɕ ̘ + ˻ Ʌ + .’ Theodore Prodromos, (I.40-57), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 66. 17. A. Cameron, J. Herrin, et al., ed. and tr., Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century; The ‘Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai’, Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Leiden, 1984), esp. 52–53. 18. See for instance, C. Mango, ‘Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder’, DOP, 17 (1963), 55–75. 19. C. Mango, ‘Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder’, 61. 20. L. James, ‘ “Pray Not to Fall into Temptation and Be on Your Guard”: Pagan Statues in Christian Constantinople’, Gesta, 35, n. 1 (1996), 12–20. 21. On this point see L. James, ‘Pray Not to Fall into Temptation and Be on Your Guard’, 15. 22. C. Mango, ‘Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder’, 63. Belief in the prophetic power of statues is noted, for instance, in Choniates’s story of the weeping image of St Tarsus that foretold the downfall of Emperor Andronikos Komnenos; see Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 194–195. 23. Mango juxtaposes two nude fi gures from the backgrounds of scenes in the Menologion of Basil and a draped fi gure representing a statue of Isis from a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (Cod. Coislin 239, fol. 122v) in C. Mango, ‘Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder’, 55–75. 24. C. Mango, ‘Antique Statuary and the Byzantine Beholder’, 74. 25. On this image see R. Cormack, Painting the Soul: Icons, Death Masks and Shrouds (London, 1997), 130. 26. See for instance H.C. Evans and W.D. Wixom, ed., The Glory of Byzantium Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843–1261 (New York, 1997), 213. Notes 153
27. On this point see C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Aldershot, 2003), 22. In the Menologion the same pose appears in the representation of standing military saints such as the fi gure of St Theodore Stratelates (Vat. gr. 1613, p. 383), presented with his hand raised to hold the spear, forearm and upper arm at an angle to each other, the forearm running parallel to the vertical axis of the saint’s body. 28. ‘ ̘ ʚ Ʌ ʩ ’, John Mauropous, σ Ϳ ο ͘ ) ) 8 ο (ʡ I), ed. and tr. (Italian) F. d’Aiuto, ‘Tre Canoni di Giovanni Mauropode in Onore di Santi Militari’, Supplemento al Bolletino Dei Classici, n. 13 (1994), 80. 29. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIV.4.7), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 441, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 451. This pose is found for instance in the representations of Justin I and Justinian on the bronze weights from the Byzantine Museum in Athens. On the weights, objects that were chiefl y associated with imperial power, the images of the emperors underline their power as guarantors of fi nancial transactions. D. Konstantios et al., The World of the Byzantine Museum, tr. (English) J. Davis (Athens, 2004), 258–259. 30. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIII.12.6), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 415. 31. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIII.2.1), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 387. 32. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIV.4.7), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 441, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 451. 33. On the Byzantine viewer’s concern with power in the ancient statue see A. Cameron, J. Herrin, et al., ed. and tr., Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century; The ‘Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai’. 34. On the ekphrasis in Byzantium see L. James and R. Webb, ‘To Understand Ultimate Things and Enter Secret Places: Ekphrasis and Art in Byzantium’, Art History, 14 (1991), 1–17. 35. Niketas Choniates, Historia (X), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 360. 36. For the Souda defi nition see http://www.stoa.org/sol-bin/fi ndentry. pl?keywords=alpha+131. For an etymological reading of the word ͗ ) see A. Stewart, Art, Desire and the Body in Ancient Greece (Cambridge, 1997), 65. On the vocabulary relating to the ͗ ) see also A. Cameron, J. Herrin, et al., ed. and tr., Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century; The ‘Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai’. On the use of the Souda in Byzantium see G.T. Dennis, The Letters of Manuel II Palaeologus (Washington, DC, 1977), 14, n. 2. 37. On this point see the Souda, http://www.stoa.org/sol-bin/fi ndentry. pl?keywords=epsiloniota+93. 38. S. Papaioannou, ‘Animate Statues: Aesthetics and Movement’, Reading Michael Psellos, ed. C. Barber and D. Jenkins (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 108. 39. ‘ʟ ʯ ʮ ʯ ʮ , ʯ Ʌ((ʮ( ̥ ʯ ʎ ’ Ʌ((ʮ(2 ˻ ɨ ( ! L ʟ ʳ Ʌ 2 ( , ʳ % ( ̥ ( .’ Michael Psellos, Ϳ ο ο Δ ! ’, ed. G.T. Dennis, Orationes Panegyricae (Leipzig,1994), 179 and ‘ɑ ɲ ʯ % ʮ , ɲ ʯ ̥ L ʯ ( ʩ ʍ 2 ( ̘ , ˻ ( , (( ̥ Ʌ 2 , ʎ ɢ ̥ ʯ ˻ ɢ ̥ 2 2 ʰ ’, Theodore Prodromos, TL Λ 0 ) I K ο , ed. W. Horandner, Historische Gedichte (Vienna, 1974), 272. For Metochites’s encomium of Nicea see H. Saradi, 154 Notes
‘The Kallos of the Byzantine City; The Development of a Rhetorical Topos and Historical Reality’, Gesta, 34, n. 1 (1995), esp. 45–46. 40. ‘ ʳ ʝ ʍ ʳ ʯ ʩ ( ʳ ʯ ! ʰ ʯ ʆ( ɚ+ ̘ ʑ ʑ ! % ̉ +ʰ , Ʌ((’ ʚ ʯ ɸ ɱ ̉ ʩ ( (ʰ ɕ ’, Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIII.10.4), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 411, translated by E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 422. 41. ‘ ʰ ʑ ʳ Ʌ ʰ ̘ (( ̥ ʑ ( % + ʍ ʰ ʒ 2 ̗ % ʰ , Ʌ((ʩ ʯ ̘ ( ( ʵ ɕ ̉ ( % (( ɱ Ʌ ʰ ɥ , ɵ ʩ ˻ 2 Ʌ ( ̘ , ( 2 ʳ Ʌ ̉ , ʯ ʩ ̘ ( (ʰ ɕ ʰ Ʌ !( ’, Anna Komnene, Alexiad (III.3.1), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 93, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 109. 42. On Maria of Alania: ‘Ʌ ( ʰ ʩ (̥ ʯ ̥ , ̘ ʆ( ʩ ʯ ʍ 2 ʆ( , ʍ ʯ ʍ 2 ɕ Ʌ % ɕ% L ( ə ʯ Ʌ % ( ( ɕ ’ and ‘ ˻ ! (ʰ (( ʯ ɢ ( ˼ ʯ ̥ ɡ%̥ ɕ 2 ʯ ʑ ʎ ( ʯ ɕ ʰ L ʍ ɍ ((˻ , ʍ ʰ ʍ ̥ Ʌ ( ̥ ̘ ʮ ( ’, Anna Komnene, Alexiad (III.2.4), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 91. 43. On the canon see A. Stewart, ‘The Canon of Polykleitos: A Question of Evidence’, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 98 (1978), 122–131. 44. Winfi eld and Torp have both argued that the Byzantines used a proportional system in order to depict the human fi gure in monumental art. See J. Winfi eld and D. Winfi eld, Proportion and Structure of the Human Figure in Byzantine Wall Painting and Mosaic (Oxford, 1982), 179. For a review of Winfi elds’ analysis see C. Walter, ‘Proportion and Structure of the Human Figure in Byzantine Wall Painting and Mosaic’ (Review), Revue des Etudes Byzantines, 42 (1984), 350–351. On Torp’s analysis see H. Torp, ‘The Integrating System of Proportion in Byzantine Art; An Essay on the Method of the Painters of Holy Images’, Acta Ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia, vol. IV (Rome, 1984), 120. 45. For the description of the statue see Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (VII.12.5), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, Byzantinae Historia (Bonn, 1829–1855), vol. I, 277. On the image of the Pantokrator see Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (XXIX.47–48), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, vol. III, 256. On the statue upon Justinian’s column see also C. Mango, ‘Justinian’s Equestrian Statue’, Studies on Constantinople (Aldershot, 1993), 1–20. 46. ‘ɕ̖̗2 ̥ ʯ ʞ ʎ ʯ % 2 ( ʍ ̦ ʮ ɢ( ʰ ̘ ˬ ʯ ʓ %’ ə ̥ (̥ ʯ ̥ . ɕ ’ ʍ ̦ ʯ ɲ( ʅ 2 ̘ ’, Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (X.2.3), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, vol. I, 481. 47. This logic is underlined in Gregoras’s analogy between good writing and the art of the painter where the author claims that, faced with a natural fault in the prototype they seek to represent, for example, a part of the body being larger or smaller than it should be, good painters avoid rendering it in their image in order not to allow the ugliness of the prototype to be recorded in Notes 155
the imagery for perpetuity. Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (I.1.2), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, vol. I, 11. For the Greek text see ch. 2, n. 14. 48. Bodily harmony is even seen as a quality of organic importance, linked not only to a body’s beauty but also its health and even its survival. Gregoras notes that the lack of harmony, or any lack or excess in the formation of an organism, can lead to improper growth and ultimately to death; see Nikephoros Gregoras, Romaiki Historia (XI.7.3), ed. L. Schopeni and I. Bekker, vol. I, 454. Psellos similarly describes Monomachos’s crippling illness and the loss of harmony it brings about in the emperor’s body: ‘ ̥ ɱ ̥ ʍ ̦ ʯ ̥ 2 % 2 , ʩ ( ˻ Ɇ , ɸ Ʌ % ʯ Ʌ ʰ ’, Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.128), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 72, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 222. 49. ‘ɑ ( (( ɕ ̉ ɢ 6 ̦ ! ̣ 2 , ʒ 2 ɕ (̥ 5 , ʒ 2 ʍ 6% 2 Ʌ 7 , ʚ ə ɕ ̦ %’ ɢ ˬ 5 ̣ 6 , ˼ ʍ ˪ ʯ ʍ ɱ 6 ɕ % ’, Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.125), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 66, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 220. 50. ‘ɛ ɚ ̥ ɕ (̥ Ʌ ( ʆ( ̥ , ( ʯ ʆ _ɕ ʍ%6 , ̉ ʯ ʆ ʩ 6 , 6 5 ’ and ‘ɲ ̉ ʍ ̦ ʯ ( %’ ɲ ( 2 ə , ʩ ʰ ̗ ɕ ʮ ’, Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.125), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri, vol. II, 68, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 221. 51. On the chrysobull see D. Konstantios, et al., The World of the Byzantine Museum, 380. 52. R. Cormack, ‘The Emperor at St Sophia: Viewer and Viewed’, Byzance et les Images, ed. A. Guillou and J. Durand (Paris, 1994), 234. 53. For an analysis of such Byzantine writing offering insight into the Byzantine perception of imperial imagery see P. Magdalino and R. Nelson, ‘The Emperor in Byzantine Art of the Twelfth Century’, Byzantinishen Forschungen, 8 (1982), 123–183, esp. 178 on John Kamateros. 54. See P. Magdalino and R. Nelson, ‘The Emperor in Byzantine Art’, 136. 55. Michael Psellos, ed. E. Kurtz, Scripta Minora (Milan, 1936), vol. I, 46–47, translated in H. Maguire, ‘Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art’, Gesta, 28, n. 2 (1989), 224. 56. H. Maguire, ‘Style and Ideology’, 224. 57. Liutprand of Cremona, Antapodosis, ed. J.P. Migne, PL 136, col. 795, in R. Cormack, ‘The Emperor at St Sophia’, 250, which offers a reading of Liutprand’s writings in the context of the Byzantine perception of the imperial position and public image. On Byzantine empresses see L. James, Empresses and Power in Early Byzantium (London, 2001), 139. 58. H. Maguire, ‘Style and Ideology’, 224. 59. In the panel representing Monomachos and Zoe, the fi gure of Christ at their midst is also painted with notable asymmetry: the right side of the face is larger than the left, the fi gure’s beard undulates asymmetrically on either side, his eyes, which appear to gaze at different directions, are framed by asymmetrical eyebrows, his lower body, unlike his frontal torso, appears tilted towards the 156 Notes
left. In the representation of Michael VII Doukas/Nikephoros III Botaneiates and Maria of Alania from the Homilies of St John Chrysostom (cod. Coislin 79, f. 1v, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris), the perfect symmetry of the motionless and static imperial couple is contrasted with the fi gure of Christ above, who crowns the couple, appearing almost in three-quarter profi le. 60. ‘ʆ ʯ ̥ ʒ ʯ ( ʯ Ɋ ʍ ʰ ʯ ʰ ( ̉ ( ̥ ʯ Ʌ ʩ ʯ ( , ʩ (( Ʌ ( ə ’, Michael Psellos, ‘ aʍ ( ’, ed. E. Kurtz, Scripta Minora, vol. I, 27. 61. ‘ʦ ʯ ʩ ʅ ʍ Ʌ ̤ ̉ !( , Ʌ((ʩ ( Ʌ !̥ , ʑ ʍ ʩ L ʍ ʩ ʯ ̘ (ʰ ɕ (̥ , ʞ ʯ ( ʯ Ʌ !̥ ɕ L ʩ ˻ ɖ ̦ ˻ 2 , ʆ 2 ̘ Ʌʰ . ʮ ˻ 2 , ɱ ̉ ʯ ˻ ̥ ̥ 2 , ʍ Ʌ ! ʍ ʑ % , Ʌ((’ɕ ̥ Ʌ ʰ ̣ ̦# ˬ(( ɕ L ʍ ʩ ’ ( ̘ ɢ ɢ ̉ ʩ ( Ʌ , Ʌ((ʩ ʯ ( ̉ ʯ ʝ ʯ ( 2 ʰ ʯ ( ̉ % ɱ , ʩ ɵ 2 % , ʩ ʁ .’ Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ 6 > Ͱ)K · > > (688–694), ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae (Leipzig, 1994), 189.
4 The Beauty of Broken Bodies: Pain, Eloquence and Emotion
1. ‘ ʩ 6 ’ ɢ ̉ ʚ ̉ (( ʩ ʳ ɲ ʳ ̥ Ʌ % 7 2 ɱ ̘ ̘ +6( ɕ , ʄ ʯ ʚ ̗ ɕ ʯ ̥ ̥ ɖ ̘ #2 ̦ (( ɖ ̘ ʯ ˼ ʚ 5 .’ Michael Psellos, > Ϳ ͗ 4 )) ͓ 4 ) / / 0 ’ Ͳ Ϳ ) ) Λ K 4 6) " !’ ! ͤ! ) Ͱ) , " ’ ι > ) , ! ͗0 ! _, ed. and tr. K. Snipes, ‘An Unedited Treatise of Michael Psellos on the Iconography of Angels and on the Religious Festivals Celebrated on Each Day of the Week’, Gonimos, Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies Presented to Leendert G. Westerlink at 75, ed. J. Duffy and J. Peradotto (Buffalo, 1988), 204 Text in italics is my translation. 2. Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ 6 > Ͱ)K · > >, ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae (Leipzig, 1994), 116–198. See also P. Gautier, ‘Un Discours Inédit de Michel Psellos sur la Crucifi xion’, Revue d’Etudes Byzantines, 49 (1991), 5–66. 3. On the ekphrasis in Byzantium and its role of turning readers into viewers see L. James and R. Webb, ‘To Understand Ultimate Things and Enter Secret Places: Ekphrasis and Art in Byzantium’, Art History, 14 (1991), 1–17. See also on the ekphrasis R. Webb, ‘Accomplishing the Picture; Ekphrasis, Mimesis and Martyrdom in Asterios of Amasia’, Art and Text in Byzantine Culture, ed. L. James (Cambridge, 2007), esp. 15–19. 4. Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ 6 > Ͱ)K · > > (653–655), ed. E.A. Fisher, 187. 5. See section on the ‘Lament’ in H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium (Princeton, 1981), 91–108. Notes 157
6. On the use of the image of the Man of Sorrows in Byzantium and its role as ‘funeral portrait’ in the service of Good Friday see H. Belting, ‘An Image and Its Function in the Liturgy; the Man of Sorrows in Byzantium’, DOP, 34–35 (1980–1981), 1–16. 7. On the icon see R. Cormack, Byzantine Art (Oxford, 2000), 152–153. 8. On the Lament of the Virgin in Byzantium see H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence, ch. 5. 9. T. Mathews, The Art of Byzantium, 124. 10. R. Cormack, Sinai, Byzantium, Russia at the Courtauld (2000), 3. On the concept of ‘Renaissance’ in Byzantium see R. Cormack, Byzantine Art, 129–133. 11. On this theological debate and religious imagery relating to the body of Christ in Byzantine wall painting see Walter’s discussion of the image of ‘The Christ Child on the Altar’ in C. Walter, Pictures as Language and How the Byzantines Exploited Them (London, 2000), 229–242. 12. On this point see R. Cormack, ‘Living Painting’, Rhetoric in Byzantium, ed. E. Jeffreys (Aldershot, 2003), 244. 13. R. Cormack, Sinai, Byzantium, Russia at the Courtauld, 3. 14. On the Byzantine ‘quest’ for the face of Christ, see R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, ch. 3. On the portrait-likeness of Christ see also: G. Dagron, ‘L’image de Culte et le Portrait’, Byzance et les Images, ed. A. Guillou and J. Durand (Paris, 1994), esp. 130–138. 15. The tenderness of the scene is noted as the Virgin presses the side of her face against Christ’s, her embrace allowing her darkly clad fi gure almost to envelop his body. On this point see I. Kalavrezou, ‘The Maternal Side of the Virgin’, Mother of God: Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art, ed. M. Vassilaki (Milan, 2000), 43. 16. The play of gazes also seems to work to this effect; the Virgin, St John the Evangelist and Joseph of Arimathea cast their piercing gaze into the viewer’s space as if to acknowledge his/her presence, ‘force him to enter the picture, assign him a place at once privileged and inescapable’, including him/her among the mourners, as a participant rather than simply an eyewitness to the scene. M. Foucault, ‘Las Meninas’, The Continental Aesthetics Reader, ed. C. Cazeaux (London and New York 2000), 402. 17. Michael Psellos, Chronographia (VI.33–34), tr. (English) E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 172 and 173. On a similar reference to the grave brow of the Emperor Nikephoros see Michael Psellos, Έ 6 ) (105), ed. and tr. (English) W.J. Aerts (Berlin, 1990), 101. On furrowed brows and distorted eyebrows as signs of sorrow see Maguire’s analysis of facial expressions denoting grief in H. Maguire, ‘Sorrow in Mid-Byzantine Art’, DOP, 31 (1977), 166–171. 18. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.2) tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 237. 19. For issues on the attribution and dating, see M. Alexiou, ‘The Lament of the Virgin in Byzantine Literature and Modern Greek Folk-Song’, BMGS, 1 (1975), 111–140. Staurou suggests that the work was probably not intended for a viewing public but rather to be read and/ or orally delivered, see Th. Staurou, 6: ‘ ο 0 ’ (Athens, 1973). 20. ‘ʧ % ( , ( ʳ , ʟ ( , ʟ % ʚ ʎ ˬ , ɱ ʵ Ʌ , ̥ 158 Notes
̘ # ; ʍ 2 !( .’ Gregory Nazianzenus (?), ο 0 (920–925), ed. and tr. (French) A. Tuilier, La Passion du Christ; Tragedie (Paris, 1969), 200. 21. George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L > · > Ͱ Λ > Ͱ ͓ λ ! ο Λ > Ϳ λ ) λ > Ͱ)K · o> > " ͔ ) ", ed. J.P. Migne, PG 100, cols. 1457–1489. 22. On the manuscripts see H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, 97. On the popularity of George of Nikomedia’s writings on the Passion see N. Tsironis, ‘Historicity and Poetry in 9th Century Homiletics’, Preacher and Audience: Studies in Early Christian and Byzantine Homiletics, ed. M.B. Cunningham and P. Allen (Leiden, Boston and Kollz, 1998), 296. Se also D.I. Pallas, ‘Di Passion und Bestatung Christi in Byzanz: der Ritus, das Bild’, Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia, 2 (1965), 30. On the readings for Easter see A. Dmitrievskij, Opisanie Liturgiceskich Rukopisej, Charanjastichcja u Bibliotekach Prauoslaunago Uostoka, I (Kiev, 1895), 550–554, esp. 550 for the reference to George of Nikomedia. 23. ‘Ʌ((’ ʍ ʚ L ʍ ʒ 2 ʞ % L ʞ ˻ ( ʰ ̥ ɕ ( % L ʞ ɵ 2 ̉ ɕ 2 ̈# % (( ’ George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L, PG 100, col. 1473. 24. ‘Ʌ ʰ ̘ ʯ (̥ ( , ̘ ʩ Ʌ ˻ 2 ɕ+ 2 L ̘ ʎ ˻ ̥ Ɇ 2 2(2 % ʰ ’ and ‘ ̥ ʎ ̘ % ; ̥ ʰ ɶ % ̥ , ɕ % ̘ ( %2 2; ̥ ʰ 2 ( 2 ʳ ʁ% ( ’, George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L, PG 100, col. 1488 and 1473, respectively. 25. ‘ɍ ʯ ˻ Ʌ %ʰ ̥ ʰ 2 ( ̥ Ʌ ʰ , ɕ 2 ( L ɕ 2 ˻ ɦ( L ɕ 2 ʚ ɕ (( ’, George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L, PG 100, col. 1472. 26. ‘ ̉ ʍ ʰ (( , Ʌ (( ʯ Ʌ ʰ Ʌ ʮ ̦ Ʌ % 2 ʰ ̦L Ʌ % (( , ɢ Ʌ (( ʰ2 ʚ , ʯ ˻ ’, George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L, PG 100, col. 1472. 27. ‘c ̉ , ʅ ʍ ̥ ʩ L ʩ ʩ ɡ(( + ʯ (( + , % L’, Gregory Nazianzenus (?), ο 0 (869–871), ed. and tr. A. Tuilier, La Passion du Christ, 196. 28. ‘ɑ2 ̘ ʯ ʰ( ɕ # L’, George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L, PG 100, col. 1488. 29. ‘ɍ((’ɱ ʯ ̘ ʍ ɸ , ̘ ɕ ˼ Ʌ ʰ , ɕ ˎ ̥ Ʌ % 2 Ʌ ( ʍ ( # , ˼ ˹ ( %ʮ ˹’, George of Nikomedia, Ϳ ο Ϳ ι 4 L L, PG 100, col. 1488. On this combination of the Lament with the premonition of the Anastasis, also found in texts dating in the early thirteenth century, see, for instance, the writings of Germanios II on this theme: Germanios Archbishop of Constantinople, In Dominici Corporis Sepulchram, ed. J.P. Migne, PG 98, col. 278. Notes 159
30. The text is copied in a thirteenth-century manuscript (which in fact attributes it to the twelfth-century schoolmaster Nikephoros Bassilakis) as well as in a manuscript of fourteenth-century date. On the manuscript survival of Metaphrastes’s text see H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, 98–99. 31. ‘ ʯ ̘ ɵ , ʚ ʰ ʩ ̘ ɲ ʳ ̥ Ʌ % 2 , ʯ + ˹ ɕ ˼, + ̘ ɲ ʍ ʰ’ 7 ̘ % ʯ ̘, Ϳ ο ! ! Σ4 8 Δ 4 4 ο ) K) > Ͱ)K · > >, ed. J.P. Migne, PG 114, col. 209. 32. ‘ ̉5 ̥ (̥ ̘ 7 ə Ʌ % ; ʧ % Ʌ % , ʯ 6 ɕ + ˼ ˪ ! (. . .) ʧ 5 ̗ ! ʧ 5 !( ɚ ( , ɱ ʯ (˻ ɕ 6 2 (. . .) ʧ ̉ , ɲ % 2 ( , ʯ ̘ (2 ̦ ̦’ 7 ̘ % ʯ ̘, Ϳ ο ! ! Σ4 8 , PG 114, col. 212, summarized and translated in H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, 100. 33. For the vague vocabulary used to describe the beauty of Christ see M. Chatzidakis, ‘ɛ ̥ ɛ( ̘ 2 ’, ͩ4 ͪ K 4 K , 14 (1938), 393–414. 34. M. Alexiou, Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition, 66. On the beauty of the dead Christ see also G. Greer, The Boy (London, 2003), ch. 9. 35. ‘ʧ ( ə , ( , ̘ ə (( ;’, Epitaphios Threnos (3.16), translated in M. Alexiou, Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition, 67. 36. ‘ʈ ʚ ̉ (( ʩ ! ʳ ʚ Ʌ ʰ ʰ , ʚ ̈ ̘ ’, Epitaphios Threnos (1.8), translated in M. Alexiou, Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition, 67. On the emphasis on Christ’s death as life-giving ‘sleep’, which awakes mankind from the slumber of sin see Epitaphios Threnos (2.4) translated in M. Alexiou, ‘The Lament of the Virgin in Byzantine Literature’, 120. For Alexiou’s reading of continuity in vocabulary used to lament the dead Christ in Byzantine writing, and also in the tradition of antique laments over young gods and heroes see M. Alexiou, Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition (London, 1974), ch. 4. 37. (8), ed. and tr. (English), A.C. Mahr, The Cyprus Passion Cycle (Indiana, 1947). See also M. Ploritis, 8 (Athens, 1999), esp. 196–197. 38. On ways in which art can go beyond writing saying pictorially what may not be said with words see Robin Cormack’s analysis of the ‘Ascension’ scene from the Hermitage of St Neophytos, Paphos in R. Cormack, Writing in Gold, ch. 6. 39. T. Mathews, The Art of Byzantium: Between Antiquity and the Renaissance (London, 1998), 124. 40. M. Bal, Reading Rembrandt: Beyond the Word–Image Opposition, the Northrop Frye Lectures in Literary Theory (Cambridge and New York, 1991), 375. On art ‘aestheticizing’ death see E. Bronfen, ‘Over Her Dead Body’: Death, Femininity and the Aesthetic (New York, 1992). 41. Psellos’s ekphrasis attempts to turn listeners, through the eyes of the imagination, into viewers of the scene described. See Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ 6 > Ͱ)K · > > (676), ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae, 188. 160 Notes
42. ‘ ̘ ̥ ʒ 2 Ʌ ! , ʒ 2 ɕ , ʒ 2 ɗ ʯ 5 , ʚ ʍ Ʌ % ’, Michael Psellos, 5 ɱ 6 2 ̘ ɢ ̥ ɹ ̘ ̘ (751–754), ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae, 192. 43. George of Nikomedia’s passage on the Anastasis speaks of the risen, and thus spiritual and bodiless Christ in terms that emphasize his beauty, referring to Christ as irremovable ornament, as sweet light, more than desirable sight, and as permanent and un-ruinable beauty. In this case Christ’s beauty is spoken of as an abstract, spiritual quality, as the beauty of the spiritual sun that is approachable through spiritual eyes: ‘ʦ ʩ ˻ Ʌ ( (ʮ ʚ 2 ʰ ʁ ! ( .’, ‘ɵ ̥ ̘ ɢ(ʰ ʎ 2 ̉ (( ’, George of Nikomedia, Ϳ λ ! ͛0 8 L I 4 , PG 100, col. 1504. 44. ‘ ̘ (( ̘ , % ; ɪ ( ̦ (ʰ%̣ % ! , ( ʰ ˼ ̗ ˼ ̥ ɲ 2 (( , ɢ , ɢ ( , ɢ ! ɱ (( ’, Theodore Prodromos, (I.247–251), ed. and tr. (Italian) F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 76. 45. ‘ʥ % , ̘ ˻ ɦ! ə , ɢ ˻ (˻ ɢ( ʰ , ˻ ˬ ʯ ̘ ʰ( ̗ , ̥ ( 2 (ɢ + ), ʚ ( ( 2 ; ̘ ʩ ʰ ̥ (̥ ( 2 , ̘ ʩ , ɢ ( , ̥ !( 2 % ; ʥ , % , ʰ ˻( , ɢ ̗ ʩ %ʰ , (( ̉ ʩ , ʰ ʩ ʰ L (. . .) ʥ , ̥ ̉ ɱ % 2 , ɢ ʩ + # ̥ ɕ (ʰ2 .’ Theodore Prodromos, (VI. 291–306), ed. and tr. F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 212. 46. For Psellos’s text see Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ λ 4 ο ά ) , ed. K. Sathas, Bibliotheca Graeca Medii Aevi, vol. V (Paris, 1876), 62–87. See also L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine Art, 83. 47. ‘ ’Ʌ ʩ # ʮ , ə %’ ʆ( 2 ˻ ɕ ʰ ! %̉ ʯ ɱ ( ɕ+ 2%̉ , ʯ ʩ Ɇ ʰ ̘ ( , ʯ ɕ % ʯ Ʌ ʰ (( ˻ , ʚ Ʌ ˻ ̥ 2 ( % ɕ+ %ʰ ʯ %ʰ , ʯ ʯ ʍ ̉ ̉ ̥ ɕ . ɟ ʓ ɢ ̉ % # ʯ ʯ ( ʆ ʍ Ʌ % ̉ ɕ+ L ʯ ˬ ʝ 2 ʯ Ʌ ʩ ʮ 2 , ʯ ʎ , ʯ ʍ ( ɕ ̘ , ɱ ˼ ʁ 2 ˹ ɵ % ’, Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ λ 4 ο ά ) (14–20), ed. K. Sathas, Bibliotheca Graeca Medii Aevi, vol. V, 77–78. 48. On the antithesis in Byzantine literature see H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, ch. 3. 49. On the Byzantine Threnos over the body of the deceased see P. Koukoules, 7 ) , vol. IV (Athens, 1951). On the use of professional mourners in Byzantium see C. Walter, ‘Death in Byzantine Iconography’, Eastern Churches Review, 8 (1976), 23. See also reference to the practice of aspasmos within the funerary service in E. Velkovska, ‘Funeral Rights according to the Byzantine Liturgical Sources’, DOP, 55 (2001), 21–51. 50. See J. Kyriakakis, ‘Byzantine Burial Customs; Care of the Deceased from Death to Prothesis’, The Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 19, n. 1 (1974), 37–72. Notes 161
51. ‘ ( %̉ ə ̥ ʯ ɕ ( ̉ ɕ+ , ʰ ʍ ʯ 2 ɥ ʯ ʵ ɕ ( % . ʯ ˻ ʅ 2 % ̉ ʩ ɡ(( ̘ ʩ ! ʯ ̘ . ɱ ʵ 2 ɕ (ʮ % ( ( ̥ ə+2 %ʰ .’ John Kinnamos, Epitome, ed. A. Meineke, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn, 1839), 209. Other references in the Epitome of responses to beauty ruined by calamity include the handsome son of sebastocrator Andronikos who lost an eye in a joust and was compensated by Emperor Manuel by being given the title of protosebastos, and the handsome Manuel, son of John Kantakouzenos, who is blinded against the emperor’s wishes, causing the emperor’s anger against the wrongdoers. 52. H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence, 32. 53. Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.2) ed. J.A. van Dieten, 332–333, translated in H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 183. 54. ‘ɱ 5 2 ɕ ʵ % Ʌ ! , Ʌ(( ʰ (( Ʌ ̣ ɕ ( + ʯ ɸ Ʌ ˻ ! (˻ ʩ ɱ % ( 7 Ʌ ( 5 ʯ ˬ 6 ʯ 6 . ɷ ʒ % ʯ ɕ ɕ ’, Michael Psellos (194), ed. E. Kurtz, Scripta Minora, vol. II (Milan, 1941–1945), 220, translated in A. Cutler and R. Browning, ‘In the Margins of Byzantium? Some Icons in Michael Psellos’, BMGS, 16 (1992), 27. 55. C. Barber, ‘Living Painting, or the Limits of Pointing? Glancing at Icons with Michael Psellos’, Reading Michael Psellos, ed. C. Barber and D. Jenkins (Leiden, 2006), 118–119. 56. C. Barber, ‘Living Painting, or the Limits of Pointing? Glancing at Icons with Michael Psellos’, 120. 57. ‘c 2 ̘ ʍ ʆ % , Ʌ((’ ʆ % . ə ʩ !!( 6 ʯ % 2%˻ (( ʯ ɕ ̥ ʁ% ( ̥ ɵ % ʎ ! ’, Michael Psellos (194), ed. E. Kurtz, Scripta Minora, vol. II, 220 and 221, respectively. 58. ‘ʍ ɱ 5 ; ʯ ʩ ʰ, % 5 ̦ ʅ 5 ; ɕ ʵ ʯ ɲ (̥ 6 (. . .) ʯ ( (( Ʌ ̥ Ʌ 6 2 (. . .). ˬ(( ̉ Ʌ ̉ 6 ̉ , ʆ ̘ 2 ɕ+ # . ʯ ˻ ̘ , ( 2 ʯ Ʌ . . . .’ Michael Psellos (129), ed. E. Kurtz, Scripta Minora, vol. II, 152, tr. A. Cutler and R. Browning, ‘In the Margins of Byzantium?’, 28. 59. A. Cutler and R. Browning, ‘In the Margins of Byzantium?’, 28. 60. R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, 23. On the icon as ‘window to heaven’ and the notion that a beautiful icon affords a clearer ‘view’ into the divine, see P.R. Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988), 207–221. 61. C. Barber, ‘Living Painting, or the Limits of Pointing? Glancing at Icons with Michael Psellos’, 119. 62. ‘ɍ((_ ʞ (( ɕ+ Ʌ ( ɕ ʯ ʍ (̥ ̥ , (( ʯ ɢ ɕ ʒ 2 6 2 ə ʎ ̥ Ʌ ( , ʒ 2 Ʌ ̘% .’ Michael Psellos, Ϳ λ 6 > Ͱ)K · > > (859–862), ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae, 196–197, translated in H. Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art (Chicago and London, 1994), 529. 162 Notes
63. R. Browning, History, Language and Literacy in the Byzantine World (Northampton, 1989), 120. 64. Psellos notes that: ‘ ̦ ʩ ̗ % ̦ ʯ ̦ (( ˻ ( +2 ɕ(( Ʌ ɕ ( ’, Michael Psellos, ncomium on Symeon Metaphrastes (260–262), ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae, 281. 65. S. Papaioannou, ‘Animate Statues: Aesthetics and Movement’, Reading Michael Psellos, ed. C. Barber and D. Jenkins (Leiden and Boston, 2006), 109. 66. Ibid. 67. R. Cormack, Sinai, Byzantium, Russia at the Courtauld, 3. 68. On parallels between the martyrdom of St George and the Passion of Christ in Byzantine church schemes see H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, 186–193. 69. On the church of St George in Kalamas, Rethymnon see I. Spatharakis, 0 ) 6 6) (Rethymnon, 1999), 52–53. On the church of the Omorfoklissia see also A. Vassilaki-Karakatsani, 0 ) (Athens, 1971). 70. R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, 160.
5 Angels and Eunuchs: The Beauty of Liminal Masculinity
1. On the fi gure of the archangel Michael in Byzantine coinage, see M.F. Hendy, Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire 1081–1261 (Washington, DC, 1969), 436. 2. On this point see H. Maguire, ed., ‘The Heavenly Court’, Byzantine Court Culture from 829–1204 (Washington, DC, 1997), 252. 3. For Maguire’s suggestion of a link between such texts and representations of the annunciation angel in religious imagery see H. Maguire, ‘The Self- Conscious Angel: Character Study in Byzantine Painting of the Annunciation’, ‘Okeanos’; Essays Presented to Ihor Šev6enko on His 60th Birthday by His Colleagues and Students, ed. C. Mango and O. Pritsak (Cambridge, MA, 1983), 377–386. 4. On Christopher of Mytilene’s story and its context see A.P. Kazhdan and A. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Berkeley, 1985),96. 5. Michael Psellos, > Ϳ ͗ 4 )) ͓ 4 ) / / 0 ’ Ͳ Ϳ ) ) Λ K 4 6) " !’ ! ͤ! ) Ͱ) , " ’ ι > ) , ! ͗0 ! _, ed. and tr. K. Snipes, ‘An Unedited Treatise of Michael Psellos on the Iconography of Angels and on the Religious Festivals Celebrated on Each Day of the Week’, Gonimos, Neoplatonic and Byzantine Studies Presented to Leendert G. Westerlink at 75, ed. J. Duffy and J. Peradotto (Buffalo, 1988), 185–205. 6. Michael Psellos, > Ϳ ͗ 4 , ed. and tr. K. Snipes, ‘An Unedited Treatise of Michael Psellos’, 201, 7. ‘ʟ , ̘ , ʯ ̘ , ɵ ʳ Ʌ ( / ʯ % ʎ L/ ɍ((’ ̥ Ʌ̕(2 2 ./ ʥ , ɷ % ̉ ɱ 6 ;/ ʦ ̗˭ ̉ Ʌ 5 2 6 ;/ ( ɢ c / ʍ ʚ , ʚ ’ ə + (( ’, John Mauropous, Versus Iambici, ed. G.P. Migne, PG 120, col. 1139, translated Notes 163
in G. Peers, Subtle Bodies; Representing Angels in Byzantium (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 2001), 202. 8. On the Byzantine perception of icons as marking the ‘true presence’ of saints, as deceased members of the Christian community, see R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, 73. On the notions of likeness in the holy portrait see G. Dagron, ‘Holy Images and Likeness’, DOP, 45 (1991), 32–33. On the icon as portrait of the saint see also R. Cormack, Icons (London, 2007), ch.4. 9. Michael Psellos, EͿ 6) > ͓ 0 0 , ed. E.. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae (Leipzig, 1994), 231–256. 10. G. Dagron, ‘Holy Images and Likeness’, DOP, 45 (1991), 31. 11. For Maguire’s analysis on ‘Corporeality and Immateriality’ see H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, ch. 2. 12. H. Maguire, ‘Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art’, Gesta, 28.2 (1989), 223. On Maguire’s suggestion that such visual indications may be intended to tell the viewer whether a scene is taking place on earth or in heaven see also H. Maguire, ‘A Murderer among the Angels: The Frontispiece Miniatures of Paris Gr. 510 and the Iconography of the Archangels in Byzantine Art’, The Sacred Image, East and West, ed. R. Ousterhout and N. Brubaker (Urbana and Chicago, 1995), 66. 13. (I.Cor.15.40), translated in H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, 70. 14. Theodore Studite, ed. J.P. Migne, PG 99, col. 313A, translated in H. Maguire, Icons of Their Bodies, 70. 15. For the dating of the Evangelistria see N.K. Moutsopoulos, G. Demetrokalis, c , ) 6 (Thessaloniki, 1981), 135–136. 16. ‘ɕ2 ʓ , ʙ ʁ ̘ % ̘ %5 ((̥ Ʌ ̥ ɕ ( 2 ʯ ( ( 2 ʯ ɷ % 2 2 . ɸ 6 2 ɕ+˻ , ʩ (ɶ (ʵ ɵ 2) ɸ ʍ (( L ɕ+˺ ʩ 2 ʯ ( ʯ ˻% ʯ 6 ̘ 7 ʯ Ʌ ̉ Ʌ̖̗ ʯ Ʌ 5 2 % ̘ Ʌ ( ɕ , ɦ ɢ ˻ ɱ 5 ʍ ̘ ˭.’ Michael Psellos, EͿ 6) > ͓ 0 0 (560–568), ed. E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae, 253. 17. Michael Psellos, Chronographia (I.3, I.11), ed. and tr. D. Del Corno, S. Impellizzeri et al., vol. I, 10, translated in E.R.A. Sewter, Fourteen Byzantine Rulers, 28. Kinnamos’s Epitome equally presents numerous references to the great build of noteworthy men as their distinguishing mark: John Kantakouzenos was challenged in battle by an enemy who recognized him by his armour and ‘by the height and shapeliness of his body’, while the brave Bacchinos who faced emperor Manuel Komnenos in combat ‘excelled in bravery and possessed an immense frame’. ‘ ɲ ɕ ˻ (ʰ 2 ʍ ʮ ( ̦ ʩ 2 Ʌ(ʮ( ) ʯ ˻ ̘ ʵ Ʌ ˻ ’ and ‘Ʌ ʰ˪ ʯ (̣ ɕ ’, John Kinnamos, 4 ) (III.9), ed. A. Meineke, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn, 1839), 109–110 and 111, respectively, translated in C.M. Brand, Deeds of John and Manuel Komnenos, 88 and 89. 18. On Bohemond see Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XIII.10.4), tr. E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 422. 19. ‘ɕ% 6 ɷ ̘ Ʌ 5 ʯ % ʯ ɧ ʅ 2 + ’, Nikephoros Bryennios, Yli Historias (IV.15), ed. and tr. (French) P. Gautier (Brussels, 1975), 281. 164 Notes
20. Mouriki acknowledges that this last attribution is precarious as only the ‘c ’ of the angel’s name survives. For the identifi cation of the other fi gures see D. Mouriki, ‘ 2 5 6(( % ’, 0 , 11 (1978), n. 1, 115–142. 21. On the question of dating for the text of the Timarion see M. Mullett, Theophylact of Ochrid: Reading the Letters of a Byzantine Archbishop (Aldershot, 1997), R. Beaton, ‘Cappadocians at Court: Digenes and Timarion’, Alexios I Komnenos, ed. M. Mullett and D. Smythe (Belfast, 1996), 329–338 and Timarion, tr. (English) B. Baldwin (Detroit, 1984). 22. ‘ ʍ ̦ ( 6 , Ʌ 7 2 , ɕ ʵ ̉ ʯ ʩ ! ( , ( ( Ʌ ̉ ʯ 5 2 Ʌ (!2 ɢ( L ʯ ʩ ʩ ʓ ʎ %6 # ̦ ! (̉.’ ) ͳ 4 K ’ Λ ο 4 ) (33.734–736), ed. and tr. (Italian), R. Romano, La Satira Bizantina dei Secoli XI–XV (Turin, 1999), 154. 23. ‘ɍ ̉ , ʟ (( 2 , ʚ 2 ̥ ̥ ! ( 2 ( ʩ ̘ ̣ ʎ % ; ɠ Ʌ ̘% 6 ̥, %7 ʍ ̦ ʯ ʩ ! .’ ) (33.740–743), ed. and tr. R. Romano, La Satira Bizantina, 154. 24. ‘ʈ ̉ ɧ ʚ ʯ 5 2 2 . %# ʓ ̘ ɕ ʍ ̦ ʍ ̘ ( ɕ %˻ ɡ , ʚ ̉ ̦ ɵ ʚ ˻% ɕ ̘ ( %ʯ ʯ ( ̦ ̣’, 4 ! ͜ (10), ed. T. Preger, Scriptores Originum Constantinopolitanarum (Leipzig, 1901), 86. 25. ‘ʈ ! (ʳ Ʌ 6 ʩ ̗ ̘ ( ʳ ʍ 6 ʯ ʎ ɚ ɚ ʍ ̥ ̦ ̣ ( 2 L “ 5 ɕ ;” ʈ ̉ ! ɷ ɕ+ ʍ ̥ ˻ %2 ɕ ̘ ʍ 6 ʆ ɕ ̦ ̦ ɕ% -ə 2 5 ! ( , ʆ ( ɕ ʯ ʯ ̗˻ 7 5 ɕ ʯ ʆ ʍ ̘L ɱ ̘ 5 , ʆ ( 5 ɕ 6 ʯ ɲ ʯ ʍ ̘ ̘ Ʌ ʯ ɕ (( ɧ ɢ ʍ ̘, (2 ɕ 5+ % ! (ʳ ’, 4 ! ͜ , ed. T. Preger, Scriptores Originum Constantinopolitanarum, 87. 26. On the dating of the Life and the manuscript tradition, which indicates, for instance, that the Life was copied in eleventh- and twelfth-century manuscripts (today in the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome Cod. Vat. Gr. 1574 and Cod. Vat. Gr. 2010, respectively) see The Life of St Andrew the Fool, ed. and tr. (English) L. Rydén (Uppsala, 1995), vol. I, 82–105. 27. ‘ ˭ ʍ ˻, ̦ % 5 , ʯ 5 2 ʍ ̘ ʍ # ʎ ɦ( , ɡ ( % ˻. (. . .) 5 2 ʍ ̘, ʯ ʎ ˻ ʚ ʯ , ʚ ̘ ɕ+ ɷ Ʌ ( ! ʰ ʍ ̘ + ʯ ɶ ɕ ˼ Ʌ (˹ Ʌ ( + %5 ( , ʚ ɷ ʩ ʰ .’ 4 > Ζ 4 ο Ͱ)K ͛ > ο ο > (15.963–969), ed. and tr. L. Rydén, Life of St. Andrew the Fool, vol. II, 76. 28. ‘ə ʰ ̘ , 2 ! ( . ɯ 5 2 ʍ ̘ ʚ ̗5 , ʯ ( ̦ 7 ʚ ʯ 7 , ʍ , ɕ + % ’, 4 > Ζ 4 ο Ͱ)K ͛ > ο ο > (17.1034–1037), ed. and tr. L. Rydén, Life of St. Andrew the Fool, vol. II, 80, 82. Notes 165
29. Gautier dates Theophylact’s text during the years of his Episcopal offi ce and before the death of Demetrios, for whom the discourse was composed. See Theophylact of Ochrid, Apologie de l’eunuchisme, ed. and tr. P. Gautier, Theophylacte d’Achrida, Discours, Traites, Poesies (Thessaloniki, 1980), 115–117, on the issue of dating, and 288–331 for the text. 30. E.V. Maltese, Dimensioni Byzantine; Donne, Angeli e Demoni nel Medioevo Greco (Turin, 1993), 85. 31. For this remark see S. Avernicev, L’Anima e lo Specchio; L’Universo della Poetica Bizantina (Bologna, 1988), 51. See also H. Maguire, ‘A Murderer among the Angels’, The Sacred Image, East and West, 63–71 for the suggestion that the imperial dress of angels draws parallels between imperial and heavenly courts. For Mango’s reading, which regards the imperial archangel as a sign of Byzantine conservatism and the survival of a pagan motif, C. Mango, ‘St Michael and Attis’, 0 , 12 (1984), 39–62. 32. E.V. Maltese, Dimensioni Byzantine; Donne, Angeli e Demoni nel Medioevo Greco (Turin, 1993). 33. ‘L’asessualita angelica, recepta e transmessa dall’ iconographia, in cui l’angelo ha I connotati di un giovane effeminato o di un adolescente impubere.’ E.V. Maltese, Dimensioni Byzantine, 81–82. 34. On the enamel icon see R. Cormack and M. Vassilaki, ed., Byzantium 330–1453 (London, 2008), 117, 395. 35. C. Galatariotou, ‘Holy Women and Witches: Aspects of Byzantine Conceptions of Gender’, BMGS, 9 (1985), 76. 36. K. Ringrose, ‘Living in the Shadows: Eunuchs and Gender in Byzantium’, Third Sex, Third Gender, ed. G. Herdt (New York, 1994), 91. The eunuch’s beardlessness was seen as characteristic of their sexual status; for such distinctions between ‘bearded’ and ‘beardless’/eunuch offi cials within the imperial court see S.F. Tougher, ‘Byzantine Eunuchs; an Overview, with Special Reference to Their Creation and Origin’, Women, Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium, ed. L. James (London and New York, 1997), 171–172. On the question of the eunuchs’ gender and the offi cial theological views (such as those voiced by Theophylact of Ohrid), which were adamant on the eunuchs’ masculinity, see K. Ringrose, ‘Living in the Shadows: Eunuchs and Gender in Byzantium’, 85–109, esp. 102–109. 37. E. Piltz, ‘Middle Byzantine Court Costume’, Byzantine Court Culture from 829–1204, ed. H. Maguire (Washington, DC, 1997), 39. 38. For this story quoted by Zonaras in his Epitome Historion (XV.1), see S.F. Tougher, ‘Byzantine Eunuchs; an Overview’, 176. 39. ‘ɕʰ ɕ ʯ ̥ ̥ ɕ 2 ̦ % ə ʁ%ʰ ɷ Ʌ 2 , (( Ʌ ’, Michael Psellos, EͿ 6) > ͓ 0 0 (420–422), E.A. Fisher, Orationes Hagiographicae, 248. 40. ‘ 6 (̣ ʍ ̘ ɱ ʮ (̣ ʯ, ʚ ̉ , ʍ % , ʯ ( ʯ ʞ ̥ ’, Life of St Andrew the Fool (10.611–612), ed. and tr. L. Rydén, vol. II, 54. 41. On the icon and the question of whether it is a Kievan Rus’ or Byzantine work see O.Z. Pevny, ‘The Archangel with the Golden Hair’, The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843–1261, ed. H.C. Evans and W.D. Wixom (New York, 1997), 298–299. 166 Notes
42. See Ringrose’s paper presented at the 2006 SPBS Congress of Byzantine Studies in London: K. Ringrose, ‘Perceiving Byzantine Eunuchs through Modern Medicine’, http://www.byzantinecongress.org.uk/paper/I/I.8_Ringrose.pdf, 14. 43. K. Ringrose, ‘Perceiving Byzantine Eunuchs through Modern Medicine’, 14 and 15, respectively. 44. K. Ringrose, ‘Perceiving Byzantine Eunuchs through Modern Medicine’, 14. 45. 6 ! ̘ ʯ ɛ ( , > 0 ͛! ) 4 ! 4 ο Λ ο , " " " ) ! ", 4 > σ , ! ! K ) , ed. I. Chatziioannou, Έ ͩ 6 ! 0 > (Alexandria, 1914), 216–227. 46. ‘ ʯ ɱ (% ̘ ɱ ̉ ɷ % ɕ ̉ + ̉ , !!( ( ( , ʯ ɕ+% ! % ’ (Mark, 19.1–8). The reference to the angel as neaniskos refl ects a long-standing tradition that describes the angel as both male and young, found as much in the Gospels as in the Old Testament and the early saints’ Lives. Daniel’s description of Gabriel speaks of him as ‘a man clothed in linen, whose loins were girded with the gold of Uphaz’, while in the fi fth-century Life of St Onouphrios a group of boys ‘cheerful and most handsome’ were mistaken for angels as ‘they were so distinguished in splendor that I thought they were angels and had descended from Heaven’. See (Daniel, 10.5) tr. C. Grieschen, Angelomorphic Christology, Antecedents and Early Evidence (Leiden, Boston and Cologne, 1998), 132 and Acta Sanctorum, June, vol. II, 526D, tr. G. Peers, Representing Angels; Cult and Theology in Byzantine Art (Ann Arbor, 1995), 272. On the Life of St Onouphrios see De S. Onuphrio anachoreta in Aegypto, Acta Sanctorum, June, vol. II, 519–533, esp. 526. 47. On the authorship of the Lexicon see I. Gregoriades, ‘Tracing the Hand of Zonaras in the Lexicon Tittmannianum’, , 46 (1996), 27–50. 48. On youthening in ancient Athens see A. Stewart, Art, Desire and the Body in Ancient Greece (Cambridge, 1997), 75–85. 49. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 109. 50. A. Stewart, Art, Desire and the Body in Ancient Greece, 80. 51. On St Sergios as primicerius of the schola gentilium, see C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Aldershot, 2003), 146. 52. Cecily Hennessey has looked into Byzantine life expectancy and suggests that Byzantine society was populated by ‘the young’, with a signifi cant percent of young people and children in the overall population. On this point see C. Hennessey, Images of Children in Byzantium (Aldershot, 2008), 26–27. 53. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.2), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 296. 54. On the ‘eternal springtime’ exemplifi ed by young males of the Parthenon frieze see A. Stewart, Art, Desire and the Body in Ancient Greece, 75–85. On the particular kind of beauty as standing apart from the pollution of the world see also K. Ringrose, ‘Perceiving Byzantine Eunuchs through Modern Medicine’, http://www.byzantinecongress.org.uk/paper/I/I.8_Ringrose.pdf, 15. 55. K. Ringrose, ‘Perceiving Byzantine Eunuchs through Modern Medicine’, http://www.byzantinecongress.org.uk/paper/I/I.8_Ringrose.pdf, 22. 56. K. Weitzmann, ‘Illustrations to the Lives of the Five Martyrs of Sebaste’, DOP, 33 (1979), 95–112. 57. On the mechanics of ritual-centred viewing and the working of the space of religious ritual as a liminal site in which the worlds of the divine and the earthly seem to intrude upon one another, see Elsner’s analysis of ‘Visuality Notes 167
and the Sacred’ in J. Elsner, ‘Between Mimesis and Divine Power; Visuality in the Greco-Roman World’, Seeing As Others Saw; Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance, 60–63. 58. This positioning of the hands, for instance, is identifi ed as a gesture of prayer in the twelfth-century narthex mosaic from the Monastery of Daphni, depicting St Anne similarly posed in a scene marked by an overhead inscription in black lettering as The Prayer of St Anne. On this scene see N. Chatzidaki, (Athens, 1994), 114, 241. 59. On the Hodegetria see C. Angelidi and T. Papamastorakis, ‘The Veneration of the Virgin Hodegetria and the Hodegon Monastery’, Mother of God: Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art, ed. M. Vassilaki (Milan, 2000), 373–387 and G. Babi4, ‘Les Images Byzantines et Leurs Degrés de Signifi cation: l’Exemple de l’Hodigitria’, Byzance et les Images, ed. A. Guillou and J. Durand (Paris, 1994), 189–222. 60. On other means of achieving a sense of presence through the manipulation of the gaze of a painted fi gure, such as the use of shading to emphasize the eyes, see R. Cormack, ‘The Wall-Painting of St Michael in the Theatre’, Aphrodisias Papers 2; The Theater; a Sculptor’s Workshop, Philosophers and Coin Types, ed. R.R.R. Smith (Ann Arbor, 1991), 122. 61. Contemporary to the Evangelistria scene, the manuscript illustration from the so-called ‘Imperial’ Menologion (State Historical Museum, Moscow) depicting the Martyrdom of Saint Alexios the Man of God (fol. 211r) similarly presents a youthful fi gure that attracts the viewer’s gaze and points to the scene. The dead saint, presented lying before Emperor Honorius, is fl anked by his white-bearded, grief-stricken father, a censing priest, and an elaborately clad youth depicted with curly locks of hair, elegant features and pink cheeks who gazes at the viewer and points to the scene. On the manuscript see N. Patterson Šev6enko, ‘Imperial Menologion’, The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843–1261, 101–102. 62. G. Peers, Subtle Bodies; Representing Angels in Byzantium, 198. 63. R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, 26–27. 64. On the extramission theory see R. Nelson, ‘To Say and to See: Ekphrasis and Vision in Byzantium’, Seeing as Others Saw; Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance, 143–168. 65. B. Caseau, ‘Christian Bodies: the Senses and Early Byzantine Christianity’, Desire and Denial in Byzantium, ed. L. James (Aldershot, 1999), 101–109, esp. 106. On the different responses in Digenis and Kekaumenos with regard to the senses and sensuality, see C. Galatariotou, ‘Open Space/Closed Space: The Perceived Worlds of Kekaumenos and Digenes Akrites’, Alexios I Komnenos, 303–328. 66. Manuel Philes (XLVIII), ed. E. Miller, Manuelis Philae Carmina ex Codicibus Escurialensis, Florentinis, Parisinis et Vaticanis, vol. II, 415, translated in G. Peers, Subtle Bodies; Representing Angels in Byzantium, 206. 67. M.B. Cunningham, ‘ “Shutting the gates of the soul”, Spiritual Treatises on Resisting the Passions’, Desire and Denial in Byzantium, 31. On desire and sensuality in the context of the art of antiquity see M. Beard and J. Henderson, Classical Art from Greece to Rome (Oxford, 2001), 107–144. 68. P. Magdalino, ‘Eros the King of the Amours: Some Observations on Hysmine and Hysminias’, Homo Byzantinus; Papers in Honor of Alexander Kazhdan, ed. A. Culter and S. Franklin, DOP, 46 (1992), 197. 168 Notes
69. P. Magdalino, ‘Eros the King of the Amours: Some Observations on Hysmine and Hysminias’, Homo Byzantinus, 199. 70. On the erotic potency of imagery and Theodore Balsamon’s commentary see ‘Monuments et Prophéties’, G. Dagron, Constantinople Imaginaire; Etudes sur le Recueil des “Patria” ’ (Paris, 1984), esp. 133 and n. 29 and H. Maguire, ‘The Profane Aesthetic in Byzantine Art and Literature’, DOP, 53 (1999), 199. 71. For the question of dating and the proposed thirteenth-century date for Livistros see P. Agapitos, ‘ ( ( % 2 % 2 : (( , (% ! ’, Origini della Letteratura Neogrecai, ed. N.M. Panagiotakis, ! b 6 6 7 ! 7 4 7 , 15 (1993), 197–234. 72. ‘ ʯ ɸ Ʌ ɕ ʰ % 2 ɱ ɷ , ((ʩ ə , ( ɱ % ʯ ˻ , ɷ ʩ ɱ ʳ ʝ , ɧ Ʌ 2 , ɧ(% ɕ ̉ ɦ , ̉ Ʌ ’ ͛ ! (218–221), ed. J.A. Lambert, Le Roman de Libistros et Rhodamné (Amsterdam, 1932), 65, translated in G. Betts, Three Medieval Greek Romances; Velthandros and Chrysandza, Kallimachos and Chrysorroi, Livistros and Rodamni (New York and London, 1995), 99. 73. ‘Ʌ 2 ʯ Ʌ ʯ ʁ ʰ 2 ʯ ʁ ɷ ʳ Ʌ , ʳ ɕ 2 ʰ L’, ͛ ! (225–226), ed. J.A. Lambert, 65, translated in G. Betts, Three Medieval Greek Romances, 99.
6 The Fragile Beauty of Soldiers
1. ‘% ɕ ʰ , Ʌ # , ̥ ɑ ɛ (ʰ ʯ , ̉ ʯ ʰ Ʌ ʰ ! ( (( , ʓ( ʩ , + % ʯ ʩ ’ and ‘ɾ ɍ ! ʯ (. . .) ɕ ʯ ˻ ( , ʆ ɕ ̦ ʯ Ʌ ̣ ʳ ( ʳ ( ’ ) (VII.168–171 and VII.175, 177–178), ed. and tr. (Italian) R. Romano, La Satira Bizantina dei Secoli XI–XV (Turin, 1999), 120. 2. A.P. Kazhdan and A. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Berkeley, 1985), 106. 3. A.P. Kazhdan and A. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture, 105. 4. Theodore Prodromos, L Λ 0 ) I K , ed. W. Horandner, Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte (Vienna, 1974), 272. 5. ‘ ( ( ɢ , ̘ ˻ , ʳ 6( ɕ ˬ ɕ( % ’, Theodore Prodromos, L ) I 4 I Λ L · L ) L K 0 ) I , ed. W. Horandner, Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, 278–279. 6. ‘ʢ ̥ , ! (̘, ʆ( (ʰ (. . .) ʚ ̥ % , % , # (̥ ̘ , Ʌ # % ’, Theodore Prodromos, 0 4 L aΛ · K K 4 , ed. W. Horandner, Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, 313. 7. W. Horandner, Theodoros Prodromos Historische Gedichte, 445–446. 8. Ibid., 400–401. Notes 169
9. Ibid., 406–411. 10. Anna Komnene, Alexiad ( .8.3), tr. (English) E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena, 49–50. 11. Niketas Choniates, Historia (V.1), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 209. 12. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.5), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 89. 13. Anna Komnene, Alexiad ( .7) tr. E.R.A. Sewter, The Alexiad, 47. 14. A.P. Kazhdan and A. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture, 115. 15. On the representation of Basil II see R. Cormack, Painting the Soul, 130. 16. On this point see C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Aldershot, 2003), 78. 17. See T. Papamastorakis, ‘ ( 7 ’, K ) , 4 ) , 27 Oct. 2002, 7. On military fi gures in Komnenian coinage see also A.P. Kazhdan and A. Epstein, Change in Byzantine Culture, 115–116. 18. C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, 132. 19. For the full text of the inscriptions see S. Kalopisi-Verti, ‘ #2 # 2 . 2 7 ’, 0 , ed. M. Vassilaki (Heraklion, 1997), 123–125. Initials rather than full signatures can be found elsewhere in the church; see S. Kalopisi-Verti, ‘ #2 # 2 . 2 7 ’, 126. 20. See R. Cormack, ‘O (( 2 6 ( : % , 2 l , 5 ’, 0 , 71. 21. See R. Cormack, Byzantine Art (Oxford, 2000), 197. For the Greek text and transcription of the original inscription (recorded to scale) see Th. Papazotos, (Athens, 1994), 100–102. 22. See C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, 285–290. 23. Ibid., 222. 24. On this point see C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, 64. 25. Ibid., 116 and 118, respectively. 26. Ibid., 219. 27. Ibid., 147. 28. ‘Il sait l’age du martyr: vingt-cinq ans, et esquisse son portrait: il était beau a voir, rouge de teint et portait des cheveux blonds, details inconnus au premier récit’, S. Binon, Essai sur le cycle de S. Mercure (Paris, 1937), 31. 29. C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, 182. 30. T. Papamastorakis, ‘l5 2 c7 ; ( ’, K ) , 4 ) , 27 Oct. 2002, 12–16. 31. On ‘doubling’ of Byzantine warrior saints see C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, 59–66. 32. Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.6), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 62. 33. Ibid. 34. See N. Bryson, ‘Gericault and “Masculinity” ’, Visual Culture: Images and Interpretation, ed. N. Bryson, et al. (Hanover, 1994), 245. On military display and the male body see also G. Greer, The Boy (London, 2003), 191. 35. For a parallel in the West equally aligning ‘the masculine’ with military values see L. Mirrer, ‘Representing “Other” Men: Muslims, Jews and Masculine Ideas in Medieval Castilian Epic and Ballad’, Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages, ed. V.L. Bullough (Minneapolis and London, 1994), 169–186. 170 Notes
36. See also K. Ringrose, ‘Living in the Shadows: Eunuchs and Gender in Byzantium’, Third Sex, Third Gender, ed. G. Herdt (New York, 1994). 37. Niketas Choniates, Historia (III), tr. H. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 79. 38. ‘ ʍ ə% ə Ʌ ʯ ̘ ɱ ˬ +ʯ ʩ ʯ ̘ ɕ ʮ Ʌ ̉ ̥ Ʌ Ʌ ʯ ˹ ʩ ʆ ( ʯ ˻ ʰ ( ʯ % ’, Nikephoros Bryennios, Yli Historias (II.7), ed. and tr. (French) P. Gautier (Brussels, 1975), 155. 39. ‘ɍ((’ ʍ ’ ɕ ʯ 2 ɡ ! (2 , ʍ + ʯ ( ɱ ̘ ’ ʩ ̘ (( ʰ ʚ ̉ % %2 ʰ ((2 (( Ʌ % , Ʌ( ʍ ʰ , ɱ , + ʩ % ( , ə (+ Ʌ ɱ , ɶ ɕ % ̥ 2%̉ % .’ Theodore Prodromos, (II.2.251–257), ed. and tr. (Italian) F. Conca, Il Romanzo Bizantino, 104. 40. Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, 6.12.5 in C. Barton, ‘All Things Beseem the Victor: Paradoxes of Masculinity in Early Imperial Rome’, Gender Rhetorics; Postures of Dominance and Submission in History, ed. R.C. Trexler (Birmingham and New York, 1994), 85, n. 7. 41. For Roman associations between masculinity and militarism versus effeminacy, luxury and homosexuality see also M. Kuefl er, The Manly Eunuch: Masculinity, Gender Ambiguity and Christian Ideology in Late Antiquity (Chicago, 2001), 37–69. 42. ‘ɤ ɕ+ ɢ ̥ Ʌ ɕ 5 Ʌ ( 2 ! L ʯ ɕ ʮ %ʮ ɱ ʒ( ɕ ̥ ʯ ʍ ʰ 2 ʯ ʰ 2 , ɶ ɕ ʰ ̣ ʩ (( ( ʯ ˗ ʰ2 ɕ ((2 ʰ# ʯ (ʰ ɧ ʁ% ( ̉ , Ʌ ( ʰ ɕ , Ʌ ʰ ̣ ɕ , ʚ ( , .’ John Zonaras, Epitome Historion (XIII.6), ed. L. Dindorf and C. Du Cange, vol. III, 192. 43. Niketas Choniates, Historia (V.3), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 242. 44. ‘ ʯ 2 ( ( ɕ (ʰ ɧ Ʌ ʮ ʯ Ʌ ( ʯ ʯ ʯ ʩ 2 ʯ ( ̉ ʯ ʰ ɕ (ʰ%2 ( ̥ ʯ ʰ 2 (̥ ̘ ʮ( ’, Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.2), ed. J.A. van Dieten, 179, translated in H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 101. 45. ‘ɕ ʰ 2 ! # ʯ Ʌ 2 % , ɕ ̘ 2 ̥ ʯ ɕ ̘ 2 ̥ ʰ ( % (( .’ Niketas Choniates, Historia (V.2), ed. J.A. van Dieten, 224, translated in H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 127. 46. Niketas Choniates, Historia (VI.1), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 262. 47. For Zonaras’s text on the Council of Trullo see G.A. Ralles and M. Potles, ed., 6 ) K 8 Έ K , vol. II (Athens, 1852), 295–554. On the unstable nature of masculinity that is under threat by the spectacle of dance see R. Webb, ‘Salome’s Sisters: The Rhetoric and Realities of Dance in Late Antiquity and Byzantium’, Women, Men and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium, ed. L. James (London and New York, 1997), 119–148. Notes 171
48. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (XII.2). On the Roman and early Christian belief in the power of adornment to effeminize and unman see M.W. Gleason, ‘The Semiotics of Gender: Physiognomy and Self-Fashioning in the Second Century C.E.’, Before Sexuality: The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient World, ed. D.M. Halperin, J.J. Winkler and F.I. Zeitlin (Princeton, 1990), 400–406. 49. Walter notes that St Prokopios appears in the guise of a military saint mostly from the eleventh century onwards, while the fi rst surviving representation of St Nestor in an echelon of military saint appears to be at St Nicholas of Kasnitzi. See C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Aldershot, 2003), 94–100 and 227–230. 50. On St Orestes see C. Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, 219–221. 51. 0 > c )) > > 8 7 > 0 4 ) , ed. Th. Zoras, (Athens, 1956), 118. 52. ‘ ( ʯ ( ʰ Ʌ ̉ ̉ Ʌ ( ʯ ( 2 ʯ (̥ ʁ+ . ɕ ʯ ɕ ʰ ̘ ̦ ʰ˪ (. . .) ʩ ʑ ʩ ʳ ( ɧ ʯ , ʑ , ʚ ɲ (ʳ ɢ( ɕ ʯ ʳ + ʯ ʑ !( Ʌ ̉ % , Ʌ((ʩ ˻ ( ˻ % Ʌ 2 ̥ , ̦ ( ʰ#2 ʍ ʰ ʯ ʒ 2 ɵ .’ Niketas Choniates, Historia (II.2), ed. J.A. van Dieten, 50–51, translated in H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 30. 53. See L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine Art, 82. 54. K. M. Ringrose, ‘Living in the Shadows: Eunuchs and Gender in Byzantium’, Third Sex, Third Gender, ed. G. Herdt (New York, 1994), 94. 55. Niketas Choniates, Historia (IV.1), tr. H.J. Magoulias, O City of Byzantium, 165. 56. ‘ ʅ , ʍ ʳ ʩ , ʎ 2 ʰ ̥ ̘ ʅ 2 ̥ . ɱ ʰ# ̘ ɷ , ɱ ɲ # , ɱ ʁ3 ɥ ʰ ʯ ɲ ʰ , % ̘ ɕ %ˬ % ɕ ʮ ʯ ʍ ʵ ɧ .’ Anna Komnene, Alexiad (IX.6.5), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 272. 57. ‘ɶ ʰ Ʌ 2 ʒ 2 ʯ + ʮ ɱ ˹; ! ( ʰ ʯ ʍ ʯ ʰ ʍ %ʮ ɥ ɕ ʰ ’. Anna Komnene, Alexiad (IX.5.5), ed. D.R. Reinsch and A. Kambylis, 269–270. List of Illustrations
1. St Victor, wall painting, Church of the Panagia Olymbiotissa, Elasson (late thirteenth century). 2. St Nestor, wall painting, Church of St Nicholas Orphanos, Thessaloniki (1310–1320). 3. Deacon-angel, wall painting, Church of St Vlassios, Veroia (early fourteenth century). 4. Angel from the apse, wall painting, St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 5. St George, icon, St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (early thirteenth century). 6. Emperor Constantine IX Monomachos and Empress Zoe before Christ, mosaic, Church of St Sophia, Constantinople (1042–1055). 7. St Neophytos ascending to Heaven supported by angels, wall painting, Enkleistra of St Neophytos, Paphos, Cyprus (1182–1183). 8. St Ephraim the Syrian and St Kyriakos, wall painting, Enkleistra of St Neophytos, Paphos, Cyprus (1182–1183). 9. St Ilarion (centre), wall painting, Enkleistra of St Neophytos, Paphos, Cyprus (1182–1183). 10. Theodore Lemniotes, his wife Anna Radene and his son John before the Virgin and Child, wall painting, Church of Sts Anargyroi, Kastoria (twelfth century). 11. Nikephoros Kasnitzis and his wife Anna, wall painting, Church of St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 12. Emperor John II Komnenos and Empress Eirene before the Virgin and Child, mosaic, St Sophia, Constantinople (1118–1122). 13. St Onouphrios, wall painting, Protaton Monastery, Karyes, Mount Athos (c.1290). 14. St Demetrios, wall painting, Protaton Monastery, Karyes, Mount Athos (c.1290). 15. The Nativity and scenes of Christ’s childhood, icon, St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (fi rst half of the twelfth century). 16. Calendar icon (Menologion) for the months of September, October and November depicting the martyrdoms of saints, icon (part of a tetraptych), St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (second half of the eleventh century). 17. Calendar icon (detail), St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (second half of the eleventh century). 18. The Massacre of the Innocents, wall painting, Church of the Prophet Elias, Thessaloniki (c.1360–1370). 19. Executioner from the Massacre of the Innocents (detail), Church of the Prophet Elias, Thessaloniki (c.1360–1370). 20. St Catherine depicted surrounded by scenes of her life, narrative icon, St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (early thirteenth century). 21. Emperor Basil II, manuscript illustration, Psalter, cod. Mar. gr. Z.17, fol. 3r, Biblioteca Marciana, Venice (c.1000).
172 List of Illustrations 173
22. Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos before Christ, manuscript illustration, cod. 1 (chrysobull) Byzantine Museum, Athens (1301). 23. The Virgin Hodegetria and the Man of Sorrows, double-sided icon, Byzantine Museum, Kastoria (second half of the twelfth century). 24. The Lamentation, wall painting, Church of Sts Anargyroi, Kastoria (twelfth century). 25. The Lamentation (detail), Church of Sts Anargyroi, Kastoria (twelfth century). 26. The Lamentation, wall painting, Church of St Panteleimon, Nerezi (1164). 27. The Lamentation (detail), Church of St Panteleimon, Nerezi (1164). 28. The Crucifi xion, mosaic, Daphni Monastery (late eleventh century). 29. The Lamentation, wall painting, Church of Panagia Perivleptos (St Clement), Ohrid (1295). 30. Christ fl anked by deacon-angels in the Melismos, wall painting, Church of St Chrysostom, Geraki (late thirteenth–early fourteenth century). 31. The Virgin and the Man of Sorrows, icon (diptych), Monastery of the Transfi guration, Meteora (second half of the fourteenth century). 32. St George on the Wheel, wall painting, Church of St George, Kalamas, Rethymnon (second half of the twelfth century). 33. St George on the Wheel, wall painting, Church of the Omorphoklissia, Galatsi, Athens (late thirteenth century). 34. The archangel Gabriel and Panagia in the scene of the Annunciation, wall painting, St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 35. Angels from the Ascension scene, wall painting, Church of the Evangelistria, Geraki (eleventh century). 36. View of the dome with images of angels, wall painting, Church of the Evangelistria, Geraki (eleventh century). 37. The Last Judgment, icon (part of a tetraptych), St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (late eleventh or early twelfth century). 38. The choir of angels from the Last Judgment (detail), St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai (late eleventh or early twelfth century). 39. View of the dome with images of angels, wall painting, Church of St Ierotheos, Megara (twelfth century). 40. The archangel Michael, wall painting, Church of St Ierotheos, Megara (twelfth century). 41. Bust-length angel in roundel, wall painting, Church of St Ierotheos, Megara (twelfth century). 42. Sts Demetrios and George, wall painting, Church of St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 43. Sts Nestor and Mercurios, wall painting, Church of St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 44. St Iouliane (left) and St Marina (right), wall painting, Church of St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 45. The archangel Michael, cloisonné enamel icon, Treasury of San Marco, Venice (c.1100) 46. The archangel Michael (detail), Treasury of San Marco, Venice (c.1100) 47. Sts Eustratios, Eugenios and Orestes, wall painting, Church of the Panagia Mavriotissa, Kastoria (second half of the twelfth century). 48. St Vincentios, wall painting, Church of the Panagia Olymbiotissa, Elasson (late thirteenth century). 174 List of Illustrations
49. Angel from the apse, Church of Sts Anargyroi, Kastoria (twelfth century). 50. St Damian, Church of Sts Anargyroi, Kastoria (twelfth century). 51. Angels in the narthex, Church of Sts Anargyroi, Kastoria (twelfth century). 52. The Maries by the Tomb (detail), gold reliquary cover, Louvre Museum (twelfth century). 53. Angel by the sepulchre, wall painting, Church of St Chrysostom, Geraki (late thirteenth–early fourteenth century). 54. Angels in imperial dress, wall painting, Church of St Chrysostom, Geraki (late thirteenth–early fourteenth century). 55. Apostles from the scene of the Ascension, wall painting, Church of the Evangelistria, Geraki (eleventh century). 56. The archangel Michael, icon, Byzantine Museum, Athens (fi rst half of the fourteenth century). 57. St Mercurios, wall painting, Church of the Panagia Perivleptos (St Clement), Ohrid (1295). 58. St Nestor, wall painting, Church of St Nicholas of Kasnitzi, Kastoria (third quarter of the twelfth century). 59. Sts Demetrios and Nestor from the frame of the icon depicting the archangel Michael (detail), Treasury of San Marco, Venice (c.1100). 60. Sts Prokopios and Nestor, wall painting, Church of the Panagia Olymbiotissa, Elasson (late thirteenth century). 61. St Prokopios (detail), Church of the Panagia Olymbiotissa, Elasson (late thirteenth century). 62. St Orestes, wall painting (fragment), Church of the Episkope, Evritania, Byzantine Museum, Athens (fi rst half of the thirteenth century). Bibliography
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The author wishes to thank the following individuals and institutions for their kind permission to reproduce the illustrations listed below:
Archive of St Catherine’s Monastery, Sinai 5, 15, 16, 17, 20, 37, 38 Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens 22, 56, 62 © Erich Lessing / Apeiron Photos 12, 21, 26, 27, 29, 45, 46, 59 © Hannibal / H. Stamatopoulos 28 Ioannis Evdokimides 57 Monastery of St Ierotheos, Megara 39, 40, 41 Monastery of St Neophytos, Paphos 7, 8, 9
© Photographic Archive of the Benaki Museum, Athens 6 / photo: Pericles Papa- chatzidakis 13, 14 7th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities / © photos: Demetrios Benetos 60, 61 9th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities / photos: Kapon Editions, Wandering in Byzantine Thessaloniki, 18, 19 16th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities 23 / © photos: MELISSA Publishing House Athens, Greece, Kastoria, Byzantine Art in Greece, 10, 24, 34, 42, 43 / © photos: Demetrios Benetos 25, 58 19th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities and Monastery of the Transfiguration, Meteora / photo: Athanasios Euthymiopoulos 31 28th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities 32
Photographs not mentioned above are by the author. Every effort has been made to ensure that the above information is correct and accurate; the author apolo- gizes for any error or omission and if contacted will be pleased to rectify it at the earliest opportunity.
190 Index
Note: Illustration page references appear in bold italic type. Transliterated Greek words and literary works are italicized. Historical fi gures are listed under fi rst name and monuments are listed under location.
Achilles, 9, 118 pictorial representations, 89–93, agalma, 50, 51, 52–3, 56–8, 65, 118 111–15 as ‘beautiful statue’, 56–8 and their bodies, 86–93 see also statues as youths, 95–6, 100–2, 104–5, 114 agalmatias, 51, 52 see also neaniskos ages, 102 Anna Komnene, 7–11, 14–19, 25, 31, see also under individual age terms 35, 41–3, 50–1, 53, 55–6, 58–60, Alexiad, 7–9, 11, 14, 16–19, 25, 31, 35, 92, 119, 121, 126, 131, 134–5 41, 50, 53, 119 Anna Radene, donor, 10, 24–5, 28 Alexios I Komnenos, emperor, 7–8, Annunciation, 34, 87, 97, 100, 109 15–17, 19, 25, 41–3, 51, 53, 55–6, Antiphonetes, icon, 19 60, 92, 102–3, 119, 127–8, 134–5 ‘Antzypotheodoros’, 35 Alexios Doukas Mourtzouphlos, em- Aphrodite, goddess, 13, 81, 113, 125 peror, 35 Apostle Thomas, 44–5 Andronikos I Komnenos, emperor, 21, Appelles, 58, 65 23, 36–7, 52, 78, 127, 129–31, 134 archangel Gabriel, 21, 34, 86–8, 93, Andronikos II Palaiologos, emperor, 97–8, 101, 109, 112 22, 59, 60–2 archangel Michael, 21, 40, 45, 46, 56, Andronikos III Palaiologos, emperor, 87–9, 91–3, 97–8, 100, 111, 113, 132 50 archangel Raphael, 93 aner, 97 archangel Uriel, 93 angels, 3, 4, 18, 21, 30, 34, 35, 36, 38, Ares, god, 117, 125, 129 39, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 46, 49, 51, Aristandros and Kallithea, 52 52, 53, 54, 56, 86–102, 104–16, Ascension, 35, 90, 107 132, 137, 138 ascetic saints, 39, 48, 133 and the ‘Adam’s apple’, 34, 46, see also under individual saints 96–9, 101, 111, 114, 118 and beardlessness, 94, 99, 101, 104 baldness, 34, 36 beauty of, 86, 95–7, 100–5, 109, barbatos, 99 110, 111–15 see also virility and context (terrestrial versus celes- Basil I, emperor, 40–2 tial), 89–91 Basil II, emperor, 11, 21, 54, 103, as deacons, 3, 30, 100, 108 120, 133 and the gaze, 106–11 Basilikinos, 51 gender of, 86, 96–7, 99, 114–15 Basil Kamateros, 31 iconographic role, 51, 52, 53, Bassilakios, 119, 126 106–11 beardlessness, 44, 102–4, 106, 110 and masculinity, 86, 97–9, 101, and angels, 94, 99, 101, 104 104–5, 114–15 and eunuchs, 94, 99, 101 paralleled to eunuchs, 93–6 and youth, 102–4
191 192 Index beautifi cation, 20, 23–4, 77, 116, 123, as snow, 8, 9, 95, 134 128–30 swarthy, 134–5 beauty white-and-rosy, 8–10, 13, 18, 20, 28, of angels, see under angels 31, 34–5, 76, 95–6, 100, 134, 136 in art, 78–81, 83–5 Constans II, emperor, 128, 130 Byzantine ideal of, see ideal of Constantine Angelos, 49 beauty Constantine Artoklinis, 29 of the dead Christ, 67–73 Constantine Dalassenos, 29 and death, 75–7 Constantine Diogenes, 134 emotional appeal of, 78–81 Constantine IX Monomachos, em- of eunuchs, see under eunuchs peror, 6, 9, 12, 19, 20, 26, 29, 52, and evil, 40–2, 47–8 55, 60, 64, 69 and the executioner, see under Constantine Manassis, 52, 70 executioners Constantine Mesopotamites, 37 as force of action, 49–52 Constantine VI, emperor, 14 and the imperial body, see under Constantine VIII, emperor, 29 imperial body Constantine V Kopronymos, emperor, and masculinity, see under 51, 102 masculinity Constantinople power of, 49–56, 60–5, 78–81 Chora Monastery, 78, 132 and the soldier, see soldiers Church of Saint Sophia, 6, 12, 19, and the statue, see statues 26, 27, 59, 61, 63, 94, 101 and the suffering body, 70–3, 81–5 Constantinople, city of, 23, 53, 57, 77, and symmetry, 9, 15, 43, 58–60, 116, 119 62–5 cosmetics, use of, 20, 23 of women, 20, 27–32 Crucifi xion, 28, 64, 66, 68, 70, 73–5, youthful, 100–6, 127 79–80, 82, 110 beauty-shows, 13–14 Bertha-Eirene, 20, 30 Daphni Monastery, 28, 73, 75, 79, 110 blond, hair colour, see xanthos demons, 35, 38–9, 44, 53 Bohemond, 7, 9, 10, 14–15, 17, 31, see also Ethiopians 41–2, 53, 56, 58, 60, 92, 119 desire, 47, 50, 56–7, 65, 79, 95, 111–14, 124–5 canon, see Polyclitus Digenis Akritis, 9, 28, 47, 103, 112 Christ, beauty in death, see beauty Drosilla and Chariclis, 9, 28 Christopher of Mytilene, 87 Chronographia, 9–12, 19, 23, 24, 27, effeminacy, 96–7, 116–17, 127–31, 29, 36, 56, 64, 92 134, 135, 137–8 chrysaphotos, 13, 102 eikonismos, 11, 136 chrysizon, 102 Eirene Komnene, empress, wife of colour words, see individual terms Alexios I Komnenos, 8, 53 complexion Eirene Komnene, empress, wife of as amber, 56 John II Komnenos, 12, 26, 61–3 as crystal, 9, 55 ekphrasis, 42, 57, 66–7, 74, 80–1, 113 dark, 34–6, 39, 45, see also ugliness Elasson, Church of Panagia Olymbi- glowing, 8, 9, 30, 31, 78 otissa, 1, 2, 48, 60, 61, 106, 132 as ivory, 56 Ephraim Ainios, 35–6 as marble, 7, 13, 56 eros, 4, 13, 50, 111–15, 124–6 as milk, 17, 28 Ethiopians, 35 Index 193
Etoimasia, 91, 93 Isaac II Angelos, emperor, 70, 129 Eucharist, 68 Isaac I Komnenos, emperor, 38, 61 eueides, 94, 100 eunuchs jesters, physical appearance of, 37 as apogon, 99 see also ugliness beauty of, 94–6, 100, 103 John II Komnenos, emperor, 12, 27, court role, 95–6, 99, 101 35, 61–3, 118, 125–6 and the evil eye, 99 John I Tzimiskes, emperor, 35, 41 and liminal masculinity, 99 John Kinnamos, 30 vices attributed to, 95 John Komnenos ‘the Fat’, 36 Eustathios Makrembolites, 133 John Lemniotes, donor, 10, 24–5 Eutychios, painter, 121–2 John Mauropous, 55, 88 executioners, 16, 17, 18, 19, 42–6 John Spyridonakis, 38 John Tzetzes, 38, 70 Galatsi, Church of Omorfoklissia, 33, John Zonaras, 35, 52, 100 83, 84 Justinian II the Rinotmetos, emperor, 38 George of Nikomedia, 73, 75 Geraki Kallimachos and Chrysorroi, 37, 47, 95 Church of Evangelistria, 35, 36, 55, kallos, 8, 57, 71, 81, 118 90, 110 see also beauty Church of Saint Chrysostom, 30, kalos k’ agathos, 5, 39–40, 137 53, 54, 82, 108 Kastoria gynekeion, 104 Church of Panagia Mavriotissa, 47, 105 hair colour Church of Saint Nicholas of Kasnitzi, blond, see xanthos 2, 4, 11, 26, 34, 42, 43, 44, 58, 86, likened to gold, 8, 9, 13, 18, 56, 76, 97–8, 100–1, 112, 120, 122, 131 95, 103, 122 Church of Saints Anargyroi, 10, 24, ruddy, see pyrsos 24, 25, 49, 50, 51, 69, 72, 74, harmony, bodily, 36, 58–60, 64, 76, 80 81, 106–7, 109, 112 Herod, 42, 43, 45 Kekaumenos, 104, 112, 130 hexapteryga, 113–14 Kilij Arslan, 37 Hippodrome, 36, 53, 56 see also ugliness homosexuality, 38, 95, 104, 128, 129 Hysmini et Hysminias, 13–14, 28, 45, Lamentation, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 67, 112–13, 133 69–70, 72, 74–5, 81–4 Last Judgment, 37, 91 ideal of beauty, 8–14, 16–17, 20, Leo Diogenes, 51 24–34, 39, 45, 51, 59–60, 69, 70, Lexicon, 102 75–6, 95–7, 100, 105–6, 117, 122, Life of Saint Andrew the Fool, 18, 35, 134, 136 39, 56, 94–6, 100, 102, 109, 122 and complexion, see complexion Life of Saint Philaretos the Almsgiver, 14 defi nition of, 8–10 Life of Saint Theodore of Sykeon, 122 and gender, 24–32 likeness stereotypical wording of, 10–12 and idealization, 15, 17, 19–20, 24, and symmetry, 59–60 27, 32 imperial body and male individuality, 26–8, 29–32 and beauty, 60–5 and the portrait, 19–29 as statue, 55, 58–9 Livistros and Rodamni, 113–14 194 Index
Manganeios Prodromos, 23, 50 neaniskos, 102 Man of Sorrows, 23, 31, 67–8, 79, 82, 84 Nerezi, Church of Saint Panteleimon, Manuel I Komnenos, emperor, 26, 27, 70, 73–5, 81–3 20, 23, 31, 51–3, 77, 124–5, Nikephoros Botaneiates, 50 129, 133–4, 135 Nikephoros Bryennios, author, hus- Manuel Kantakouzenos, 31 band of Anna Komnene, 8, 16, Manuel Philes, 112 92, 102–3, 117, 127–9 Maria of Alania, 8, 18, 53, 58 Nikephoros Diogenes, 8, 41, 51, 119, masculinity, 86, 97–9, 101–5, 110, 134–5 113, 115–16, 124, 128, 130–1, Nikephoros Gregoras, 21, 36–7, 50, 133–5, 137–8 59–60, 62 beauty as threat to, 124–9, 130–1 Nikephoros II Phokas, emperor, 35–41 and grooming, 130, 133, 135 Nikephoros Kasnitzis, donor, and wife liminal, 99, 101, 115, 137 Anna, 11, 26 mature, 101, 104, 113–14 Niketas Choniates, 20, 21, 23–4, 33, military, 116, 124, 126–7, 130–1, 35–8, 45, 47, 51–2, 57, 69, 78, 95, 133–4 103–4, 119, 121, 124–7, 129–30, and virility, 99, 126 133–4 youthful, 102–3, 105, 138 Niketas Eugenianos, 9, 28 compare with effeminacy Nireas, 9 Massacre of the Innocents, 18, 19, 42, 45, 78 ochros, 19 Megara, Church of Saint Ierotheos, Ohrid, Church of Panagia Perivleptos 39, 40, 41, 93 (Saint Clement), 29, 57, 81, 121 meirax, 102 Melismos, 30, 82, 100, 108 pais, 102 Menelaos, 18 Panagia Hodegetria, 23, 68, 107 Meteora, Monastery of the Paphos, Enkleistra of Saint Neophytos, Transfi guration, 31, 82–3, 85 7, 8, 9, 21–4, 104 Michael Astrapas, painter, 121–2 Pheidias, 58, 65 Michael Attaleiates, 30, 117 physiognomy, 11 Michael III, emperor, 41, 51, 102, 104 Polyclitus, 7, 58 Michael IV, emperor, 9, 50, 52, 87 and the Canon, 58, 60 Michael Psellos, 9, 11–12, 19–20, 23, profi le pose, 43–5 25, 27, 29–30, 50, 53, 57, 59, 64, proportion, bodily, 7–9, 13, 17, 26, 66–7, 69, 74, 76, 78–81, 88–9, 91, 36–7, 51, 58–60 97, 103, 136 and proportional systems, 59–60 Michael Stryphnos, 36 Ptochoprodromos, 23, 133 Michael VII Doukas, emperor, 11 puberty, 101, 103, 104 military saints, 105, 121–4, 127 pyrros, 19 see also individual saints pyrsos, 7, 15, 16, 19, 20 Mizizios, 50–2 monastic saints, 22–3 Raymond of Antioch, 31 see also individual saints Reginald of Chatillon, 125 Mount Athos, Protaton Monastery, Rethymnon, Kalamas, Church of Saint Karyes, 13, 14, 39, 54 George, 32, 83–4 Robert Guiscard, 8, 41, 119 Nativity, 15, 42 Rodanthe and Dosiklis, 10, 28, 34, 37–8, neanias, 94, 102 46, 53, 75, 103, 118, 130 Index 195
Romanos III Argyros, emperor, 26–7, Skleraina, 29, 36 29, 50, 54 soldiers Romanos IV Diogenes, emperor, 30, 57 aversion to the mirror, 127–9, 131 on display, 116–21 Saint Agape, 44 unkempt beauty of, 131–5 Saint Artemios, 122 see also masculinity Saint Christopher, 122 Souda, 40, 57 Saint Damian, 50, 107 statues, 20, 28, 41, 50–9, 62, 64–5, Saint Demetrios, 14, 39, 40–5, 42, 54, 113, 118 59, 87, 98, 116, 120–1, 124, 132 and beauty, 52–6, 56–8 Saint Elpis, 44 and eroticism, 56–7 Saint Ephraim the Syrian, 8, 22 and power, 53–6 Saint Epiphaneios, 18 see also agalma Saint Eugenios, 47, 105 stature, bodily, 7, 8, 9, 17, 30, 36, 49, Saint Eustratios, 47, 105 92, 117, 122 Saint George, 2, 5, 32, 33, 42, 83–4, likened to a cypress, 8, 9, 117 87, 98, 120–3, 131–2 Stavrakios, emperor, 40 Saint Ilarion, 9, 22 Stephen Hagiochristophorites, 38 Saint Ioannikios, 122 Styliane, 76 Saint Iouliane, 44, 98 Symeon Metaphrastes, 71, 73, 80–1, Saint John the Baptist, 39, 133 122–3 Saint John the Evangelist, 69, 110 Synadenos, 50 Saint Kosmas, 107 Saint Kyriakos, 8, 22 Theodora, empress, 29 Saint Mamas, 133 Theodore Apseudes, painter, 22 Saint Marina, 44, 98 Theodore Balsamon, 113 Saint Mary of Egypt, 39, 133 Theodore Kastamonites, 37 Saint Menas, 123 Theodore Lemniotes, donor, 10, 24, 25 Saint Mercurios, 43, 57, 98, 120–3, Theodore Prodromos, 10, 28, 57, 70, 131–2 118, 128 Saint Neophytos, 7, 21–4, 27, Theodore Studite, 90 102, 104 Theophano, empress, 41 Saint Nestor, 2, 2, 43, 54, 58, 59, 60, Theophilitzis, 41 98, 120, 131–3 Theophylact of Ohrid, 95, 99 Saint Nicholas, 98 Thessaloniki Saint Onouphrios, 13, 39 Church of Prophet Elias, 18, 19, Saint Orestes, 47, 62, 105, 122, 133 45–6 Saint Pistis, 44 Church of Saint Nicholas Orphanos, Saint Plato, 44 2, 2, 55 Saint Prokopios, 60, 61, 120, 121, Timarion, 93, 99, 116–17, 119, 124, 126 132, 133 Saint Sergios, 104, 122 ugliness, 33–40, 43, 47–8 Saint Theodore, 55, 120, 122, 123, and deformity, 37 124, 132 as punishment, 37–8 Saint Victor, 1, 2, 106 as ridicule, 35–7, 48 Saint Vincentios, 48, 106 as social stigma, 37–8 Sinai, Saint Catherine’s Monastery, and variety, 34–7 2, 5, 15, 16, 17, 20, 37, 38, 42, and villainy, 37–8, 43, 45 44, 54, 91, 123 see also demons 196 Index
Velthandros and Chrysandza, 12, 14, 33, youth, 18, 30, 34, 39, 44, 46, 50–2, 35, 126 95–6, 100–6, 110–14, 128–30, Veroia, Church of Saint Vlassios, 133–4, 137–8 2, 3, 100 importance ascribed to, 101, 104 villains, handsome, 41–2 maintained in old age, 23, 27 see also executioners; mistrust of, 104 ugliness pictorial representations of, 55, virility, 99, 101, 119, 126 105–6, 110 the beard as a sign of, 99 ‘youthening’, 102–4 and masculinity, 99, 101 Zeno, emperor, 40 Zintziphitzes, 36 xanthos, 7, 13, 16, 18, 95 Zoe, empress, 6, 19–20, 23, 26–7, Xene, empress, 21, 78 29, 50, 52