67 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 68

have been 100 years of age in 2015. Furthermore, he notes that Barguet was encouraged by Goyon to compile his bio- graphic portrait and pathway through Egyptology. It was Barguet’s wish that his contribution would appear only after his death. A word of thanks is presented to Christine Gallois, the co-editor of this book. The chapter concludes with a photo of Barguet. Paul Barguet 1915-2012 (pp. 9-11) is Jean-Claude ­Goyon’s compendium of Barguet’s upcoming chapter Une vie d’égyptologue (pp. 17-22). Goyon was appointed by ­Barguet in 1993 as his testamentary executor and he was also entrusted with his memoirs. Bibliographie de Paul Barguet (pp. 13-16) is composed by Jean-Claude Goyon. This chapter lists 74 relevant publica- tions of Barguet between 1950 - 2001. Une vie d’égyptologue (pp. 17-22), with a short introduc- Faraonisch egypte tion from Jean-Claude Goyon, is the contribution of Paul Barguet in which he reviews the years between his adoles- [Cercle Lyonnais d’égyptologie Victor-Loret] — Un savant cence and roughly 1980. au pays du fleuve-dieu. Hommages égyptologiques à After his study at the Lycée Condorcet in Paris and his Paul Barguet. (Kyphi, 7). Khéops, Paris, 2015. (29,5 cm, first contact with the world of hieroglyphs and Egyptian tem- 239). ISBN 2-916142-07-X. ISSN 1289-9305. € 59,-. ples Barguet passed his bachelor of Classical Arts. He con- tinued his studies at the Université Paris-Sorbonne during the In honour of the late French Egyptologist Paul Barguet 2nd World War. Barguet was appointed as a researcher for († 2012) sixteen scholars, who have known and valued him, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) in contributed to this tome. Additionally, a chapter written 1946. already in 1995 by Barguet himself is included, in which he His life and career was influenced by various Egyptolo- reviews his career. Though written in French, this volume gists, most of whom are mentioned in this chapter. Desroches- also includes an essay in Italian. Most chapters begin with a Noblecourt inspired Barguet to attend her lectures on Egyp- personal thought of the author related to Barguet. tological epigraphy at l’École du Louvre. Moreover, she The body of this book is well organized into nineteen introduced him to the Conservation des Musées de France chapters: Avant-propos — Paul Barguet 1915-2012 — (Barguet became curator of the Musée du Louvre in 1959) Bibliographie de Paul Barguet — Une vie d’égyptologue — where he met Vandier. Barguet developed a strong interest D’Edfou à Dendara: la sérénité du ciel — La statue Louvre in the Coffin Texts. In his French translation (1986) he E 8059, un chien typiquement non-égyptien — Les textes de divided De Buck’s order of spells into thematic groups. la paroi sud de la salle des Annales de Thoutmosis III — ­Lefebvre appointed Barguet as a member of Institut Français Réflexion sur l’opération d’abattage de l’obélisque unique d’Archéologie Orientale (IFAO) in 1947. With Kuentz (direc- — Le fonds Paul Barguet au musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon tor of IFAO), Daumas and Leclant he explored several sites — Une représentation symbolique du temple d’Amon-Rê à in Nubia and in Sudan. At Karnak he worked together with Karnak — Regard sur la Contrée de lumière (Akhet) — Sur Leclant and Robichon to uncover the foundations of the l’étrange et intentionnel anonymat d’une grande épouse Montu temple. The devastation at Karnak and Luxor directed royale de Ramsès III — Les représentations du rituel du him to study all of their temples one by one. couronnement jusqu’au règne de la reine Hatchepsout — Numerous times Barguet took the train to Gebel el-­ Montou, taureau de Médamoud à Karnak-Nord — Scrittura Silsileh to study texts of Nile stelas. He was very pleased to parlante (discorso) e scrittura muta (testo)1) — Mais que work in this pays du fleuve-dieu. At Aswan he made a copy faisait donc Qenherkhepechef dans le parvis des temples? of the Famina Stela on Sehel Island. His examination and — Thèbes, printemps 242 av. J.-C., Ptolémée III et la reine his initial translation in 1953 are of great value. In 1950 Bérénice II à Karnak? — Les Kéréthim: des Keftiou, Barguet eye witnessed the discovery of the location of Thut- nomades fixés momentanément dans Ouadj-our, c’est-à-dire mose III’s obelisk at Karnak. This inspired him to further le Delta du Nil — Trois notes sur Edfou. This work is pre- investigate this area where he uncovered the base of the ceded by a convenient table of contents. Annotated chapters Unique Obelisk. He received the award France-Égypte in are completed with a bibliography. An index has been omit- 1954. In 1959 he started working in Lyon at the Faculté des ted, however. Excellent photos are presented in colour and Beaux-Arts. Here Barguet became the director of the Institut monochrome. Clear (schematic) illustrations and informative d’Égyptologie in 1966. Between 1976-1978 he was the epigraphic drawings are presented in black/white. Hiero- director of Centre Franco-Égyptien d’Étude des Temples de glyphic texts are presented in an outstanding quality, some- Karnak (CFEETK). times with a red nuance. The lay-out of this paperback is Barguet finishes his contribution with expressing his grati- pleasant. tude to Goyon. He also emphasizes that Egypt is the country of his dreams and that its landscapes are always in his mind. Avant-propos (pp. 7-8) is a foreword in which the editor D’Edfou à Dendara: la sérénité du ciel (pp. 23-31) is an of this book, Luc Gabolde, memorizes that Barguet would essay of Sylvie Cauville with 2 photos, 3 schemes with hier- oglyphic texts and transcriptions, and 1 epigraphic drawing. 1) in the table of contents erroneously ‘Strittura parlante’ is written. Both temples, Edfu as well as Dendera, proclaim the clarity 69 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 70 of the sky. Herewith, leaving the celestial regions, Horus of illustrations. Five objects from the Musée des Beaux-Arts de Edfu arises in the domain of Hathor.2) Poetic phraseology is Lyon are discussed: the lower part of an ushabti of Amen- transplanted at Dendera to accommodate the falcon: Edfu’s hotep III — from WV22, an ushabti of the singer of Amon carved hieroglyphs accompany the falcon in the heart of the Mqut-iyti (19th Dynasty) — probably from West Thebes, a shrine of Hathor at Dendera. Here the intense blue ceiling commemorative victory scarab of Sethi I (Men-Maât-Rê) — shows three bands of equal length. In the centre 19 winged probably from Thebes, a small statue of a young royal person disks for Horus, in the southeast 19 white crowned vultures (Khâ-kheper-Rê is the name on the back, corresponding with for Nekhbet, and in the northwest 19 vultures headed with the praenomen of Pinudjem I) of unknown provenance, and the cobra and the red crown for Wadjet. Overall this is a small object of unknown provenance (22nd Dynasty) of a framed by two columns of hieroglyphic texts. man with a lion-head. The verses of Edfu and Dendera contrast celestial and Une représentation symbolique du temple d’Amon-Rê à hellish world, east and west, shadow and light, life and death, Karnak (pp. 131-135) presents 2 photos and a plan of the day and night, the birth and death of a star, the child and the temple of Amon-Rê at Karnak during the reign of Thut- old man, and so on. mose III. Pierre Grandet argues that the specific insertion of La statue Louvre E 8059, un chien typiquement non-égyp- the name of Amun-Rê in the Hathor Chapel, constructed by tien (pp. 32-43) is a contribution of Élisabeth David with 16 Thutmose III at Deir el-Bahri, is not a coincidence. Therefore photos. David notes that this granite statue of a sitting dog he proposes to understand this addition as a symbolic repre- — probably from Mit Rahina — was not yet exposed to the sentation of the temple of Karnak. If so, then it is required to public when Barguet started to visit the department. Statue E clarify why this ingenious provision does not seem to have 8059 appeared in Vandier’s visitors guide in 1961. been taken on other contemporary monuments. Les textes de la paroi sud de la salle des Annales de In Regard sur la Contrée de lumière (Akhet) (pp. 137-142) Thoutmosis III à Karnak. Reconstitution architecturale et Christian Jacq describes, thanks to the Coffin Texts and the restitution épigraphique (pp. 44-110) by Luc and Marc Pyramid Texts, with a well detailed annotation the various Gabolde presents 10 photos, 9 epigraphic drawings, 60 cap- aspects of the Akhet. In short sections the Akhet is discussed: tioned columns with hieroglyphic texts, various figures, and Link between heaven and earth; Journey to the Akhet; King- a reconstructed plan of the 6th Pylon’s courtyard centre at the dom of the waters, Glorious world of the Akhet; A created end of the reign of Thutmose III. This essay with a bibliog- domain; Inhabitants of the Akhet; What happens in the raphy of over 125 entries is divided into four chapters: I. Les Akhet? assemblages et la disposition des blocs, II. Les raccords tex- Sur l’étrange et intentionnel anonymat d’une grande tuels et l’organisation générale du texte, III. Textes hiéro- épouse royale de Ramsès III (pp. 143-158) is an essay of glyphiques et traduction suivie des fragments du mur sud des Christian Leblanc. 12 Photos and 8 epigraphic drawings pro- annales de Thoutmosis III, and IV. Commentaire général. vide additional information. Leblanc notes that the royal The reconstruction of the south wall of the hall with family, visible on a number of reliefs in the temple of records of Thutmose III is proposed. It is shown that the Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, had retained a strange ano- resumption of records — old or recent — can prove to be nymity. Various related theories are discussed. This inten- fruitful. The consideration of other known texts relating to tional anonymity seems to be the result from a diffuse con- buildings of Thutmose III at Karnak, such as the great text flict within the royal family. This conflict had been developed of dedication of the south wall of the Akh-menu published relatively early in the reign of Ramesses III. The extent of by Gardiner or the text of consecration of the pink granite this phenomenon is also confirmed not only by this willing- wall studied by Nims, may deliver new conclusions on the ness to represent a queen without a name, but also to confer constructions of Thutmose III on this site. The nicely tran- no identity to her royal offspring as if it was deliberately scribed columns of hieroglyphic texts are very helpful and associated with the complicated situation for Ramesses III. It additional comments give a deeper insight and enhance the is worth mentioning that the great royal wife that we know conception. best is the foreigner Isis, who was apparently the mother of In Réflexion sur l’opération d’abattage de l’obélisque the future Ramesses IV. unique (pp. 111-122) Jean-Claude Golvin discusses the dem- The author extensively discusses the harem conspiracy. olition of the Unique Obelisk (Lateran Obelisk, presently in The Judicial Papyrus of Turin, the main source of informa- Rome) with the aid of 3 plans and an illustration. This obe- tion for this event, is the court document, which states the lisk is also mentioned in Goyon’s Une vie d’égyptologue (pp. outcome of the case for each conspirator. Tiye’s son may 17-22). The theoretical reproduction of the dimensions of the have committed suicide, but nothing is known about the out- base of this obelisk is discussed. Based on Azim’s work, it come of her own trial or even if she had one. It seems that is hypothesised that the obelisk was pulled down in either the rivalry between two maternal lines — Isis and Tiye — southward or northward direction. The arguments that are was responsible for the systematic anonymity of the scenes developed exclude that the demolition could have taken of the royal family at Medinet Habu. place southward, however. Excavation of the designated Les représentations du rituel du couronnement jusqu’au location could reveal a platform which would be largely well règne de la reine Hatchepsout (pp. 159-175) is a contribution preserved. of Florence Maruéjol with 11 photos. Depictions of the ritual Le fonds Paul Barguet au musée des Beaux-Arts de Lyon of crowning are discussed in two parts: from the Old King- (pp. 123-129) by Jean-Claude Goyon presents 5 captioned dom until the 2nd Intermediate Period, and from Ahmose until Hatshepsut. It was Hatshepsut, who, with the cycle of 2) b.A. Richter, The Theology of Hathor of Dendera: Aural and Visual the birth and the coronation ritual, developed a new concept Scribal Techniques in the Per-Wer Sanctuary, Ph.D. Dissertation Near East- of kingship which goes beyond the question of legitimacy. ern Studies University of California Berkeley (2012) Then Amenhotep III uses more than the ritual of the 71 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 72 coronation; he also adopts the myth of the divine birth. Here- concluded that here the ancient Egyptians had fossilized a after Akhenaten considers himself as the manifestation of symbolic edge in stone. god on earth and restricts Aton as the god in heaven. A decoration on a wall of the first court of this temple In Montou, taureau de Médamoud à Karnak Nord characterises traces of a particular modification. In the offer- (pp. 177-181) Chantal Nivet-Sambin notes, with the aid of ing scene of the harpoon the text, engraved before king 2 epigraphic drawings, that at Medamud a famous relief rep- Ptolemy X, refers to rule over aquatic animals, the imy.w-mw resents the king in adoration before a bull. The author dis- (those who are in the water). It is discussed whether it is here cusses the existence of this animal in this region. a question of crocodiles or of hippopotamuses. Scrittura parlante (discorso) e scrittura muta (testo). Per A discussion on two benevolent images of the deity Thoth la storia della lingua degli antichi egizi (pp. 183-189) is an ends this chapter. essay in Italian of Alessandro Roccati. The author mainly discusses the differences between spoken and written Egyp- This collection of essays covers interesting observations tian language (hieroglyphic as well as demotic). He notes and hypotheses relating to various subjects close to the heart that this cannot be explained by the application of general of Paul Barguet. The straightforward figures and beautiful linguistic theories or traditions only. photos, together with a clear transcription of hieroglyphic Mais que faisait donc Qenherkhepechef dans le parvis des texts, increase the pleasure of reading and add important temples? (pp. 190-199) is a contribution of Vincent Rondot additional information. with a photo of the limestone stela of the workman Qen- hikhepeshef (BM EA278). This round-topped stela is divided Barchem (NL), November 2016 arris H. Kramer into two sections by a largely blank horizontal strip. The upper register shows a scene in sunken relief. In this relief * the goddess Hathor is seated on a throne before an altar cov- * * ered with offerings. Behind her stands a personified ‘ankh’- symbol holding up a fan. The author discusses about this EYRE, C. — The Use of Documents in Pharaonic Egypt. workman, who flourished during the reigns of Ramses III to (Oxford Studies in Ancient Documents). Oxford Univer- Ramses V. He and his family are well-documented inhabit- sity Press, Oxford, 2013. (24 cm, XI, 425). ISBN 078- ants of the Deir el-Medina community. 0-19-967389-6. £ 95.00. Thèbes, printemps 242 av. J.-C., Ptolémée III et la reine Bérénice II à Karnak? À propos d’un texte d’instructions au Reflecting a broader trend towards interdisciplinarity in Clergé (pp. 201-231) is a contribution of Claude Traunecker the humanities, and perhaps also as a way of healing old with 1 photo, 2 epigraphic drawings, 9 schemes with hiero- rivalries reflected in Hume’s oft-cited coinage that archaeol- glyphic texts and their transcriptions, and a plan of the Isis ogy is the “handmaiden to history” (Hume 1964), in recent temple at Philae. This chapter is divided into five (!) parts: years there has been an increasing trend among both archae- I - Le graffito Serge Sauneron, II - Le contenu du graffito ologists and textual scholars to take a more interdisciplinary Serge Sauneron, IV - À propos du graffito Serge Sauneron: approach to the study of ancient texts. There has been a problèmes et questions, V - Le graffito Serge Sauneron dans growing recognition that texts can be used to answer ques- son contexte historique, VI - Que s’est -il passé à Karnak au tions beyond the historical and literary: in other words, the printemps 242 AV. J.-C.? trend has been to examine what texts can tell us, beyond The main issue is a small sandstone block, marked by what they say. Texts are approached as “objects”, used to Sauneron in 1953 at Karnak, laying amidst blocks of Akhen- investigate the social constructions surrounding writing in aten. Although this block has been lost, Sauneron recorded a ancient societies, and archaeological data taken into account photographic image thereof. Traunecker extensively dis- in order to inform the understanding of the text under discus- cusses the remnants of ten columns of text on this block. sion (see Moreland 2006 for an overview of the development Restitutions for lacunas are proposed. Several hypotheses, of such approaches). which sometimes are contradictory, are presented on the con- The Use of Documents in Pharaonic Egypt by Christopher tents of the text and on the original location of this block. Eyre (2013, OUP) brings this broad approach to the study of A discussion on events in the Spring of 242 B.C.E. is ancient writing to the field of Egyptology, where the divide worthwhile, as their might be a link between the visit of between philology and archaeology seems to grow wider Ptolemy III at Karnak and the graffito of Serge Sauneron. every year: reflecting this rift is the fact that his volume is Les Kéréthim: des Keftiou, nomades fixés momentanément the first in its series of Oxford Studies of Ancient Documents dans Ouadj-our, c’est-à-dire le Delta du Nil (p. 232) is a not to focus on the Classical world. Eyre examines the use contribution of Claude Vandersleyen in which he discusses of writing in pharaonic Egypt for documentary purposes, the word Kerethim (Cherethites). This word also occurs in explicitly aiming to produce a social history of the use of the Bible (Ezekiel 25-16) in relation with the Philistines and documents rather than a study of their contents. In fact, Eyre people from Crete. takes as his major theme that the content of writing in Trois notes sur Edfou (pp. 233-239) by Robert Vergnieux pharaonic Egypt was not actually the most important aspect presents 3 photos and 1 epigraphic drawing. Three subjects of the production of the document: rather, he argues that relating to the temple of Edfu — dear to Barguet — are dis- documentary writing was a social process whose purpose cussed in this chapter. Vergnieux notes that the 4th column was unconnected to the value of the content of the document. of the western colonnade marked a particular point of the In examining such writing practices, he reaches the conclu- courtyard. Here the inscriptions under the architraves of sion that the Egyptian bureaucracy that produced these docu- the courtyard are made up of two skewed texts. This is not ments was small, inefficient and ramshackle, contrary to the the case for the eastern colonnade. It was Barguet who widely held belief in Egyptology (most famously espoused 73 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 74 in Kemp’s Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 1989) do business face-to-face on his behalf (rather than, for exam- that bureaucracy was the defining feature of the Egyptian ple, conducting interactions impersonally through docu- pharaonic state. An incredibly wide variety of texts, both ments). Egyptian bureaucracy was therefore not an imper- literary and documentary, serve as the main evidence for sonal process with the Instructions acting as textbooks; Eyre’s arguments; material concerns, such as the media of rather, Eyre prefers to see these texts as personally-given texts and their physical format, are also occasionally dis- advice reflecting the personal nature of doing business in cussed. The result is a strikingly new view on ancient Egypt’s Egypt, rather than as a rule book to be consulted. documentary record that, whilst occasionally made some- The following chapter serves as an overview of “written what inaccessible through its vast array of cited primary authorizations” in pharaonic Egypt. A vast catalogue of texts sources, will surely become important reading for both tex- is presented that starts to veer into sourcebook territory, tual and archaeological scholars of Egyptology, as well as obscuring Eyre’s arguments with the sheer volume of docu- having much to offer those working on similar questions in ments that are used as examples. This is a pity, as Eyre builds other disciplines. on the assertion in the previous chapter that much business In chapter one, Eyre sets out his mission to examine the in Egypt was done face-to-face and perceptively argues that use of documents in Egypt before 146 BC, taking as his both royal commands and private letters “reify” the original boundary the point at which Greek administrative practices speech that preceded their composition. Letters particularly produced a fundamental change over Egyptian documentary are couched in self-consciously oral terms: in their own use. Acknowledging the wide variety of interconnected words, the writer “says” and the reader “hears”. Documents issues that a study of documentary practice must raise — the in legal proceedings act as a “procès verbal”, and are not nature of the written record, literacy rates, appropriate con- valid unless accompanied by the witnesses who saw its mak- texts for writing, and restrictions placed on writing — Eyre ing. A document therefore only ever records a social interac- aims to move beyond a description of what documents say, tion, and does not stand in for such personal contact. Docu- going further to explore ancient attitudes to documents. In ments are not in themselves a bureaucratic instrument, but other words, he seeks to investigate the social process and merely a transcription of oral declarations. social behaviour of writing. He notes that the data available Chapter five, “Land and People”, continues the theme of for such a study is biased, in that documents were produced documents as secondary to oral interactions. The chapter by the government and are therefore focused on the govern- begins with a detailed analysis of the “Inscription of Mose”, ment, and pleads for a recognition that our use of the word an inscription from the Nineteenth Dynasty tomb of Mose at “archive” to describe collections of ancient documents Saqqara that was used as legal record. This text recounts a should not cause us to assume that such collections were lengthy legal disagreement over a land grant between mem- used in the same way and for the same purpose as they are bers of a family, and demonstrates the limitations of docu- in the present day. The author then sets up one of the major mentary use in ancient Egypt: different documents held by assertions of his work: that the Egyptian bureaucracy that individuals in the case are fragmentary and contradictory. produced documents was small, inefficient and ramshackle. The inscription is a clear demonstration that oral testimony Chapter two discusses the physical form of writing in was given more value than written sources. Widening his pharaonic Egypt. The author looks explicitly at writing rather scope to the role of documents in the managing of land more than structures of bureaucracy in order to examine the techni- generally, Eyre shows through copious textual examples that cal limitations and practicality of writing, so that this may documents concerning land use do not have an archival pro- then be related to the narrative of government process. He cess, but are used for the regular management of the land. concludes that the physical format of documents is impor- All land documentation is based on revenues rather than title tant, and depends not on the genre of the writing but rather claims; again, documents are used as part of the process of on the use to which the papyrus was put. The format of bureaucracy, rather than as authoritative record for future administrative texts reveal that such works were intended for archival use. The relative scarcity of such land documents immediate working process rather than for future use as likewise shows the lack of centralized bureaucracy and the archival documents: there is no system of indexing or cross- mainly oral nature of this work. referencing, for instance. Chapter six moves away from the wide-ranging examples Chapter three, “The Vizier as Bureaucrat”, challenges of documentary themes given in previous chapters, to focus many of the mainstays of Egyptological thought about in on the rich textual record from a relatively narrow time- pharaonic bureaucracy, including that the large number of frame available at Deir el-Medina. While this chapter, delin- administrative titles indicates a large bureaucracy, and that eated geographically and temporally, seems somewhat out of the oft-discussed instruction texts can be used as historical place with the much lengthier thematic chapters that precede, evidence for the functioning of the administration. Eyre Eyre links this evidence to his main argument by showing rather stresses the personal, interactive nature of pharaonic that the mass of ostraca found at the craftsmen’s village was bureaucracy, and convincingly shows through reference to not intended to form the basis of any lengthier or better- literary texts such as the Eloquent Peasant that much busi- organized archive, and that they were intended not as a ness was conducted in person rather than through documents. record of work but rather as a summation of progress. The He argues that documents were not generally intended to be system is shown to be constantly changing, with no underly- copied or published, but rather had power to serve as a wit- ing structure that would be needed to standardize data ness of a personal interaction. A detailed discussion of the recorded for archival purposes. text The Duties of the Vizier leads to the conclusion that The final substantive chapter focuses on “process, storage pharaonic bureaucracy was not as highly structured as the and record”, particularly the physical places and processes vast array of specialized titles would have us believe. Rather, in and by which documents could have been utilized by the vizier had agents that were sent out on an ad-hoc basis to Egyptians. Eyre again uses literary and instruction texts to 75 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 76 show that bureaux were important not as repositories of doc- “But magical spells are revealed (sḥȝw): incantations and (7) uments, but as places where a personal audience could be divinations are gone (? šmw), because they are called up (sḫȝ) obtained. Documents show no reference system by which by ordinary people (rmṯt).” (p. 338) texts could be ‘looked up’ or cross-referenced; in fact, a sin- I would suggest that the needs of those interested in work- gle role of precious papyrus was often used for the writing ing with the texts in the original Egyptian, and especially of multiple, unrelated texts. Therefore, archives could only those of non-philologically inclined readers, would have exist in usable form when they were compiled by someone been served better by giving separately an idiomatic transla- for his own use, for whom the organizational principle would tion and transliteration, or perhaps even by quoting fewer have been clear. The one context in which old texts were in sources in the main body of the book and providing a sepa- fact regularly consulted was in literature, where the trope of rate sourcebook as an appendix. As it is, while I acknowl- reference to secret texts is used to demonstrate a scribe’s edge the use of having all such sources gathered together in skill. The House of the Book in Greco-Roman temples, the one work, the reader must wade through many repetitive so-called temple library, often seems surprising to modern examples in order to get to the meat of Eyre’s excellent visitors because of its small size: Eyre argues that these were argument. used only for the storage of very specific religious texts, intended to be secret and esoteric on purpose and in no way This book covers a dizzying array of source material, over a reference library. The writing of documents is again shown which Eyre demonstrates an impressive command. Eyre’s to be a reification of authority that is not to be used as evi- argument that documents in pharaonic Egypt were tools of dence or reference, but as part of an administrative process. recording rather than reference for an inefficient and small- In his concluding chapter, Eyre sums up that Egypt should scale bureaucracy is well-argued and refreshing in the face not be regarded as a bureaucracy, since documents were not of received wisdom that Egypt was overrun by bureaucrats. autonomous and existed only as part of an administrative All Egyptologists, whether philologically or archaeologically process that privileged oral, in-person interaction. Documen- minded, will benefit from seeing the new insights that a more tary use was a process rather than a record. “Reference” contextual approach to Egyptian writing can offer. The book does not seem to have existed as a concept, and writing does is also supremely useful as a source book for pharaonic doc- not aim for dissemination; in fact, writing often derived its uments, and the index of textual passages and Egyptian status in Egyptian thought through its secret nature. Eyre’s words will help the reader who wishes to use this volume for study is rounded out by a chronological table, glossary, reference. The not-inconsiderable community of scholars extensive bibliography and a number of thoughtfully chosen from outside Egyptology who study writing as a social and indexes. material phenomenon will also find much to interest them in The book as a whole is a very valuable addition to the the first chapter, though it is a pity that later chapters rely so Egyptological literature: Eyre’s use of literary sources to much on Egyptian transliterations as to be inaccessible to uncover the ‘social process of writing’ is refreshing, as is his those outside the field with no linguistic training. Eyre finds aim, in a discipline where much time is spent translating more than enough textual evidence to keep him busy as he texts, to have a more reflective basis upon which to evaluate constructs his “social history of writing”; those interested in their content. Chapter one will be of most interest to the exploring more archaeological approaches to the problem many scholars outside Egyptology who study the social place may wish to consult recent volumes from outside the con- of writing, and indeed the contrast between Eyre’s conclu- fines of Egyptology such as Cypro-Minoan Inscriptions sions and the primacy of hieroglyphic writing in the modern (­Silvia Ferrara, 2012), and Archaeologies of Text: archaeol- conception of ancient Egypt make his a very valuable per- ogy, technology and ethics (eds. Kersel and Rutz, 2014). spective for cross-cultural comparisons. However, Eyre brings in a vast array of texts to support his arguments; these are referred to not just by title, but in many cases also given Bibliography in English translation that is set apart from the main text. The huge number of texts that are given this exhaustive treatment Ferrara, Silvia. 2012. Cypro-Minoan Inscriptions. Oxford: Oxford at times imparts the work a ‘sourcebook’ feel that, while University Press making it very useful for reference, causes the thread of Hume, Noel. 1964. “Archaeology: Handmaiden to History”, in The argument to be somewhat difficult to follow. Moreover, the North Carolina Historical Review 41.2, 214-225 translations given are quite literal, and technical terms are Kemp, Barry J. 1989. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge also given in transliteration in parentheses. No doubt this was Moreland, John. 2006. “Archaeology and Texts: Subservience or done to preserve as much of the original Egyptian as possible Enlightenment”, in Annual Review of Anthropology 35, 135- for the benefit of philologists, so that the reader can under- 51 stand the use of Egyptian without having to refer back to the Rutz, Matthew T. and Morag M. Kersel (eds.). 2014. Archaeologies original text. However, the use of technical terms in Egyptian of text: archaeology, technology and ethics. Oxford: Oxbow documentary sources is so pervasive that the practice of pro- Books viding transliterations in parentheses along with the opaquely literal translations makes some of the sources almost incom- University of Cambridge Kathryn Howley prehensible for the many readers who may be more inter- November 2016 ested, as Eyre claims to be, in the social aspect of writing rather than its contents. The following example serves as a * particularly impenetrable example: * * 77 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 78

NAVRATILOVA, H. and R. LANDGRÁFOVÁ (eds.) — Sex architectural imagery in the love songs and other literary and the Golden Goddess II. World of the Love Songs. documents, and discusses whether they can be interpreted in Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University, a literal, metaphorical or symbolic sense. Vinson not only Prague, 2015. (23,5 cm, XLVI, 213). ISBN 978-80- shows that certain imagery was common throughout ancient 7308-586-5. Egyptian history but also that a modern interpretation of these erotic themes may not conform to how they were imag- This book is the highly awaited second volume of Sex and ined and expressed in ancient Egyptian literature, thereby the Golden Goddess I: Ancient Egyptian Love Songs in Con- influencing how modern readers interpret the material. text (Landgráfová & Navrátilová 2009). In their first volume, The question of the context of the songs’ performance R. Landgráfová and H. Navrátilová (2009, p.219) state that including the possible methods used, the relationship to the the nature of the ancient Egyptian love songs may easily audience, and the setting is tackled by H. Köpp-Junk. Köpp- capture the imagination of the modern mind as the topics Junk (pp.35‒60) discusses how and where the songs may expressed in the songs, such as love, intimacy, sexuality, have been performed. Drawing on the scant evidence from courting, partnership et cetera, seem universally shared and ancient Egypt, she discusses the identity of possible perform- understood. However, this deceptive familiarity may affect ers, including musicians, singers and reciters, the instruments how modern-day scholarship has treated this unique textual and vocal ranges used, and the relationship of the performers source, potentially putting modern bias into its translation to the audience depending on the occasion on which the and analysis rather than considering the songs, their content songs were performed, ranging from an intimate setting and language in their own socio-cultural context (­Landgráfová between spouses or a family, to a banquet or religious & Navrátilová 2009, p.219). festival. It is therefore with great joy to see that the Editors have Both themes seem to be related and interconnected at focused their attention in the second volume on tackling this times as is illustrated by A. Verbovsek and B. Backes, and very issue. In Navrátilová’s (pp.xiii‒xlvi) introduction, she C.M. Sheikholeslami. Verbovsek and Backes (pp.105‒120) contemplates the possible approaches to the analysis of examine the expression of senses and sensuality as portrayed ancient Egyptian love songs, the potential of some methods in the love songs. They discuss what senses the ancient and theories and the drawbacks of others, thereby challeng- Egyptians used in the context of love, reflecting how they ing the notion that ancient Egyptian love poems can be may have perceived such an experience and conceptualized treated as expressing universal experiences. Navrátilová the feeling. Besides the portrayal of love, the expressions (p.xxxvii) concludes that “a self-reflective approach which concerning senses and sensuality may have also served to opts for a balanced use of theoretical and interdisciplinary relate to the audience, to create an image in their mind, and input is practical, but it is primarily the “material” itself to provide an adequate setting for the performance of the which is decisive”. love songs. This volume—a collection of eight articles, predominantly Sheikholeslami (pp.81‒104) re-examines the cycle of love in English but also German, and an afterword in French— songs recorded on pTurin 1966. She discusses problematic follows this approach. It aims to contribute to the contextu- readings and interpretations, and shows that these particular alization of the ancient Egyptian love songs through linguis- songs may have been influenced by religious motifs. For tic analyses of the songs themselves, as well as the example, the speaking tree as a protagonist may allude to tree examination of wider archaeological, textual and material goddesses providing for the deceased in the afterlife. That evidence. With the above general theoretical framework in the songs may contain religious or ritual imagery seems in mind, two underlying themes, to which almost all articles line with their possible performance during religious festi- allude, become apparent: the conceptualization of love (and vals. Sheikholeslami suggests that these religious undertones related topics) in the past and the context of the songs’ may not have been considered by previous scholars who may performance. have interpreted these texts as portraying everyday life, The contributions by G. Moers, J.F. Quack and S. Vinson potentially due to their modern socio-cultural bias of the con- focus on rethinking the conceptualization of love in the past, tent of love songs. the way it was expressed through particular ancient Egyptian Two contributions do not relate to the seemingly under­ terms and literary devices. Moers (pp. 61‒70) discusses the lying themes of reconceptualization and performance. concept of love as expressed by the verb mrj. By drawing on V.G. Callender’s (pp. 1‒14) article focuses on the life of a literary and non-literary examples, he shows that the ancient particular woman, Queen Neith from the Old Kingdom. She Egyptian notion of mrj differs from our modern concept of pieces together Neith’s life from textual and archaeological love—the term which is employed as its usual translation. evidence, portraying her role as royal wife and mother of a An interesting addition to Moers’ article, reconsidering king. C. Graves-Brown (pp.15‒34) examines the motif of the how love may be expressed in the songs, is given by Quack post-pubescent naked or semi-naked girl musician or serving (pp. 71‒80) who provides a new translation and inter­pretation girl found in the decoration of New Kingdom private tombs. of a particular love song recorded on ostracon Borchardt 1. She discusses the identity of these girls as daughters of the He suggests that the song features the victory of a male indi- deceased and investigates the possibility that the scenes in vidual over his rivals, thereby gaining favour in the form of which they appear may be linked to Hathor and sexuality, social advancement. However, ‘favour’ may also encapsulate and may be set in the context of particular religious festivals. the intimate, private feeling of love as a woman awaits the Similar to Sheikholeslami in relation to pTurin 1966, Graves- winner eagerly for celebrations. Brown argues that these tomb scenes, although having an Although Vinson’s (pp.121‒144) article does not deal with everyday-life character, carry religious connotations and may the literal concept of love, he discusses linguistic expressions have been part of the rituals involving the deceased’s rebirth. of erotic themes. In his contribution, he analyses spatial and As these contributions do not directly deal with the ancient 79 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 80

Egyptian love songs, they seem slightly disconnected from l’auteure en 1997 à la New York University sous le titre the other articles. Egyptian Perceptions of West Semites in Art and Literature To conclude the volume, in his afterword P. Vernus During the Middle Kingdom: An Archaeological, Art Histo- (pp.145‒158) critically puts the contributions in the context rical and Textual Survey. of the scholarly discourse on ancient Egyptian love songs Après les traditionnels table des matières (vii), préface and, more generally, gender studies. Sex and the Golden (viii), remerciements (ix) et abréviations (xi-xiii), l’auteure Goddess II also provides high-quality colour plates of the propose un premier chapitre introductif intitulé Introduc- papyri in question. These are not included in the first volume tion: The Scope, Methodology and Purpose of the Present where the songs are translated, so this is a welcome addition. Study (p. 1-9). L’approche annoncée de la problématique est It would have been wonderful to see the ostraca material as holistique. Elle ambitionne en effet d’analyser la question de colour plates as well, seeing as they are also translated in the ce que l’auteure appelle les West Semites à travers leur per- first volume; however, it is understandable that not every- ception pharaonique dans les arts, la littérature, l’onomas- thing can be included. Besides the textual sources, some tique, la linguistique, l’archéologie, le tout en replaçant ces illustrations for individual articles are also added as colour expressions culturelles dans leur contexte socio-politique et plates. économique. Un état synthétique de l’art dans la littérature à This volume achieves what it sets out to do: to contextual- la fois égyptologique et assyriologique est par la suite ize the ancient Egyptian love songs and to challenge the proposé. notion of universal experience as a fitting theoretical frame- Un deuxième chapitre,῾ꜣmw: Etymology, Usage and work. Several of the articles seem to touch upon similar Synonyms (p. 11-42), est une discussion sur les accep­ ­tions et underlying themes but approach them from different angles. compréhensions du terme ῾ꜣmw considéré comme un emprunt They complement each other and allow the reader to obtain égyptien à la langue ouest-sémitique et dont l’un des sens a more in-depth picture regarding a few selected topics premiers serait « parentèle », « kinship » (‘ammu). L’au- of contextualization. Furthermore, these themes provide a teure examine dans la foulée d’autres termes égyptiens qui common thread for the reader, guiding them through the évoquent également les populations originaires du couloir volume. Syro-Palestinien ou de Mésopotamie, et tentent de définir le The highlights for me include all three articles which degré de recouvrement de leurs significations. Il est notam- reconceptualize love and related topics by investigating the ment question des ḥryw š῾y, des mnṯw, des Styw et du Rtnw. use of language and literary devices, as well as the papers Dans un second temps, l’auteure dresse le « portrait » des discussing the context of performance and the importance of ῾ꜣmw identifiés avec les Amorites, d’abord du point de vue senses for both expressing love and creating an appropriate des sources assyriologiques (à la fois les textes documen- atmosphere for the audience. This book tackles the important taires mais aussi littéraires, en tentant de sérier les stéréo- question of contextualization and the articles provide inter- types et les réalités socio-économiques que peuvent révéler esting perspectives on the matter. Therefore, it would have ces stéréotypes), puis en recourant aux sources égyptolo- been intriguing to see longer contributions where these anal- giques datées d’une période allant de l’Ancien Empire yses and discussions could have been elaborated even fur- jusqu’au règne d’Amenemhat Ier. ther. But the articles in their current form do set the stage for Un troisième chapitre, intitulé West Semites in Egyptian future research. Art of the Old and Middle Kingdoms (p. 43-108), ambitionne Ancient Egyptian love songs represent a unique literary de comprendre comment les Egyptiens ont perçu et traduit genre and portray sentiments which a modern reader may leur perception des populations ouest-sémitiques dans leur approach with their own socio-cultural bias. The articles in iconographie. Après un bref rappel de la conception pharao- this volume demonstrate that the modern reader and scholar nique des peuples de l’humanité (« nous » vs. « eux » / « les need to step back and consider the ancient Egyptian love autres »), l’auteure identifie plusieurs formes d’expression songs in a different light. égyptiennes de l’Amorite comme « étranger » durant l’An- cien Empire : les sculptures tridimensionnelles de prison- Reference niers asiatiques (MMA 47.2 et MMA 64.260 par exemple), les reliefs (dont les scènes du « roi massacrant ses enne- Landgráfová, R. and Navrátilová, H., 2009. Sex and the Golden mis », les « prisonniers étrangers », les « sièges et Goddess I. Ancient Egyptian Love Songs in Context. Prague: batailles », les « famines »). Czech Institute of Egyptology, Charles University. Pour le Moyen Empire, l’auteure aborde le sujet en corré- lant le terme ῾ꜣmw avec les représentations d’étrangers aux- University of Cambridge, Renate Fellinger quelles il est associé (par exemple dans la tombe d’Intef December 2016 TT386 et sa scène de bataille contre une forteresse asiatique). Elle note notamment que la modification des relations entre l’Egypte et le Proche-Orient au cours de la XIIe dynastie — * renforçant le rapprochement des deux ensembles — est sui- * * vie par une altération de l’image des Asiatiques, désormais plus précise et détaillée (l’auteure évoque en particulier le SARETTA, P. — Asiatics in Middle Kingdom Egypt. Per- rendu des coiffures). ceptions and Reality. (Bloomsbury Egyptology). Une importante section (p. 80-108) est entièrement dédiée Bloomsbury Publishing Co. Ltd., London, 2016. (24 cm, aux représentations d’Asiatiques dans les tombes de Beni XIII, 311). ISBN 978-1-47422-623-3. $ 120.00. Hasan et à l’étude du cortège d’Amorites figuré dans la Le présent ouvrage est la version remaniée, augmentée et tombe de Khnoumhotep II (Tombe 3, datée du règne de mise à jour d’une dissertation doctorale soutenue par Sésostris II). L’auteure établit des ponts entre des détails 81 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 82 iconographiques visibles dans la troupe de ᾿Ib šꜣ et des élé- d’une succession de conséquences présentées comme ments iconographiques observables sur des œuvres mésopo- logiques et plausibles : « si l’on accepte A, il est alors envi- tamiennes de Mari (statue de Ishtup-Ilum, conservée au sageable que B, ce qui impliquerait raisonnablement C. Musée archéologique d’Alep) ou de Girsu (statue de Ur-­ Ensuite, E ne peut pas être exclu car C et D sont similaires, ningirsu MMA 47.100.86+L.2006.29). D’après l’auteure, la ce qui montre que F est une possibilité ». scène de la tombe de Khnoumhotep II se lit comme la tra- Par ailleurs les analyses iconographiques proposées par duction du mode de vie ouest-sémitique du Middle Bronze l’auteure (notamment basées sur un éventuel « réalisme » ou IIA. une supposée « transcription du réel » par les artistes égyp- Un quatrième et dernier chapitre, intitulé West Semites tiens) ne tiennent malheureusement pas compte d’études and the Economic Life of Egypt (p. 109-188), vise à mettre pourtant déjà anciennes et récemment mentionnées dans plu- en évidence la place des populations ῾ꜣmw au sein du tissu sieurs ouvrages tels ceux de R.E. Freed et alii, The Secret of économique pharaonique et tente de vérifier l’hypothèse Tomb 10a. Egypt 2000 BC, catalogue de l’exposition, Bos- selon laquelle les Asiatiques d’Égypte occupaient des fonc- ton, 2009 ; F. Morfoisse et G. Andreu-Lanoë (dir.), Sésostris tions socio-professionnelles similaires à celles occupées par III. Pharaon de légende, catalogue de l’exposition, Lille- leurs concitoyens demeurés « au pays ». Ainsi l’auteure sou- Gand, 2014 ; A. Oppenheim et alii (ed.), Ancient Egypt ligne que les (femmes) asiatiques étaient tout spécialement Transformed. The Middle Kingdom, catalogue de l’exposi- employées dans les activités de tissage ou de teinture des tion, New York, 2015. De nombreuses œuvres et autres tissus, et que d’autres « Asiatiques » étaient affectés aux documents mentionnés par l’auteure sont également évoqués, tâches de berger ou à l’administration des troupeaux, voire décrit et commentés de façon plus nuancée dans ces ouvrages. impliqués dans le travail artisanal des ressources minérales Aussi, et pour conclure, malgré son approche holistique du Sinaï (turquoise et cuivre). positive et indispensable pour un tel sujet, malgré divers De même, l’auteure estime plausible la présence d’une mérites (dont celui d’une lecture aisée et fluide, ou la qualité force ouvrière d’origine étrangère sur les sites funéraires de de ses nombreuses illustrations), l’ouvrage de Phyllis Saretta Lisht (construction des pyramides d’Amenemhat Ier et Sésos- ne parvient pas à fournir, en dépit de son ambition, une tris Ier) et Dahchour (pyramides d’Amenemhat II, Sésos- contribution éclairante sur la question de la perception de tris III et Amenemhat III), et mentionne l’hypothèse selon l’altérité des populations « asiatiques » telle qu’exprimée par laquelle les graffiti présents sous la pyramide de Sésostris III la culture pharaonique du Moyen Empire. figurent des têtes de travailleurs étrangers impliqués dans les chantiers de construction de la région memphite et venus en Bruxelles, novembre 2016 David Lorand « pèlerinage » sur le site de la pyramide de Sésostris III à Dahchour. L’auteure fait par la suite l’énumération des * indices et attestations de la présence d’Asiatiques dans la * * région de Lisht et de Kahoun. L’auteure consacre enfin une longue section (p. 163-187) PRELL, S. — Einblicke in die Werkstätten der Residenz. aux femmes étrangères employées comme servantes, por- Die Stein- und Metallwerkzeuge des Grabungsplatzes teuses d’offrandes, assistantes du culte ou danseuses rituelles. Q1. (Forschungen in der Ramses-Stadt, 8), Gerstenberg L’identification du caractère « étranger » de certaines repré- Verlag, Hildesheim, 2011. (32 cm, 294 + DVD). ISBN sentations de femmes se fonde pour l’essentiel sur le rendu 978-3-8067-8753-5. ISSN 1864-8045. € 69,90 des coiffures de ces individus. Le chapitre conclusif, intitulé Conclusion and Prospects This book on stone and metal tools and workshops in for Further Study, reprend les éléments saillants mis en évi- Qantir by Silvia Prell is comprised of 9 chapters: an intro- dence au cours des quatre précédents chapitres, et propose ductive section (Ch. 1) is followed by a short section on the une ouverture quant à l’évolution de l’image des Asiatiques archaeological context of the excavated areas (Ch. 2); then dans l’Égypte du Nouvel Empire. by two chapters on the classification of the stone and metal Deux cartes (une de Mésopotamie et du Levant, l’autre de tools (Ch. 3 and 4). The next chapter is dedicated to the study l’Égypte) ainsi que les notes classées par chapitre (p. 203- of the iconography of the production, tools and artisanal pro- 260) précèdent la bibliographie (p. 261-283) et les tables cesses in the New Kingdom (NK) tombs (Ch. 5). Chapter 6 chronologiques égyptiennes et mésopotamiennes (p. 285- deals with the stratigraphy of the site and is followed by 291). Les sources des illustrations (p. 293-305) et l’index general conclusions (Ch. 7). Useful abstracts are then given (p. 307-311) closent l’ouvrage. in 4 languages (German, English, French and Arabic) (Ch. 8). The bibliography and lists of tables, maps and figures are L’ouvrage de Phyllis Saretta a récemment fait l’objet d’un provided in Ch. 9. Finally, the book encloses a CD disk with premier compte rendu sous la plume de Thomas Schneider the catalogue (Ch. 10) of the studied tools. dans la revue électronique Bryn Mawr Classical Review Seven years of excavations in the Q1 site at Qantir (N.E. (BMCR) en date du 18 août 2016 (http://www.bmcreview. Egypt) have been conducted by the Hildesheim mission org/2016/08/20160821.html). Je m’accorde pleinement avec (1980-87). The studied area is comprised of workshops ini- les remarques et commentaires de ce dernier quant aux tially connected to the construction of the new capital under limites heuristiques et théoriques de l’ouvrage. Je souligne- Seti I and Ramesses II, and later to the supply of chariot rais — sur le seul plan méthodologique — les difficultés de pieces for the garrison. The book gives a comprehensive l’auteure à produire une argumentation convaincante et fac- publication of the stone and metal tools unearthed in this Q1 tuelle qui dépasse le « conditionnel » et les « possibles ». site. Stone tools are predominant in the studied material. Ainsi, la chaîne argumentative est régulièrement constituée, An important section is dedicated to the classification au départ d’une hypothèse (non – totalement – démontrée), of these stone tools (Ch. 3): 4 main groups or types are 83 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 84 distinguished: crushing (1); abrading (2); smoothing (3) and Chapter 4 reviews metal tools — chisels, punches, axes, grinding or grating tools (4). These groups are not mutually and tongs — which are generally small and significantly less exclusive and evidences of multi-purpose tools are quite frequent than stone tools. Large saw and adze blades, whose common. Other tools do not find their place in the main marks are visible on some steatite tools are missing. Metal groups: weights for wooden drill; working plates; anvils, tools were produced in a foundry of industrial dimension, stone bowls, mortars and additional pottery tools. Metal tools which dates back to the foundation of the city under Seti I are comparatively rare and of small size. Large tools, as saws and Ramesses II. Archaeological finds suggest that the metal or adze blades are missing, most probably because they were came either as “raw material” or as reused discarded tools. constantly recycled and re-used. A copper bar section imported from Cyprus (as demonstrated Different artisanal sectors have been identified in the study by isotope studies), illustrates the use of “raw material” — area. An area is dedicated to both cold and hot (foundry) albeit the bar itself is yet an artefact — while metal “recy- metalworking and predominantly produced pieces of military cling packs” (“Recyclingpaket”) demonstrate that discarded equipment (armour plates, arrowheads, spearheads). Other tools were carefully recycled. The metal used in Qantir was workshops for leather, bone, wood also produced pieces of apparently mostly imported from Cyprus (oxhide ingots). weapons, such as shields, arrows, arrowheads, bows, etc. The More copper, possibly as artefacts, was maybe imported workshops were largely connected to each other, in what from Timna (now in Israel) — although this hypothesis is not appears to be a “production chain”. As it is, the Q1 study supported by analytical evidence in the studied material. It is area corresponds fairly well to the working area of the sup- interesting to note that although Egypt had many copper pliers of the garrison which is known as the ḫps in the wall deposits in its territory (Sinai Peninsula, Eastern Desert) and decoration of NK tombs. This strategic activity was most “colonies” (Timna), Qantir obviously obtained most of its probably subject to a strict control by the state. It is widely copper from Cyprus. A regular trade chain was possibly pre- admitted that such a control encompassed the whole trade ferred to costly mining in Egypt and/or to supply in periph- chain, from the raw materials supply to the distribution eral areas that were under sporadic control of Egypt only. of manufactured products, and ultimately to the recycling of Chapter 5 compares the finds with the depiction of work- costly or labour-intensive materials, especially metals (hence shops in NK tombs, mostly from Thebes. Though an interest- the absence of large abandoned metal remains in the ing section, it includes many well-known scenes from the excavation). tomb of Rekhmire (TT100), Puimre (TT39) and others, and Chapter 3 gives a fascinating and finely illustrated over- should have been more informative if finds from Qantir were view of the stone artefacts and tools, belonging to the 4 systematically shown in parallel. Few artefacts are shown in categories mentioned above. A careful analysis confirms this section and some are unfortunately not found in the CD that every specialized tool has (unsurprisingly) been made catalogue, as for instance the unfinished statue shown in in the most adequate material: for instance, hammer stones Fig. 61. are predominantly made in hard stones, such as diorite, Chapter 6 is a clear, well-structured and well-illustrated granite, greywacke and basalt while grinding stones are section dealing with the stratigraphy of the excavated area made of quartzite. Polishing stones are often naturally and the spatial and temporal distribution of finds. Some of smoothed flint or quartz cobbles. Specific materials were the maps (e.g. map 01, p. 179) contain a wealth of informa- used to the finishing (polishing) of bone arrowheads or tion and are therefore better seen in a magnified version, on pins: the author lists hard materials as amphibolite, pyrox- the CD (see “Kartierungen” pdf file). Table 21 (p. 169) pro- enite and quartzite besides the more unexpected — though vides the reader with an interesting temporal overview of the rather frequent (65% of the corpus) — steatite, whose hard- history of the site. The oldest (18th dyn.) layers were not ness is considerably lower than that of aforementioned reached at Q1, where the history starts with versatile work- materials. Steatite however has a specific advantage: deli- shops and industrial bronze foundry from the reign of Seti I. cate grooves are easily carved in this soft material and the Later on, the study area becomes a prominent arsenal — the prepared polishing tool may then be hardened by heat treat- chariotry of the Residence — in the reign of Seti I/Ramesses II. ment, and acquire a hardness comparable to that of pyrox- The heydays of the arsenal however came to an abrupt end enite (Connor et al., 2015. JEA 101, 311-337). By contrast, under the next reigns, as demonstrated by ceramic and shabti the carving of polishing grooves in harder stones is a time- finds from the Ramesses III – 21st dynasty interval. Q1 thus consuming process, which may affect negatively the pro- appears as a major though short-lived arsenal, intimately duction chain. linked to the expansion of Egypt under Seti I and his son. Large stone tools frequently display traces of multi-pur- The excavated area is part of a much larger complex of pose use: for instance, hammer stones have been used to workshops which were organised as an artisan quarter within abrade while abrasion stones may display percussion marks. the palatial district: it is thus likely that other activities con- The author notes that specialized tools appear to be rare in nected to the chariotry could be unearthed in yet unexcavated the Q1 site, which may be interpreted in contrasted ways. On areas of the artisanal quarter. the one hand, it does not support the view of highly special- Chapter 10 is available as pdf files in the enclosed CD ized workshops, equipped with rather specific tools; on the (due to its 134 Mo size, it is preferably saved on a hard disk other hand, it suggests a high degree of versatility. Were for a swifter use). It consists of an impressive 658p-long these workshops “modern” (specialized) or “archaic” (ver- catalogue of finds with beautiful line drawings and precise satile)? The question may be irrelevant if efficiency was the description of the excavated material. ultimate objective, as it for sure was. Efficiency was obvi- From the lines above, it appears that the objective of the ously achieved in linking versatile workshop areas that alto- book goes far beyond the careful description, typology and gether functioned as elements of relatively coherent produc- use of usually neglected stone and metal tools. These modest tion chains or assembly lines. objects are placed in the frame of a strategic, state-controlled, 85 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 86 activity whose importance demanded a continuous supply in with the inhumations and wooden coffins (occasionally with proper raw materials; an efficient use of these products, texts) of non-royals (p. 17 and p. 22-23). Of course the pub- wood, metal, leather and bone; an adequate distribution to lication and its catalogue entries under review are based on the end-user and even — ultimately — a careful recycling of the collection of the RMAH, but one must conclude that the labour-intensive products, and notably metals. There are space devoted to the burials/coffins and additional grave of course some uncertainties as to the exact modalities of goods of the predynastic period until the First Intermediate these multiple controls but the convincing results obtained Period is short compared to the next chapters. by the Egyptian army under Seti I and Ramesses II suggest The coffins of the First Intermediate Period and the Mid- that the whole production chain was overall efficient, and dle Kingdom are discussed in chapter II. An element which even to some extent comparable to early modern industry. is not included in the publication, but which the reader may Prell’s book is a must-have for anyone interested in Qantir, feel is missing especially at the start of chapter II (p. 25), are in the workshops, in stone and metal tools and, more broadly, technical illustrations of coffin production, a subject very in the efficiency of the state-controlled production of pieces suitable for a short box text (like p. 163). In shape the First of weaponry in the 19th dynasty. Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom coffins are an almost fluent continuation of the Old Kingdom coffins except Royal Museum for Central Africa – thierry De Putter for the decoration. In the Middle Kingdom offering formulas, Geodynamics and Mineral Resources, protective texts, wedjat-eyes, but especially the Coffin Texts Tervuren (Belgium) and object friezes on the inside of the coffin emerge. The November 2016 difference between rectangular and anthropoid coffins as respectively a representation of the world and the immortal deceased is illustrated (p. 26-27). The catalogue entries * (p. 28-49) only discuss the rectangular coffins and several * * other Middle Kingdom funerary objects like model boats and workshops and . Most interesting is the tomb assem- DELVAUX, L. en I. THERASSE — Sarcofagen. Onder de shabtis blage of the Chief of Police Abu and his wife(?) from sterren van Noet. Uitgeverij Lannoo, Tielt, 2015. (24 cm, ­Antinoë (p. 28-33). The exact positioning of the objects and 208). ISBN 978-2-87386-964-9. € 27,50. coffins in their tomb was reconstructed, based on the descrip- The design and complex decoration scheme of Egyptian tions made by Albert Gayet from 1899-1900 (p. 30). The coffins and sarcophagi as well as their use is made compre- mummy of Abu also sheds interesting light on mummifica- hensible in this publication accompanying the exhibition Sar- tion practices at the end of the First Intermediate Period/early cophagi. Sous les étoiles de Nut in the Royal Museums of Middle Kingdom. Exemplary for the 12th dynasty are the cof- Art and History in Brussels (RMAH) in 2015. The publica- fins of Henu and Hetep, which were bought and donated to tion, available in French and Dutch, aims to provide a chron- the RMAH by baron Edouard Émpain. An interesting fact ological overview of Egyptian coffins and sarcophagi as well from a collection history point of view is that these were sold as show a number of interesting and unpublished examples from the ‘auction room’ in the Cairo Museum at the begin- from the Brussels collection. ning of the 20th century (footnote 14). Slightly more refine- After chronological and topographical footholds and intro- ment in the editing process of the publication might have ductions the book starts with a short historical overview of prevented the use of some words that seem odd and slightly how the coffins and sarcophagi entered the RMAH collection anachronistic, e.g. ‘grafslaaf’ (Eng. ‘tomb slave’, p. 46) for (p. 10-13). Several former collections (e.g. Giovanni Bel- shabtis and ‘afgestorvene’ (which rather means ‘deteriorat- zoni, Gustave Hagemans, Emile de Meester de Ravenstein, ing’ than ‘deceased’, old-fashioned Dutch). These elements Édouard Empain, King Leopold II and Armilde Lheureux) perhaps originated in the translation process. Other minor and excavations (e.g. the Bab el-Gasus cache and several contradictions might also have been picked up (e.g. p. 148 Egypt Exploration Society excavations) from which the ‘stretched arms’ and p. 162 ‘1928’). objects originated, are mentioned. This historical overview The New Kingdom coffins (chapter III) are arranged provides a background for the ‘provenance’ paragraphs of in material categories but at the same time more or less in each catalogue entry. The overview is illustrated with photo- chronological order. After the general introduction there is graphs of the Egyptian rooms in 1897 and 1904. The reader special attention for terracotta coffins and more specifically might initially be confused by the ‘resetting’ of figure num- the slipper coffins of which the RMAH have several exam- bering at the start of each chapter, but as reference to figures ples of different quality. As these objects are often consid- in the text is only intra-chapter, this is hardly disturbing. As ered less attractive it is good to see them discussed in such in any modern day catalogue the collection history plays an length in this catalogue. Undoubtedly the most extraordinary essential part in understanding the objects. In this publication specimen is the slipper coffin found by Petrie in 1905 at Tell it focuses on the history of the coffins only. el-Yahudiya with the name of the owner Men preserved. Part Chapter I discusses burials/coffins from prehistory to the of its decoration is still intact and shows magical spells and Old Kingdom. The simple ‘paleolithic’ pit inhumations do depictions of Isis, Nephthys, Anubis and the sons of Horus. not differ that much from the first coffin inhumations like The RMAH collection also has a fragment of the sarcopha- that from El-Mahasna (Naqada III). Coffins of terracotta and gus of Amenhotep son of Hapu which relates to fragments in later of wood make their appearance and the diversity of cof- Cairo and Grenoble. The next three objects are amongst the fins is illustrated with examples from Tarkan (p. 18-23). The most beautiful in the RMAH collection: a mummy mask, a ‘standard burials’ are put in perspective by the example of a mummy plank and part of a coffin, all three showing exqui- reused box/coffin with excarnated remains (p. 20-21). The sitely executed features typical of late 18th and 19th dynasty royal stone sarcophagi of the Old Kingdom are contrasted funerary art (p. 68, 72 and 74). The mummy mask wearing 87 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 88 a colourful necklace and the gold of honour has by some the mummy. The Roman ancestor cult plays a role in this, been identified as the treasurer Maya. also evident from the ‘revival’ of the deceased by placing The coffins of the Third Intermediate period (chapter IV) painted wooden portraits on the mummy (Fayum-portraits, show the increasing complexity and compactness of religious p. 140). The diversity of coffins and sarcophagi in the Ptole- beliefs and funerary art. The coffins and mummy boards of maic and Roman periods echoes in the catalogue entries, the 21st dynasty have a yellow background and portray the ranging from a beautifully carved stone sarcophagus lid to a deceased as a divine being. The coffins are filled with scenes wooden coffin with an equal refined carving. Touching are from the Book of the Dead helping the deceased in his jour- the child coffins and cartonnages, especially the two small ney to the realm of Osiris. There is special attention for the coffins (p. 156-157). The chapter closes with two box texts coffins from the Bab el-Gasus cache discovered in 1891 and on the Fayum portraits and an analysis of the painting layers excavated in little more than a week. This cache contained in these (p. 163-165). The latter contribution shows that the several hundred coffins and funerary objects of the priests RMAH are further developing the use of the Portable Light and priestesses of Amun. These objects were distributed over Dome in a combined multispectral and 3D recording of several museums and the RMAH received 10 coffins and objects. This method allows for detailed study of the object mummy boards, but also two large boxes with 92 shabtis. All without handling it. the coffins and boards are discussed in the catalogue entries. The final chapter VII deals with animal mummy contain- Remarkable are the scenes of Osiris rising from the funerary ers (p. 166-197). It starts with a general introduction on the bed (p. 92 and fig. 9) and the depiction of a locust in the phenomenon of animal mummies, the different types and judgement scene (p. 94 and fig. 10). Most interesting is the the locations where they have been found in abundance. complete set of coffins on p. 102-107, which contains several The catalogue gives a cross section of the different kinds of titles but a blank space for the name. The production and containers with a strong emphasis on cats and falcons. An (re-)use of the Bab el-Gasus coffins has recently become a extensive bibliography is at the end of the book. research topic in several museums and one hopes that the This publication offers the reader a descriptive overview, research and restoration efforts of the RMAH will be joined mostly of the different kinds of coffins but also sarcophagi, to other projects, like e.g. the Vatican Coffin Project. In the from the prehistoric period to the advent of Christianity. This 22nd dynasty the wooden underground of coffins is left large timespan is one of the great strengths of this publica- unpainted or is painted in a lighter colour. In this period the tion as opposed to other publications on coffins that often mummy boards are replaced by cartonnages (see also p. 83). discuss shorter periods (e.g. Manley, B., Dodson A., 2010, Two remarkable objects are discussed in the catalogue Life Everlasting. National Museums Scotland Collection of entries: the set of coffins of Taanetenmes with the carton- Ancient Egyptian coffins, Edinburgh or Lacovara, P., Trope, nage of Tamen (p. 114-119) and the mummy board of Pen- B., 2001, Realm of Osiris: Mummies, coffins and Ancient maat (p. 120-121). The latter is, despite its damaged state, Egyptian funerary art in the Michael C. Carlos Museum, interesting because of the multi-coloured hieroglyphic offer- Atlanta). The general reader will get a good overview of ing texts on the legs. The relation between the colour used Egyptian coffins and sarcophagi. The large plates, especially and the nature of the hieroglyphs is explained. the two-page-plates (e.g. p. 116-117, 128-129) are a valuable New trends and archaism lead to new stylistic, typological addition to the descriptions of the texts and vignettes relating and iconographical innovations in the Late Period (chapter to ancient Egyptian mortuary beliefs. The history of the col- V). More and longer religious texts appear on coffins — lection at the RMAH might have been concentrated more on most of them from the Book of the Dead — while the num- p. 10-13, instead of additional and repeated (Leopold II, ber of vignettes decreases. Large plumb stone anthropoid p. 70 and 141) information in the separate catalogue entries. sarcophagi are introduced in the 26th dynasty. The beautiful The reader that might have expected more background to the coffins of Usermes (p. 125-129) set the example and are collection, will be satisfied with the reference to Van de righteously displayed on a two page image. Another interest- Walle, B., Limme, L., De Meulenaere, H., 1980, La collec- ing example is the 26th dynasty coffin of Chonsutefnakht tion égyptienne, les étapes marquantes de son développe- with a white background and multi-coloured hieroglyphs ment, Bruxelles. Like in the exhibition the reader of this (p. 131-135). These two examples show the goddess Nut publication gets a detailed look inside the coffins and is stretching out over the mummy on the inside of the lid. immerged in the religious beliefs of the ancient Egyptians. Coffins are still used in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, This book offers valuable information on unpublished objects but less in the latter period (chapter VI). Their use is on the from the RMAH collection to scholars, but it also offers a wane during the consolidation of Christianity. Large stone step-by-step guide to the interested wider public. sarcophagi are still in use until the 2nd century BC, deco- rated with mythological scenes. The lid of Taredet has Leiden, January 2017 Ben van den Bercken received special interest by the author as she discusses a complete translation (p. 141-143). A question the reader * might pose is why this was not done for more of the texts on * * the coffins in the publication. In the Ptolemaic period carton- nages partially covering the mummy became popular. Parts Wilkinson, R.H., and K. Weeks (eds.) — The Oxford of the body that were not covered with cartonnage were Handbook of the Valley of the Kings. Oxford University gilded to indicate the divine character of the deceased (e.g. Press, Oxford, 2016. (25,5 cm, XVI, 627). ISBN 978- p. 148-149 and 158-160). The authors also mention the often 019-993163-7. £ 97.00. little discussed phenomenon of keeping a mummy of a rela- tive in the home of the living in the Roman period. This is A surprisingly small number of comprehensive books on deduced from use-wear on the feet, indicating standing up of the Valley of the Kings (KV), one of Egypt’s most famous 89 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 90 archaeological sites, was ever published. E. Thomas’s The working simultaneously, was responsible for labour on one Royal Necropoleis of Thebes (Princeton, 1966), and side of the axis of the tomb. N. Reeves and R. Wilkinson’s The Complete Valley of the K. Weeks then provides a comprehensive overview of the Kings (London and New York, 1996) are still very important component parts of royal tombs in the KV (ch. 8), including resources, but in several respects they are no longer up-to- their Egyptian terminology. The chapter is based on primary date. The Oxford Handbook of the Valley of the Kings aims sources, as well as egyptological studies and archaeological to resolve this issue, collecting a large number of studies on surveys. Ch. 9 is a very welcome presentation by L. Pinch- the KV, that represent much of the current interpretation of Brock of lesser known features of the KV, focusing on tomb the archaeological material from the site, but also touching collisions, tomb alterations, tomb abandonments, commence- upon several other aspects of the KV. ments and smaller pits. She ponders the functions of smaller J. Bunbury’s discussion of the geology (ch. 1) contributes pits (KV B-H, L- T; unnumbered pits) despite the lack of to an understanding of tomb construction in the KV, the archaeological evidence and poor documentation by early occurrence of flash floods in antiquity and in modern time, explorers. KV B is interpreted as an unfinished tomb entrance and conservation work. K. Weeks then presents an overview dating to the reign of Thutmosis IV. Pits L-M are attributed of modern and ancient names of locations in and around the to the reign of Amenhotep II, and pit KV F to that of Thut- KV (ch. 2). The sources for the Egyptian names, given in mosis III. P. 121-122 briefly deal with tomb alterations, transliteration and translation, are predominantly documen- which were very common. Compare p. 188, where it is tary texts from Deir el-Medina. A. Dorn examines rainfall, argued that KV 39 was also adjusted. drainage patterns and flood protection in the KV during the S. Rickerby and L. Wong (ch. 10) scrutinise the technol- New Kingdom, drawing on graffiti that record rainfall, as ogy applied in the decoration of the royal tombs. Previous well as flash-flood deposition that is detectable in the stratig- descriptions of material and methods used by the workmen raphy of the KV (ch. 3). A rainwater drainage system was are stated to be inaccurate (p. 137). The authors focus on already in place during the New Kingdom, and some tombs methods of rock cutting, plastering, and on different were constructed with features to prevent flooding. P. 37 lists approaches to decoration in relief and decoration in paint. arguments against the interpretation of the so-called ‘well- Unfinished tombs indicate that the sequence of decoration shaft’ or ‘robber’s shaft’ in royal tombs as a means of protec- was mostly random (p. 150). Ch. 11 by H. McCarthy pre- tion against the ingress of rainwater. Compare p. 106-107 for sents the evolution of tomb decoration and the distribution of other opinions. texts in kingly tombs of the KV. Four phases are discerned: In ch. 4, J. Taylor explores the Egyptian concept of a royal the 18th Dynasty, the Amarna and post-Amarna period, the necropolis throughout the pharaonic period. As in life, the transition to the 19th Dynasty, and the Ramesside period. The dead king was an intermediate between gods and humanity, text is accompanied by three convenient tables. Despite the and therefore his tomb was more than a resting place for his chapter’s title, it does not in fact deal with palaeography of body and the location of a cult in his honour. The royal scenes and texts. necropolis was often located at a centre of political and reli- In chapters 12-14, C. Roehrig, H. Altenmüller, and A. Dod- gious importance, and was part of a greater symbolic envi- son, discuss royal tombs of the 18th, 19th, and 20th Dynasty ronment. Kingly tombs were usually situated in a larger cem- respectively. They present coherent examinations of the indi- etery that also contained tombs of the king’s subjects. As vidual tombs, focusing on the development of their architec- such, the necropolis contributed to the formation of social tural features. Refreshing is S. Bickel’s ch. 15 on the tombs hierarchy. A. Dodson’s chapter (5) on the tombs of pre-New of queens and non-royal individuals in the KV, which are Kingdom kings reduplicates some of the content of the pre- more numerous than the kingly tombs. Many questions still ceding chapter, but provides more details on individual remain open because non-kingly tombs are generally undeco- tombs. It illustrates the role of Thebes as the site of a royal rated, have been plundered, and were until recently much necropolis before the 18th Dynasty. The tombs of Ahmose ignored by researchers (p. 230). No clear evolution can be and Amenhotep I have not been located at Thebes, but observed in the architecture of such tombs. Most private ­Dodson proposes that the former king may have been buried individuals in the KV are unidentified, but it is clear that the at Abydos and was subsequently reburied somewhere at greater majority was interred prior to the Amarna period. Thebes (p. 67). These individuals seem to have belonged to the intimate R. Demarée’s overview (ch. 6) collects evidence of the entourage of the king rather than to the highest elite. workmen who created the royal tombs, acknowledging that Chapters 16-18 are concerned with the inventory of royal very little is known about the 18th Dynasty crews. The work- tombs in the KV. The first two chapters by A. Dodson focus men were housed at the village of Deir el-Medina, and sus- on sarcophagi and canopics, and describe the evolution of tained by the government. Besides a discussion of the organi- their shape, choice of material, decoration, and inscriptions. sation of the crew, the administration of their work, and their C. Price examines the other tomb goods. Apart from the con- relation to the government, the chapter deals with some prob- tent of the tomb of Tutankhamun, important clues are pro- lems connected to the textual evidence, and with research vided by depictions of objects in some Ramesside tombs. questions that remain open. The following chapter (7) by Textual evidence is considered as well. However, the “check- A. Dorn relates to other aspects of the work of the necropolis lists found near KV 9” (p. 274), although puzzling, are workmen: their construction techniques and tools, units of unlikely to refer to royal tomb goods (see J. Janssen, ‘Three measurement, graffiti left by them, and their huts and work- Mysterious Ostraca’, in: M. Collier and S. Snape (eds.), places in the KV. The oldest attested huts date to the reign of Ramesside studies in honour of K.A. Kitchen (Rutherford, Thutmosis IV. The 20th Dynasty cluster of huts near KV 18 2011) 237-282). is particularly well documented. Dorn states that the work- A. von Lieven scrutinises the little extant evidence for the men’s division into two groups meant that each group, mortuary rituals that must have taken place in the KV, 91 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 92 explaining which rites are expected to have been performed, to protect the royal necropolis. She also describes the tasks and posing several questions that cannot be answered yet (ch. of guardians, doorkeepers, and medjay. In the subsequent 19). Perhaps worth mentioning in this context are two ostraca chapter O. Goelet discusses instances when security failed found near KV 39 (John Rose, Tomb KV 39 in the Valley of and tombs were robbed. The famous tomb robberies of the the Kings. A double archaeological enigma (Bristol, 2000) 20th Dynasty, and the period of reburials from Ramesses XI pl. 27), listing titles such as ḳd-wr-ἰr, ḥm-tꜢ, ḥr.y-wr, and onwards are addressed. The author points out that during the wr-nṯr, i.e. priests who played a role in mortuary rituals. 18th Dynasty minor, opportunistic robberies took place soon R. Wilkinson discusses symbolic aspects of the tombs in after the burial, for which the necropolis workmen were terms of their location, and their decoration and texts (ch. 20). probably responsible. Essentially these operate to guarantee the course of the sun The few known details of the KV during the period fol- through the netherworld, and the interaction between the lowing the TIP are treated by F. Coppens (ch. 31). KV 36 deceased king as the sun god and deities of the netherworld. was possibly visited during the 26th Dynasty, since the design J. Roberson offers a clear overview of the various funerary of the sarcophagus of Hapmen is copied from the sarcopha- texts that occur in the tombs of the KV (ch. 21), pointing out gus of that tomb. Coppens discusses the nature of the graffiti that many of these are factually cosmological books. Their left by Ptolemaic tourists, as well as desiderata and current relation to actual funerary rites is often unclear. state of the research concerned with these inscriptions. Graf- The next three chapters describe events that took place fiti and dipinti indicate that Coptic monks used the tombs in after the burial. R. Wilkinson deals with damnatio memoriae the KV as shelters. KV 2 probably functioned in part as a (ch. 22; discussion of term; discussion of tombs where this cult place dedicated to Saint Ammonios and Saint Abraham. (may have) occurred; examination of the clearest example J. Tyldesley summarises the exploration of the KV by travel- (KV 23), and information gained from studying chisel cuts lers from 17th-18th century, by Napoleon’s “savants”, and by of the destruction), and with usurpation and reuse (ch. 23; Belzoni (ch. 32). For relevant articles that have appeared discussion of terms; high frequency of phenomena; com- while the handbook was being edited, see the contributions plexity of their study; reasons for appropriation). J. Taylor’s of J. Horn and R. De Keersmaecker, and R. Jaggi in: Hanni examination of intrusive burials and caches (ch. 24) is related Jenni (ed.), Zur modernen Geschichte des Tals der Könige. to the latter topic, but focuses on the period after Ramesses Aegyptiaca Helvetica 25 (Basel, 2015). XI, when tombs were officially dismantled and despoiled, The last chapters deal with recent explorations, and cur- grave goods were appropriated by the state or were recycled, rent issues such as conservation and tourism. Ch. 33 by and mummies were restored and reburied in collective tombs. S. Parcak and G. Mumford on remote sensing is essentially The chapter takes into account data from dockets and inscrip- an overview of the archaeological sites in and near the KV, tions on the reburied mummies, and burials of post-New and the remote sensing technologies that could be applied Kingdom non-royal individuals. This and the preceding there. Little research of this kind has as of yet been con- chapter illustrate both the complex history of the necropolis ducted, but the authors report that WorldView-2 images from as well as the problems that hamper the interpretation of the 2012 show remains of a Coptic settlement south of the Great archaeological record. Pit at Deir el-Medina, and a cluster of workmen’s huts south- Chapters 25-27 are concerned with human remains from east of the KV. S. Cross summarises the efforts of the most the KV. R. David (ch. 25) mentions 16th century mummy recent excavations in the KV (ch. 34), most of which have unwrappings, different types of autopsy, and investigative only been published in preliminary reports. The chapter also techniques, and then moves on to mummies from the KV. discusses sepulchres that may still be hidden in the KV (orig- She specifies some problems of the research (contamination inal burials of Thutmosis II; Ramesses VIII; Ramesses V; of DNA samples; low survival rate of ancient DNA in post- Amarna royal family members). Cross states that one method mortem environment) and explains how the study of human of discovering new tombs in the KV is to look for graffiti of remains may assess the diet and lifestyle of the royal family. T-shaped marks, perhaps made by a scribe of the 20th or Additionally she argues in favour of the establishment of a 21st Dynasty team responsible for locating tombs that were Mummy Tissue Bank in Egypt. Modern biomedical studies to be dismantled (p. 525). It is however not certain whatso- are covered in ch. 26 (R. David and R. Metcalfe), and ch. 27 ever that these graffiti designate tombs, because the sign is (R. Metcalfe) focuses on recent investigations of royal mum- also attested as an identity mark employed by Deir el-Medina mies that attempt to identify human remains and family rela- workmen (see e.g. A. Dorn, Arbeiterhütten im Tal der tions. The statement that “[t]he results are rarely if ever Könige I. Aegyptiaca Helvetica 23 (Basel, 2011) 253). accepted without a great deal of discussion, argument, or A. Lowe explains the necessity of recording tombs in the controversy” (p. 401) is telling. KV, and the moral and aesthetic issues connected to them M. Ullmann examines the function of the “houses of mil- (ch. 35). He highlights a number of non-contact conservation lions of years” on the west bank of Thebes and their relation methods that are based on digital technology, and describes to the royal necropolis (ch. 28). It is highlighted that such the 2009 Factum Arte project that created a three-dimen- temples are not unique to Thebes, and that their main pur- sional facsimile of KV 62. M. Jones’s chapter on conserva- pose was not specific to the royal funerary cult. The temples tion and flood protection explains the need for such meas- rather operated to regenerate divine kingship both during ures, listing several recommendations to accomplish these and after the life of the king. Ullmann’s review of the evi- goals (ch. 36). He calls for the establishment of an integral dence for the temples of Thutmosis I and Thutmosis II project consisting of engineers, hydrologists, geologists, and (p. 424-425) is relevant to the question of the first royal cultural managers, to protect the tombs in the KV. In the fol- tombs in the KV. lowing chapter (37) K. Weeks provides a list of desirable C. Vogel (ch. 29) considers the function and possible loca- tourist facilities, and actions to enhance site management, tions of the ḫtm, the five walls, and watch posts, as a means and describes recent achievements in these fields. He also 93 boekbesprekingen — faraonisch egypte 94 summarises the history of Graeco-Roman, Coptic, and mod- relevant, and current studies and overviews, which cover ern tourism in the KV. The final chapter by K. Van der Spek many of its aspects. (38) is dedicated to the history of the modern inhabitants of Qurna, and the politicised nature of the monuments in the University of Copenhagen Daniel Soliman KV. Although the Qurnawis have played an important role April 2016 in the excavations in the KV, their story has seldom been told. Van der Spek demonstrates how modern narratives have * presented them as a living link to the ancient communities of * * the necropolis, both in the sense of craftsmen and of tomb- robbers, a connection which he labels “contentious at best” IKRAM, S., KAISER, J. and R. WALKER (eds.) — Egyp- (p. 572). On-going anthropologic fieldwork aims at collect- tian Bioarchaeology. Humans, animals, and the environ- ing the oral literary traditions of the Qurnawis. An example ment. Sidestone Press, Leiden, 2015. (26 cm, 246). of a folk story is given in full. ISBN 978-90-8890-287-1. € 34,95. The introduction mentions that the website of the Theban Mapping Project will host “pages related to the volume” (not This volume of essays on ancient Egyptian bioarchaeology published yet at the time of writing), which are to be kept (the study of biological remains in an archaeological context) up-to-date as new evidence emerges. is a worthy introduction to the topic, albeit a rather specialist It also states that the authors have different takes on spe- one. Bioarchaeology is broader than just physical anthropol- cific details discussed in the book. That is perhaps best ogy (the study of human remains), as it also deals with reflected by the interpretation of the archaeological evidence remains of animals (zooarchaeology) and plants (archaeo- for the earliest kingly tombs in the valley, about which no botany). This publication actually forms the proceedings of consensus exists. The individual contributors also seem to a joint conference between the ARCE, the AUC and the have been allowed to keep to their own (spelling) conven- Institute for Bioarchaeology held in Cairo in 2013. Its aim is tions. As a result, minor discrepancies occur throughout the to try and integrate bioarchaeological, archaeological and book, e.g. in the bibliographies at the end of each chapter. textual sources. The study of ancient Egyptian bioarchaeol- Not all of these inconsistencies are problematic, and even ogy has only recently come to the forefront, in the wake of non-specialists will understand that Ay and Aye are the same improved methods of CT scanning and DNA analysis, after king. This is, however, less obvious in the case of Senusret having been largely disregarded until the 1980’s. It is not III and Senwosret III, particularly so since the index contains surprising that the use of these methods on the mummy of both spellings with references to different parts of the book. Tutankhamun and his extended family have caused great Inconsistencies in the transliteration of Egyptian words, such public excitement. But the application of bioarchaeological as ἰnbt (p. 26) and ἰnbw.t (p. 79) or pꜢrꜥ-bꜢkw [sic] (p. 84) research is much broader than kings and murder mysteries, and pꜢ rꜥ-ꜥ-bꜢkw (p. 94) could also be confusing to students and can shed light on the living and working conditions, or non-egyptologists. The variations appear to have led to nutrition, health, environment and mummification of a large omissions in the index in at least one case: it contains “el- stratum of ancient Egyptians that is often overlooked. Qurn, peak of” and “Qurn (pyramidal peak)”, but fails to The first contribution (G. Bellandi et al., 19-32) deals refer to “al-Qurn” (p. 18), “el-Gurn” (p. 302), and “Quern” with a necropolis found underneath the mortuary temple of (p. 503). Amenhotep II on the West Bank of Luxor. 103 individuals The index is extensive and entries often have subentries and two particular tombs were investigated. Of these indi- that facilitate consultation. Not included in the index are viduals, the sex and age was determined according to the Egyptian words, although these are frequently used through- standard physical anthropological tests. A minimum number out the book. Hence, the term s.t mꜢꜥ.t is absent, and search- of individuals (MNI) for example is the least amount of indi- ing for “Place of Truth” leads to the lemma “Place of Truth, viduals that can logically be inferred from the extant bones guards in” rather than to a reference to an explanation of this (e.g. two right thigh bones and one left means MNI=2). The place name (p. 76-77). Because of the variant spelling of first tomb, dating to the Middle and New Kingdom, con- toponyms and proper names the index contains some entries tained at least 50 individuals. No clear bandages were pre- that should have been merged in my opinion. Entries such as sent, but rich grave goods imply that the occupants were of “Ahmes-Nefertiry (queen)” and “Ahmose Nefertari (queen)” high social status. Most suffered from spinal osteoarthritis lead to different chapters, and it is therefore advisable to and heavy dental wear, the latter probably caused by mill- check for different spellings. In spite of these limitations, stone debris in the flour used for bread, eaten by rich and usage of the index is encouraged because the individual poor alike. A second, Third Intermediate Period shaft tomb chapters do not contain many cross-references. contained at least 20 individuals. These were characterized Several chapters are illustrated with black-and-white by strong upper bodies, probably caused by the lifting of images. Maps 1-3 and fig. 33.1 are too small to be helpful, heavy loads. It paints a somewhat bleak picture of daily life but larger maps are downloadable on the website of the The- in ancient Egypt: fraught with heavy physical labor, occa- ban Mapping Project; not much can be discerned from figs. sional malnutrition, parasites, fractures, and significant den- 33.2 and 33.3, but these may be more informative in the tal wear. announced online version of the handbook. The second article (J.S. Cybulski et al., 33-41) discusses A chapter on the relation between the KV and other burials associated with TT 65 at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna. regions of the Theban valleys such as the Valley of the It points out the amount of disturbance this necropolis under- Queens would have been useful, although these areas are went, caused by tomb robbers, reuse and 19th century antiqui- briefly dealt with (e.g. p. 500-505). Other than that, the hand- ties hunters. Due to permit requirements, an on-site lab was book does the KV justice by providing wide-ranging, created to analyze and photograph the human remains. These 95 bibliotheca orientalis lxxIV n° 1-2, januari-april 2017 96 comprised not just skeletons, but also mummies (including found using radiography. However, in an Old Kingdom soft tissue and wrappings). Due to the disturbances, it was a shaft at Saqqara, a female aged 50 to 60 was found in a reed mix and match business of pairing mummy bundles with coffin, with a significant crater-like hole in the back of her loose bones. Age and sex determination, skeletal morphology skull. Judging by the shape and size of the lesion, ‘meta- and pathology were recorded on prepared data forms. This static carcinoma’ (spread cancer) was determined. The most article indicates how tricky it can be to reconcile textual evi- common cause for this in females is breast cancer, and this dence (such as the names of the presumed tomb owners) with was speculated to be the cause in this case. Lacking modern extant human remains. treatments, it is unlikely that she lived with this condition The latter point is also made convincingly in the next for very long. essay about skeletal remains from the South Tomb Cemetery Another interesting contribution is about so called Growth at Akhetaten (G.R. Dabbs et al., 43-52). While daily life Arrest Lines (GAL) found in skeletons in the Kharga oasis scenes in the rock-cut tombs of Amarna show an abundance (R. Lichtenberg, 87-94). These can be found on long bones of food and offerings, the hard reality was that the non-elite using radiology. The lines are caused by a lengthy period of population of Akhenaten’s new capital suffered from high illness or malnutrition, or the resumption of growth thereaf- levels of general, nutritional and workload stress. High mor- ter. In any case they reflect the nutritional and health status tality among children and youngsters, small statures, pitting of an individual. In an improvised on-site X-ray studio, a of the orbital roof and exceptionally high rates of bone large number of mummies and skeletons were analyzed. trauma are all indicative of this. Possibly even an epidemic It turns out that GAL gives a good indication of the general raged through Egypt, hinted at by Mursili II’s ‘Plague health of a population. For example at Dush, the standard of Prayers’ and one of the Amarna Letters. Evident is that living was found to be better than at Ain el-Lebekha. Indi- Akhetaten’s common residents hardly ate meat, and were liv- vidual tombs could also be compared: the occupants of a ing in a harsh desert environment where even obtaining poorer tomb contained more GAL, bilharzia and tuberculosis water created a significant challenge. These are very interest- than a richer tomb, while the richer tomb contained more ing findings that counteract the view of Amarna as a luxuri- tooth decay, probably due to honey consumption. The analy- ous ‘garden metropolis’. A further point stressed in the arti- sis of GAL thus forms a useful indicator of the wealth and cle is the importance of educating students of archaeology health of a population, and of the relative status of and Egyptian inspector trainees alike about physical anthro- individuals. pological methods in the field. The next essay on a ‘composite mummy’ (D. Piombino- An article on childbirth in the Dakhleh oasis (T.L. Dupras Mascali et al., 95-104) shows how a mummy bought in et al., 53-65) shows how little we in fact know about ancient Cairo in 1924, purportedly of a princess from the 11th/12th obstetrics. It deals with a Romano-Christian cemetery at Kel- Dynasty, turned out to be a middle-aged man of low status lis, where many females of childbearing age are interred. By who was lying in a borrowed sarcophagus. His wrappings combining grave orientation with stable isotope analysis of date to the 21st Dynasty, while the enfolding reed mat indi- nails and hair, it could be determined that most of the fetuses, cates the Greco-Roman Period. This shows that mummies newborns and women of childbearing age were buried and their coffins should not always be taken at face value. between March and April. Conception was thus highest dur- Besides mummies, canopic jars and their contents are ing July and August, coinciding with the fertility festivals another source of valuable information (F.J. Rühli et al., held in the oasis. Skeletal evidence can be found of dystocia 105-112). The Canopic Jar Project was started in order to (‘difficult birth’) such as prolonged labor, which could lead investigate these containers using modern methods. A num- to hypoxia (lack of oxygen) and death. Infants with a frac- ber of Late Period jars with organic content but without tured clavicle or upper arm were found in the Kellis ceme- known owner have been used as a sample to test extraction tery, signs of a difficult birth. One infant with damage to its methods. The contents of one of the jars was CT scanned and cervical vertebrae could furthermore indicate a breech found to contain a bit of intestine, which coincided with the delivery. jar’s exterior (one of the Sons of Horus, Qebekhsenuf with The next contribution by mummy expert Salima Ikram the falcon head). Further methods are still to be tested. (67-76) provides a concise ‘What to do when you find a The next article sums up the recent discoveries regarding mummy’. It mentions mummy ethics in passing, a growing tuberculosis, cancer and heart disease in ancient Egypt subject that is particularly evident in museums today (in the (L. Sabbahy, 113-117). The employment of X-rays, CT form of human remains that are removed from the permanent scanning and DNA extraction have greatly enhanced this collection, or ‘shielded’ from immediate display). Ikram type of research. Tuberculosis for example can be observed stresses the importance of in situ documentation and careful through changes in the bone, but even the specific strain of preservation, and expresses the hope for climate controlled TB can now be established. Prostate cancer has been found rooms in which to store mummies. Furthermore, she adds a by CT scanning a 50-60 year old Ptolemaic Period mummy. basic documentation sheet that can easily be copied and used Heart disease was present among the upper class, especially on-site. priests who consumed beef. Lady Rai, a royal nursemaid, The subsequent article (I. Kozieradzka-Ogunmakin, was CT scanned and found to have calcification in her heart, 77-85) presents a very interesting case of ancient cancer possibly from a heart attack. These discoveries would have (metastatic carcinoma) in an Old Kingdom female from been impossible 20 years ago. Saqqara. The author states that cancer in ancient times need A second case of mummy mismatch is presented in the not be a rare occurrence, since only a small portion of ancient form of an anonymous male mummy in a female coffin Egyptian human remains are examined pathologically (on (B.M. Sampsell, 119-130). Purchased in 1929 from a dealer disease) and preservation issues can mar the results. Not in Cairo, it was supposed to be an 18th Dynasty princess from every cancer affects the bone, and those that do can only be the Valley of the Kings. However, physical anthropological 97 boekbesprekingen — christelijk egypte 98 study showed it was actually a male aged 30-35 years in a timber conversion, giving insight in the construction of 22nd Dynasty reused coffin. ancient ships, coffins, furniture and wooden architectural The contents of a Romano-Byzantine period cemetery in elements. Nubia is the focus of the next essay (E. Strouhal, 131-142). In conclusion, the articles in this volume are manifold and Although the craniometric analysis mentioned on p. 134 diverse, and this is a valuable work for those interested in seems a bit outdated (see also the remarks in this regard on understanding even a little bit about the abundant bioarchae- p. 159), it presents detailed research with an abundance of ological remains that can be found at Egyptian sites. What figures. It turns out the men buried in the cemetery of Sayala could have enhanced the volume is an introductory chapter were afflicted with injuries that suggest battle, illustrated by and concluding essay, both to discuss definitions and explain an arrow tip still embedded in a male pelvis in one case. methodologies in simple terms, and to knit together the vari- Also, a rare occurrence of a benign tumor was found in a ous topics. The quoted phrases are presented in a somewhat 35-45 year old female. undue fashion (in their own paragraph and in italics, e.g. on An article on an anonymous pyramid (A. Wahba, 143- p. 114-117), and the graphs on p. 188-197 could perhaps 155) shows how complicated matters of dynastic rule can be. have taken up less space, but overall it is a readable whole. The disputed pyramid is located at Saqqara, and was sug- Some articles are clearly written for a more specialist audi- gested by Zahi Hawass to belong to the mother of King Teti, ence (‘dystrophic calcified subserotic fibroleiomyloma’, Queen Sesheshet. The skeletal remains of the pyramid’s p. 142), but that may be unavoidable in conference proceed- owner were found in a granite sarcophagus, disturbed but ings. It is admirable that Sidestone Press is bringing the topic originally mummified and provided with gold finger caps. of Egyptian bioarchaeology to the public, especially since the Physical anthropological analysis concluded it to be a female book can be read online for free, thus promoting open access between 18 and 23 years of age, who might have given birth. scholarly research. She was of ill health when she died, with pitting of the orbital roof and a porous skull cap indicating malnutrition, anemia Leiden University Nicky van de Beek or a parasitic infection. Furthermore she had a painful dental December 2016 abscess and possible head wound. The author suggests that the mysterious Queen Khent.t[…] could be a likely candidate for this mummy. But the most interesting conclusion is that even royalty was not spared the stress of poor diet and ill hygienic conditions. The subsequent essay (S. Zakrzewski, 157-167) would have been useful perhaps as an introductory chapter to the volume. It stresses that bioarchaeology is ultimately the study of past people, and should try to say something about social context. Thus, aspects of an individual such as age, ethnicity, stature, etc. are not just biological variables, but defined culturally and typically offset against something else (dwarfs, foreigners, the represented body beautiful of the tomb owner vs. the impaired commoner depicted in the same tomb). Thus, archaeological and biological methods can help us to get at an emic understanding of personhood in ancient Egypt. The last three articles deal with dogs, cats and trees. The canine remains excavated at El-Deir (F. Dunand et al., 169- 176) seem to point at religious practices during the Roman era, presumably connected to a sanctuary for Anubis or Wep- wawet located in the region. Most were domestic dogs, and cluster analysis was employed in order to find which breeds were represented. The species of a cat mummy (C. J­ ohansson et al., 177-200) was however harder to determine, even using CT scanning and DNA analysis, and seems to be a combina- tion of two breeds. The article in which the cat mummy is discussed is not for the meek, as it contains specialist termi- nology and many (to the Egyptologist) incomprehensible graphs, but also greatly detailed visualizations of the CT scan. The final contribution is devoted to dendrochronology (P.P. Creasman, 201-210), simply put the study of tree rings, which can highly improve our understanding of ancient Egyptian chronology. While C14 dating gives ranges of cali- brated years with a certain statistical probability, a ‘master chronology’ of Egyptian trees could lead to an absolute dat- ing to the calendar year of all wooden objects. Enough mate- rial is already present in museums in order to create such a chronology. Another use of archaeological wood is to study