Makonde Narrative Discourse

Language and Culture DigitalResources Documentation and Description 29

Rhoda Martyn Leach

Makonde Narrative Discourse

Rhoda Martyn Leach

SIL International® 2015

SIL Language and Culture Documentation and Description 29

ISSN 1939-0785

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Content Editor Ron Metzger

Compositor Bonnie Waswick

Abstract

This study describes some of the discourse features of narrative texts in Makonde, using examples from a corpus of non-translated texts. Makonde (Ethnologue code [kde]) is a Bantu language, classified as P23 in the Guthrie system, spoken on the Makonde Plateau in nothern Mozambique.

Contents

Abstract Abbreviations Introduction 1 Constituent elements of a narrative text 1.1 The orientation section 1.2 The inciting episode 1.3 Developmental episodes 1.4 The peak episode 1.5 The denouement 1.6 The conclusion 2 Paragraphs 2.1 Temporal points of departure 2.2 Spatial points of departure 2.3 Referential points of departure 2.3.1 Marked initial subjects that are not points of departure 2.4 Topic frames 2.4.1 Topic frames relating to possessives 2.4.2 Topic frames not relating to possessives 2.5 Tail-head devices 2.5.1 Perfective tail-head structures 3 Connectives 3.1 Juxtaposition 3.2 Napanelo ‘then, so, now’ 3.2.1 Use of napanelo and napane to introduce new episodes 3.2.2 Use of napanelo to introduce background material 3.2.3 Use of napanelo to introduce thematically significant information 3.2.4 Use of napanelo to highlight significant information in a smaller unit 3.3 Kanji ‘but’ 3.3.1 Kanji directly contradicting an idea explicitly expressed 3.3.2 Kanji in replacement focus constructions 3.3.3 Kanji countering an implicit expectation 3.3.4 Kanji introducing the central conflict of the narrative 3.4 Na ‘and’ 3.4.1 The use of na ‘and’ at phrase level 3.4.2 The use of na clause-initially 3.5 Mwiu ‘indeed, so’ 3.5.1 Mwiu giving confirmation in a stimulus-response situation 3.5.2 Mwiu giving confirmation in a non-stimulus-response situation 3.6 Bai ‘so’ 3.6.1 Bai used to resume the event-line 3.6.2 Bai used developmentally 4 Participant reference 4.1 Introduction of participants 4.1.1 Introduction into a new mental representation 4.1.2 Introduction into an existing mental representation 4.1.3 Introduction of participants that can be assumed within an existing representation 4.2 Reference to participants within narratives 4.2.1 Description of the different participant reference options 4.2.2 Role within narrative discourse of the different participant reference options

5 Tense and aspect 5.1 Description of the use of tense and aspect in Makonde narrative 5.1.1 Default narrative (ku- + verb stem) 5.1.2 Past perfective (-ndí-) 5.1.3 Past imperfective (-shinda-) 5.1.4 Anterior (-ndi-) 5.1.5 Present participle (subject prefix + stem) 5.1.6 The -ka- consecutive 5.1.7 Purposive (na- + stem) 5.1.8 Present progressive 5.1.9 The narrative voice 5.2 ‘Mother and child’: tense and aspect charted in a whole text 6 Information structure 6.1 Sentence focus (presentational; thetic) 6.1.1 Presentational sentence focus 6.1.2 Event reporting sentence focus 6.2 Predicate focus (topic-comment) 6.2.1 Object preposing in predicate focus sentences 6.3 Argument focus (focus-presupposition; identificational) 6.3.1 Postposed subjects in argument focus 6.3.2 Conjoint verbs in argument focus 6.3.3 Ni structures in argument focus 7 Reported Speech 7.1 The placing and role of speech in Makonde narrative 7.2 Speech introducers: their use in Makonde discourse 7.2.1 No speech introducer 7.2.2 The kushidoni group: kushidoni, kudoni, kudo, doni, do 7.2.3 Speech verbs in speech introducers Appendix A: Makonde texts, charted and glossed Appendix B: Makonde texts, free translations References

Abbreviations

= clitic DEP dependent aspect PFV perfective aspect—

1, 1A, 2 noun class DM discourse marker PL plural

rd 3SG ETC. 3 person singular etc. EMPH emphatic aspect pod points of departure

ANT anterior aspect EXCLAM exclamation POS possessive marker

APPL applicative suffix FUT future tense POT potential aspect

ASS associative marker FV final vowel PST past tense

CAUS causative suffix HAB habitual aspect Q question marker

COM comitative marker HOD hodiernal past tense RECIP reciprocal suffix

COMP complementizer IDEO ideophone REF referential marker

CONS consecutive tense IMPF imperfective aspect REFL reflexive marker

CONT continuous aspect INF infinitive prefix REL relative marker

COP copula INTERJ interjection SEQ sequential tense

DEG Degree adverb ITIVE itive marker STAT stative suffix

DEM_DIST distal demonstrative LOC locative marker SUB subjunctive suffix

DEM_MR metarepresentational NEG negative marker TDM thematic development demonstrative marker

DEM_NP non-proximal PAS passive marker VAR variant form of demonstrative demonstrative

DEM_PROX proximal demonstrative PERS persisitive aspect VENT venitive marker

Introduction

This study describes some of the discourse features of Makonde, a Bantu P23 language spoken on the Makonde Plateau in northern Mozambique.1

A note on the texts All of the examples quoted in this study are taken from a corpus of eight texts, which are set out in charted form in the appendix (see the example from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow below). The columns are headed: Ref (reference number.), Con (connective), (Pre-nuclear) pre-nuclear element, SUBJECT (subject), VERB (verb), OBJ/COMP (object or complement), and Adjunct (adjunct).

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 16a. Paukile --- kumwaulila ndyagwe do: ndawika kukaja When.he.went told.her his.wife thus, and.arrived at.home 16b. Ndyangu taleka shakulya “My.wife cook food.staple 16c. imbogwa (O) namanya nimwene (S). sauce I.will.know I.myself.” When he got home, he told his wife, “Get some food ready for me, wife—but as for the meat sauce, I’ll deal with that.”

Regarding each chart, Makonde is given in black type with a word-for-word gloss appearing in italics directly underneath. Relative clauses are marked in bold blue and speech in bold green. Where constituents have been moved out of their normal position, this is marked either by an accompanying tag as above, or where a space has been left with a tag indicating the new position, e.g., [AFTER VERB]. In addition, there is a dotted line dividing the Makonde text from the word-for-word gloss, a light solid line dividing clauses, and a heavier solid line dividing sentences. Lastly, when an extract is quoted in the sections that follow from any of the texts, the particular Makonde word that is being described is highlighted in bold; if the extract is quoting speech, which is already in bold, the word being described is underlined. In the appendix, free translations are given independently for each complete text. For extracts quoted in the sections that follow, the free translation is given in italics directly under the quote, as shown above. In section 5 on tense/aspect in Makonde narrative, all quotes are tagged with tense/aspect markers. The text is comprised of five folktales and three true stories. A summary of each story is given below.

1The study follows the format and terminology employed in ‘Digo Narrative Discourse’, Nicolle (2011) and in the Malila and Fuliiru discourse write-ups (see bibliography). The Makonde language has therefore been referred to throughout this description as Makonde, and not as Plateau Shimakonde, see Leach, MB (2010).

Folktales:

01 Horned Animals There is a party for all the horned animals. Rabbit disguises himself with wax horns and gate-crashes the party, but is discovered and killed. 02 Lion and Hamerkop Lion gets a bone stuck in his throat; Hamerkop pulls it out. Jackal reproaches Lion for not having thanked Hamerkop, but Lion is unrepentant. 03 Hyena and Pied Crow Hyena and Pied Crow are friends, but Pied Crow is worried he will be eaten. He sets a trap for Hyena to test his friendship, which Hyena fails. Their friendship ends. 04 Elephant and A bird named “Nightjar” asks Elephant not to step on her eggs. When he Nightjar refuses and crushes them, she predicts his death from remorse. He goes home and dies. 05 Fisherman A very poor fisherman is given all he could ever want by a magic bird—with one prohibition—not to open a door. When he does so, he returns to poverty.

True stories:

07 Mother and child During the war, a mother leaves her child in an occupied village and returns to rescue him, despite her husband’s prohibition, showing that she is the more courageous than he. 08 Archbishop When the Archbishop visits a village, he tells the church women not to lay out cloths for him to walk on, as if he were God. 09 Ákalimanya A hunter, named Ákalimanya, runs out of bullets and persuades his village to help him dig an elephant trap. When the elephant is caught, he refuses to share the meat with them and eventually is forced to leave the village.

1 Constituent elements of a narrative text

In this study of Makonde discourse the text corpus is restricted to ‘climactic’ narratives; that is, narratives in which there is a problem or conflict that needs to be resolved. ‘Episodic’ narratives, which are not represented in this text corpus, involve a series of related events, usually involving mini-conflicts en route, but without an overarching theme; an example would be travel stories. Climactic narratives can be divided into a number of sections, or constituent elements, each with its own function. These are referred to here as the orientation, the inciting episode, developmental episodes, peak, denouement and conclusion. The orientation section introduces the narrative and sets the scene; the inciting episode gets the story moving with the first action on the event line. Developmental episodes, which may be quite a few in number depending on the complexity of the story, build up the tension as the conflict is developed. Then, in the peak episode the story is brought to a climax, which is usually followed by a denouement and a conclusion. Also worthy of note is that in the denouement outstanding issues are resolved and events reflected on, whereas in the conclusion is the wrap-up, bringing the story to a definite close. Occasionally a couple of the sections may be collapsed together into one sentence; apart from this, all of the above elements are represented in each text in the corpus. It is also interesting to note that although there are some differences between Makonde folktales and true stories in terms of the contents and style of the different sections, all of these sections are equally represented in both types of narrative. A chart showing the divisions in each of the eight narratives in this text corpus is set out below: 3

Section Horned Lion and Hyena Elephant Fisherman Mother Archbishop Ákalimanya Animals Hamerkop and and and Pied Nightjar child Crow Orientation 1–2 1–2 1 1–3 1–7 1–3 1–2 1–6 section Inciting 3–5 3–4 2–6 4–6 8–9 4–6 3 7–9 episode Developmental 6–8 5–8 7–11 7 10–17 7–10 4–5 10–16 episodes 10 9–13 12– 8–16 18–29 – 6–7 17–20 15 11–13 14–17 16– 17–19 30–34 – – 21–24 17 14–17 18 18– 20–23 – – – 25–27 21 – – – 24–27 – – – 28–35 36–39 Peak 18a–c 19–21 22– 28–32 35 11–12 8–9 40–42 25 Denouement 18d–e 23 26 33 36 13–15 10 43–45 Conclusion 19 22;24 27 34 37 16 11 46–48

1.1 The orientation section

An orientation section is there to create a mental picture for the audience of the setting in which the drama is going to develop: time and place, participants, key themes can all be presented. In Makonde folktales, however, very little is obligatory. The very few ‘absolutes’ for the orientation section of a folktale include an absence of direct speech, a presentation of the key theme, and the presentation of at least one major participant. In common with other Bantu languages, the following features may be present in the orientation of a folktale: • a past tense of the verb kupagwa ‘to be, exist’ • a postposed subject (only with the verb kupagwa) • a numeral; this is not always attached to the protagonist; it can refer to anything thematically prominent, such as a story itself, or the location of the story (see 09 Ákalimanya 02). It is not always the number one; in 04 Elephant and Nightjar 01, for example, the narrator says he wants to tell a story of two animals, nkong'o wavakoko vavili. An example with all of these features is shown below:

01 Horned Animals use of kupagwa, postposed subject and numeral in orientation

1. Nangu ngulota kuvalanga nkong'o umo wavanyama. I want to tell story one of.animals. 2. [AFTER VERB] Vandípagwa vanyama vadimembe. (S) They.existed animals of.horns I want to tell you a tale about animals. Once there were animals with horns.

However, many folktales do not start with these features. Those that do not start with a kupagwa + postposed subject construction tend to start straight in with a conjoint structure (see section 6.3.2), a ni construction (see section 6.3.3), or a past imperfective, describing major participants who are known characters, such as: lion, hyena, elephant etc, and often introducing key thematic material directly without preamble.

02 Lion and Hamerkop use of present conjoint in orientation

1a. Ntumi ava PRES CONJ * nkoko Lion is animal 1b. ánamamena dinyama. who.eats meats. Lion is an animal that eats meat.

One feature that appears in some other Bantu languages is locative inversion for the introduction of participants, where the verb agrees with one of the locative noun classes rather than the noun class of the participant.2 We do not find this occurring in our text corpus in Makonde. Relative clauses and associative structures (in blue in these charts) may occur but are not obligatory in the orientations of Makonde folktales, although they are frequently attached to the introduction of one of the main participants. 02 Lion and hamerkop (see example above) has a subject relative clause describing the protagonist, for example; and in both 01 Horned Animals and 04 Elephant and Nightjar we find the protagonist described by an object relative clause and an associative structure respectively (see below).

01 Horned Animals object relative clause describing protagonist in orientation section

6a. Napanelo [AFTER VERB] kupagwa nyama jumo (S) Now existed animal one 6b. wavanshamanga shingula whom.they.call rabbit Now there was once an animal called Rabbit….

2van Otterloo, R. (2011) section 1.2.1. 5

04 Elephant and Nightjar associative structure describing protagonist in orientation section

3b. na Nalubwabwa ni shuni and Nightjar it.is bird 3c. wakunyambikanga namene of.being.despised very. ….and Nightjar is a bird, of no significance at all.

For the use of demonstratives following the introduction of major participants, see section 4.2.2.v.1. For the use of topic frames in the orientation section (see section 2.4). While the introductory features referred to above are all optional, what does seem to be obligatory in our text corpus is a presentation of the key theme. This is presented in many different ways, there is no standardized formula; however, there is often a more highly stylized type of discourse used to draw attention to the thematic material with features such as argument focus sentences (see section 6.3), parallelism, repetition, ni structures (see section 6.3.3), and topic frames (see section 2.4). In the example below from the orientation section of 04 Elephant and Nightjar, the contrast between the relative sizes, and power, of the Elephant and the Nightjar is highlighted by parallel clauses each using a ni copula. The contrast is thematically significant in the story.

04 Elephant and Nightjar parallelism using the ni copula highlighting thematically significant contrast

3a. Nnembo aju ni nkoko nkumene katika mumwitu uti namene pakati pavanyama Elephant this it.is animal big very concerning in.bush all among the.animals 3b. na Nalubwabwa ni shuni and Nightjar it.is bird 3c. wakunyambikanga namene of.being.despised very. The Elephant is a huge animal, the biggest of all the animals of the bush—and Nightjar is a bird, of no significance at all.

The orientation sections of true, real-life stories are, perhaps unexpectedly, slightly more formulaic than those of folktales. None of the above features such as the use of kupagwa, postposed subjects, etc. is seen. Instead, the orientation starts with an author presentation such as ‘I want to tell the story of…’; this can occur in folktales (see 01 Horned Animals, 04 Elephant and Nightjar) but there it is optional. This is then followed by a fairly exact reference to the time and place of the event being narrated; no folktale gives any specific details about time or location. It is also much more common for real-life stories to include a relative clause directly as the story opens. All of the real-life stories in this text corpus have relative clauses in either the first or the second line, attached to thematic material rather than to the introduction of a participant. The examples below show author presentations, specific references to time and place, and relative clauses. In the first example, from 07 Mother and child, the author presentation in 01 gives thematically important material—it is a story set during the war—and then sentence 02, involving a relative clause, gives the time and place.

07 Mother and child true story showing author presentation, time, place and relative clause

1. --- Ngulota maimyo kuvalanganga apaing'ondo. I.want to.tell story of.time.war. 6

2a. Maimyo ala ni ing'ondo ailá itandi apaing'ondo Story this it.is war that first of.time.war 2b. itandéke akuno ku Moshambiki yavyaka kumi. that.happened here in Mozambique of.years ten. I want to tell a story about something that happened during the war. This story took place at the time of the first war here in Mozambique—the ten-year war.3

In the example below from 08 Archbishop, the author presentation in 01 gives the time, and the place comes immediately afterwards—‘here’, i.e., the location of which the narrator is when speaking— in the first clause of sentence 02. The relative, in 1a, stresses the eyewitness aspect of the narrative. (Sentence 02 has been analyzed here as part of the orientation section, but it shares some features with the inciting episode which starts properly in 03, such as a use of the default narrative and the verb ‘came’ (see 1.2 below), and could be viewed as bridging the two episodes.

08 Archbishop true story showing author presentation, time, place and relative clause

1a. Nangu ngulota kuvalanganga shinu I I.want to.tell thing 1b. shangugwéne mumwaka elfu mbili na saba. that.I.saw in.year thousand two and seven. 2a. Nang'olo bispo Luis Simão kwida akuno Old.one bishop Luis Simão came here, I want to tell you about something that I saw myself in 2007. The Archbishop Luis Simão came here…

In many ways the true-story conclusions reflect their orientation sections (see section 1.6 below).

1.2 The inciting episode

The inciting episode in Makonde narratives shows many of the same features that have been observed in other Bantu languages. The key feature, which occurs in almost all texts, is the connective Napanelo ‘Now/then’ right at the beginning of the section. This is usually followed immediately by a temporal point of departure (see section 2.1) which in most texts is muliduva limo ‘on one day’, or a variant of this such as liduva lyavaleke, ‘the day that they came’. In the example below from 05 Fisherman, there is the classic combination Napanelo muliduva limo:

3This was the War of Independence from the Portuguese. The second war was the Civil War. 7

05 Fisherman ‘Napanelo muliduva limo’ opening the inciting episode

8a. Napanelo muliduva limo nae àvele mwingalava yake Now on.day one he being in.boat his 8b. kutwala kwaloka DEF NARR shuni (S) then came bird 8c. naikala pashanya mulingoti apalá and.sat up.above on.mast there. Then one day he was in his boat when a bird came and settled above him up on the mast.

Equally frequent, there is a change in the verb form with the default narrative being introduced (see examples above and below). It is only in texts with informally structured orientations that this tense appears before the inciting episode. This is used from then on as the default tense, although many other tenses are used for specific purposes in this and later sections (for more detail, see section 5.1.) Note that the use of the -ka- consecutive below gives prominence to the default narrative speech introducer that follows it (see section 5.1.6).

03 Hyena and Pied Crow use of default narrative starting in the inciting episode

2a. Muliduva alyo --- vakaikala -KA-CONSECUTIVE pamo On.day that they.sat together 2b. --- kumwaulila DEF NARR doni: told.him thus, 2c. Nyaa wako namu twadana vila. nangu “friend you with me we.follow.each.other only. So one day as they were sitting together, Pied Crow told his friend, “Listen, there’s a problem with us being friends, you and me…

In other Bantu languages it has been noted that there are frequently verbs of movement employed in the inciting episode.4 This is true also in Makonde narratives, but it seems that they often come in at the end of the episode rather than the beginning, as can be seen in clause 8b in 05 Fisherman above, with the verb of motion kwaloka ‘to come’, as the bird comes and settles on the mast. Another example is from 08 Archbishop below, which has the same verb kwaloka ‘to come’, together with kugwilila ‘to land’, this time referring to an aeroplane coming and landing.

08 Archbishop use of verbs of motion ‘kwaloka’ and ‘kugwilila’ in the inciting episode

4Nicolle, S. (2011), section 1.3.2. 8

The inciting episode in 04 Elephant and Nightjar opens and closes with verbs of motion; these refer to Elephant’s relentless progress as he eats his way through the bush (which is the point of conflict, since he is about to step on Nightjar’s eggs); the danger caused by his motion is reinforced by the parallel structure ending in …tu ‘just’ ...tu ‘just’.

04 Elephant and Nightjar inciting episode opening with verb of motion

4a. Napanelo muliduva Nnembo aju ashinapita limo Now on.day one Elephant this he.was.passing 4b. alya mumwitu amu he.eating in.bush this. Now one day Elephant was going along in the bush, eating.

04 Elephant and Nightjar inciting episode closing with verb of motion

6a. Bai Nnembo ankwida tu So Elephant he.is.coming just 6b. --- ankulya tu he.is.eating just. So Elephant keeps on coming, and keeps on eating.

In other Bantu languages it has also been observed that a major participant in a story usually performs the first action on the event line.5 In Makonde narratives it is helpful to distinguish between two major participants, the protagonist and the antagonist. The protagonist is the main participant, the hero or heroine of the tale, while the antagonist is a major participant who acts as a foil to the protagonist, often being the one who creates the conflict or problem situation. In our text corpus it is sometimes the protagonist who takes the initiative. Equally or more frequently, however, it is the antagonist who performs the first action while the protagonist is simply carrying on his daily business. The commonest scenario in this text corpus is that the orientation episode introduces the protagonist and gives his setting. In the inciting episode he is then described as continuing in this situation, at which point the action begins with the antagonist performing an action affecting him, or with some event happening to him. For an example of the protagonist performing the first action on the event line, see the example from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow 02, above, where the Pied Crow challenges his friend Hyena about the relative strengths of his feelings of friendship and of his carnivorous tendencies. The example from 05 Fisherman 08 above, shows the antagonist, the magic bird, taking the initiative in the action, coming out of the blue to settle on the fisherman’s mast. The example below from 02 Lion and Hamerkop shows an event happening to the protagonist, precipitating the action. In this case the event is a bone getting stuck in the lion’s throat.

5Nicolle, S. (2011), section 1.3.2. 9

02 Lion and hamerkop event happens to the protagonist precipitating action of story

3a. Napanelo muliduva nae amamena inyama yake limo Now on.day one he eating meat his 3b. [AFTER VERB] linímwikala ligwangwa (S) pang'ulo. stuck.him bone at.throat. Now one day, while he was eating his meat, a bone got stuck in his throat.

In only one text in the text corpus, 07 Mother and child, does a minor character perform the first action in the narrative: this is when Portuguese soldiers invade the village, which precipitates the crisis resolved in the story. This could alternatively be interpreted, as above, as an event happening to the protagonist, the mother, rather than a minor participant starting the story line. The other feature which occurs almost invariably in the inciting episode of Makonde narratives is the repetition of key ideas. Whether this is a verb, a relative clause relating to participants, or a noun phrase does not seem to be significant. What is significant is that by the end of the inciting episode, this thematic piece of information has been taken on board by the audience. In the example below from 01 Horned Animals, the repetition is of the key phrase uti avalá vavénavo dimembe ‘all those horned animals’ and …uti vavénavo dimembe avalá ‘all those horned animals’ in 4a–b and 5. This is key information, as the reason Rabbit meets his end is because, as a non-horned animal, he has gatecrashed the horned animals’ party.

01 Horned Animals repetition in full of key idea: all those horned animals

4a. Kuvalalika uti avalá Invited.them all those 4b. vavénavo dimembe they.who.have horns 4c. vauke they.should.go 4d. vakapite shikukulu asho. they.should.pass feast this. 5. Mwiu uti vavénavo ni kupanganikanga akulá kushikukulu. dimembe avalá mwanda True all who.have it.is to.prepare to.that to.feast. horns those journey He invited every animal that had horns to come to this party. And indeed all those horned animals began to get ready to go to the party.

In the example below, the key idea is lingwanga pang’ulo, the bone that has got stuck in Lion’s throat. This phrase is placed in the sentence-final focal position in two successive sentences for maximum impact.

02 Lion and hamerkop repetition in full of key idea: the bone stuck in Lion’s throat

3a. Napanelo muliduva nae amamena inyama yake limo Now on.day one he eating meat his 3b. [AFTER VERB] linímwikala ligwangwa (S) pang'ulo. stuck.him bone at.throat. 10

4a. Nang'olo pashinu --- andílaga maduva oe apalá namene Elder at.place that had.suffered days many very 4b. --- ashanga mwakulota wondering how.to.want 4c. --- kuumila ligwangwa pang'ulo apa. to.remove bone at.throat this. Now one day, while he was eating his meat, a bone got stuck in his throat. Old Lion was there in awful pain for many days, at a complete loss as to how to get the bone out of his throat.

1.3 Developmental episodes

In developmental episodes the conflict or problem is developed, moving towards the resolution: there may be many successive developmental episodes, depending on the length and complexity of the narrative. Developmental episodes show a wide variety of discourse features, depending on their role in the narrative. In Makonde narratives, they frequently contain a high proportion of speech. Although there is great variation between developmental episodes, they do have some common features. These features are described in more detail in the following sections of this study, and will only be referred to here in summary. The first feature is the use of points of departure and connectives. Developmental episodes (DEs) frequently start with a point of departure. I refer to the temporal point of departure muliduva limo ‘one day’, introducing the DE no. 1 in 03 Hyena and Pied Crow (section 2.1), and perfective tail-head structures such as: tukawike apalá ‘when we arrived there’ opening the DE no. 3 in 09 Ákalimanya, (section 2.5.1). Developmental episodes are also often introduced with a connective; the one most frequently is napanelo ‘then, now’. It is used almost invariably for the introduction to the inciting episode, but is also used for introducing developmental episodes, such as 01 Horned Animals 7a at the beginning of DE no. 1 (section 3.2). Another feature of developmental episodes in Makonde narratives is that subjects are usually made explicit even if there has not been any participant switch. This occurs both at the beginning and end of episodes. See for example the explicit participant marking in 01 Horned Animals 10a opening DE no. 2 (section 4.2.2.2.1), and in 01 Horned Animals 13a, closing the same episode. The default narrative is used extensively in developmental episodes. In addition, the past perfective is often used for introducing new episodes. This occurs more frequently in the inciting episode, the denouement and the conclusion, but can also happen in developmental episodes. See for example 09 Ákalimanya 16a, where this tense introduces DE no. 2 (section 5.1.2).

1.4 The peak episode

The peak episode, which brings the story to its climax, is often highly-charged. This may be reflected in new discourse features, which mark a distinction between the end of the developmental episode and the climax described in the peak episode. As in some other Bantu languages, there is a change in the use of verb tenses in the peak episode in Makonde. The default narrative does not drop out entirely. In some cases, such as 07 Mother and child the default narrative continues to be used as the main tense, but this tends to occur in very short succinct peak episodes. Usually, some use of the default narrative is maintained, but with a much higher representation of other verb tenses as well. In the example below, in the non-speech text of the peak episode from 09 Ákalimanya, there are three other verb forms and just one default narrative (note that the anterior tense and the -ka- consecutive are both tense-aspects which give prominence in different ways to the action that follows them (see sections 5.1.4 and 5.1.6 below): 11

09 Ákalimanya reduced use of default narrative tense in peak episode

40a. Kanji shinu ashi shindyaneka ANTERIOR do But thing this was.seen thus, 40b. mushu [AFTER VERB] vininkodya ANTERIOR vilwele mwake mo vikumene namene (S). future his that they.met.him illnesses great very. 41a. Vanavake kuula DEF NARR Children.his got sick 41b. akashidoni -KA- NARRATIVE he.said. thus, 41c. mwenu ngupwashela “you(pl) help.me 41d. tuke kushipitali let’s.go to.hospital.” But as it turned out, later on he had a problem with serious illness. His children got sick, and he was saying, “Please help me, let’s go to the hospital.”

What is also interesting is that the peak episode is composed either completely or mostly of speech in more than half of the texts in this text corpus. This affects the features shown very significantly. For one thing, it tends to mean that in many cases the action is not spelt out: the audience is expected to draw conclusions from what has been said. For example, in the peak episode of 08 Archbishop below, where the church women have laid out cloths on the ground to welcome the bishop, his speech simply finishes with the question ‘who told you to do that’? This question is not answered, and the women are not explicitly told to take the cloths away. The audience understands from the peak episode speech that this reception committee has been stopped, which is confirmed by the denouement which states that ‘the thing was not done’ and that the women were very embarrassed. (Note that the speech introducer até doni introducing this peak episode declaration uses the anterior tense, the only speech introducer in the corpus to do so (see section 5.1.4 below).

08 Archbishop peak episode comprised of speech; action left to be inferred

8a. Vakamwau- nae até doni: lile When.they.told. he said thus: him, 8b. um nangu hangunava shinu Nnungu. “No, I I.am.not not.at.all God. 9a. Lyutu ali (O) apagwa Nnungu (S) Place this is.being God, 9b. nangu - nimunu vila I - I.person only 9c. na shinu ashi (O) alamulidilé nyani? and thing this he.ordered.you who?”

Another example of this is in 02 Lion and hamerkop, where the peak episode is comprised entirely of Lion’s speech, showing his ingratitude, the key point of the narrative. 12

02 Lion and hamerkop peak episode comprised of speech; participant’s reaction is theme of narrative

19. Wako undyoko utangola nyamani? wako “You child you you.say what? 20a. Nangu ninnambwalele aijá I I.have.thanked that.one, 20b. akalambwaladile nae (S) he.should.thank he 20c. --- atwete lundomo lwake he.who.took beak his 20d. --- kujela nkanywa mwangu to.stick in.mouth my 20e. nangu bila kunkwanga lino. I without to.scratch tooth.” 21. Aijá nangu nikaninnuma aijá. That.one I I.could.have.chewed that.one.” 19 Lion replied, “You pipsqueak, what are you on about? 20 You think I should have thanked him? It’s he that should have thanked me, for letting him stick his beak into my mouth without me sinking my teeth into him. 21 I could have crunched him up.”

In other Bantu languages it has been observed that features such as interjections, a slowing down of the action (usually through repetition), and over-specification of referents (usually in these examples through use of independent pronouns) are often found in peak episodes.6 In the Makonde corpus these features are predominantly found when the peak is communicated in speech, and much less so where the peak is a reported event in narrative. In the peak episode from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow below, the independent pronouns have been highlighted in red. They all occur within speech. Vocatives with person markers (you.my-friend) have been included, as the person marker is not obligatory, compare nyangu ‘my.friend’ in 22f and unyangu ‘you.my.friend’ in clauses 24 and 25b. Note also the repetition of the theme of friendship ending, in clauses 23 and 25a, and the interjections ee and um in clauses 22c and 25b (ee, unusually, is outside speech).

03 Hyena and Pied Crow peak episode showing high density of independent pronouns within speech

22a. Patandile --- akamule inyama doni When.he.did he.should.hold meat thus 22b. napanelo --- ashapole now he.should.break.piece 22c. ee Nashove kuuluka yes Pied Crow flew

6See van Otterloo, R. (2011) section 1.2.4; Eaton, H. (2011) section 1.3.4; and Nicolle, S. (2011) section 1.3.4. 13

22d. kwikala pashanya ing'ande apalá sat above on.house there 22e. kudo: said: 22f. Nyangu nne dashi? “My.friend I.said how? 23. Wako namu imbodi haipali. nangu (O) You with me friendship does.not.exist. 24. Wako unyangu unkushulula namene. You you.are.eating.meat very. you.my.friend 25a. Imbodi ai itimbikangila popo apa Friendship this it.ends right.here here 25b. mwaa unyangu (S) um unkumamodya because you.my.friend no you.are.getting.worse 25c. liduva na wako (S) nangu (O) unangumamena. liduva day and You me you.will.eat.me.” day 22a But then just as he took hold of Pied Crow, about to break off a piece of meat, Pied Crow suddenly flew up and perched up on top of the house. He said, “Didn’t I say so, Hyena? 23 This is the end of our friendship. 24 Your problem is that you’re such a meat-eater. 25 And right here is where we stop being friends, because you’re getting worse and worse—and one of these days you’ll end up by eating me.”

The peak episode in 04 Elephant and Nightjar is also mostly speech, this time a tight-knit conversation, and shows repetition of the theme, and also a frequent use of interjections. The theme is the loss of Elephant’s appetite, leading shortly to his death from hunger, and this theme is drawn out as the wife continues to press him to eat something, and Elephant continues to refuse. The interjections are marked in red.

04 Elephant and Nightjar peak episode showing slowing down of action and frequent use of interjections

28a. Nae - She, 28b. ii hashinapagwa shinu “No, doesn’t.exist not 28c. ashikutishanga vila ajo (S) she.was.threatening.you only that.one 28d. wako ikala apa you stay here 28e. ulye! you.eat! 14

29a. Nae --- do: He thus, 29b. gwe! Wako haunatangole davo “[interjection]! You don’t.talk like.this 29c. nangu (S) po panguvele hanguve dimongo apa I where.I.am here I.don’t.have strength. 30a. Mwiu --- andidikila apalá Truly he.bent.down there, 30b. ndyagwe --- do: his.wife thus, 30c. mene twala shakulya ashi “No take food this 30d. ulye you.eat.” 31a. Kudo: Say.thus: 31b. aa nangu (O) kulya aku hakunangunagwela shinu “Aah, I eating this is.not.pleasing.me nothing.” 32. Kumwisho nang'olo andípela kwake Nnembo At.end his old.one Elephant died. 28 “No,” she said, “it’s all nonsense; she was just making empty threats. Now you sit down here and have something to eat.” 29 “You watch out,” he replied, “you don’t know what you’re talking about—I feel all weak.” 30 He sat with bent head; his wife said to him, “Go on, just take this food and have something to eat.” 31 He said, “Don’t bother me, I just don’t feel at all like eating.” 32 And in the end old Elephant died.

The unusual peak episode is that in 05 Fisherman, which although being entirely non-speech narrative text, shows the features of increased vividness and detail that have been observed in other Bantu languages.7 Not only are there two different ideophones (one repeated three times) in the following examples, but also two highly marked structures, a conjoint verb and a ni copula (see sections 6.3.2 and 6.3.3). The ideophones are marked in red. In this peak episode the protagonist, after receiving all that he could desire as a gift from a magic bird, loses it through his breaking of the only prohibition he is given. Here, after opening the forbidden door, he whirls through darkness and finds himself back in his boat.

05 Fisherman peak episode showing increased vividness (see use of ideophones)

35a. Shinantandi kumevo (O) kumwidile [conjoint kudimba (S) anterior] First to.eyes came.to.him darkness

7See especially van Otterloo, R. (2011) section 1.2.4. 15

35b. ni [copula] it.is 35c. palipindikulila do: where.somersaults thus: 35d. pindiku pindiku nalikodya pindiku [ideophone and.he.found.himself repeated] 35e. andiikala mo mwingalava kavili amu he.has.sat in.that boat this again 35f. shanjaa! ankutambisha kavili na indawana yake [ideophone ] he.is.fishing again with hook his. Suddenly he was plunged into darkness and found himself rolling and somersaulting, tossed over and over, until—there he found himself sitting down back in his boat, sitting there again at his fishing line.

1.5 The denouement

In her write-up of Malila discourse,8 Eaton notes that the denouement may consist of a summary of the story, may describe post-climax events, or give the narrator’s perspective. In one text in her corpus the denouement also consists of the main participant’s own reflections. In the Makonde text corpus, all of these types of denouement also exist. What is interesting, however, is that although most of them appear to be clarifications of some type; i.e., what happened in the story or post-climax, why it happened, etc., they frequently do not clarify the overall purpose or moral of the story. In addition, Makonde conclusions (see section 1.6 below) do not include morals either. So in the majority of cases, the moral or the teaching point is left implicit at the end of the narrative; or even if partially expressed, there is a good deal still left for the audience to think about. Some examples will help to clarify this: in 01 Horned Animals below, an explanation is given for why Rabbit is killed at the end of the story, but it only tells the audience what it already knew: he is killed because he should not have been at the party in the first place. As Rabbit is always a hero, the audience is left to ponder in what way exactly it was heroic to gate-crash the horned animals’ party, and be killed for the attempt. No explanation is given in the narrative.

01 Horned Animals explanation of events in denouement leaves teaching point open to interpretation

18c. kuntanola they.killed.him 18d. kwamwaa nae andyúka ndatimbanga ashilá shikukulu for.reason he went and.spoilt that feast 18e. shikashimushu nae. which.not.belong him …and Rabbit was taken away and killed, because he’d come and spoilt the party which he had no right to come to.

8Eaton, H. (2011), section 1.3.4. 16

In the denouement of 05 Fisherman below, again there appears to be an explanation of the teaching point, as the fisherman, back in his boat and minus any riches, says to himself, “Ahh, now I know what the bird meant when it said, ‘Receiving is drunkenness’.” But in fact, although the fisherman may have worked it out, he doesn’t share his knowledge. The audience is left to draw their own conclusions as to the possible similarities, in the light of the events of the story, between a person who has suddenly got lucky and someone who has got drunk.

05 Fisherman explanation of events in denouement leaves teaching point implicit

36a. Bai nae(S) popo kwanjanga kukumbukila do: So he right.there began to.think thus: 36b. baa kumbe - shashitangola shuni ashilá Ah, at.last what.he.was.speaking bird that 36c. kupata aku ni kulegwa receiving this it.is drunkenness! Well he sat there and began to think, “Now I get what the bird was saying, that getting lucky is getting drunk!”

In the denouement of 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, there is no ambiguity, but there is also no clarification of the story’s teaching point. Hyena has fallen into the trap set by his friend Pied Crow and has attempted to eat him. It is not difficult to work out that the moral of the story—that it is unwise to make friends with a potentially dangerous person, whatever he promises—he will ‘eat you up’ in the end, if it suits him to do so. However, this is left implicit in the narrative, where the denouement simply confirms what has already been stated, that their friendship came to an end. The teaching point is similarly left implicit in 02 Lion and Hamerkop, 04 Elephant and Nightjar, and 08 Archbishop. 07 Mother and child gives the narrator’s viewpoint, but this simply comments admiringly on the courage of the mother and the cowardice of her husband, without drawing any teaching point. In this text corpus, 09 Ákalimanya is the only text, which explicitly draws a clear teaching point or moral; and as it is a true story, it is expressed in direct speech in terms of what the narrator learnt personally from the experience. The final lines of the denouement are given below:

09 Ákalimanya teaching point explicitly drawn in denouement

46b. na ndilipundisha poe and I.learnt much 46c. kudo said. thus, 46d. aa tukatenda shinu pamo “ah, if.we.do thing together 46e. indivaikila tuvanu it.merits we.people 46f. twigwane. we.should.agree. [Now all this was very good for me] and I learnt a great deal from it, such as, well, if we do something together, it’s important that we should be in agreement with each other.

However, in some Makonde texts outside this text corpus, morals are unambiguously stated in the denouement. For a very full example, see the denouement in sentences 88–95 of the story ‘Can one trap 17 the wind with a net?’9 where tricky Lion has himself been tricked into allowing his daughter to marry Rabbit. The narrator addresses his audience with a vocative mmanalikola ‘family members’ and tells them specifically to beware of being tricksters, as they will likely meet up with a greater trickster than they and lose what they have to him. He concludes that the deserving (monkeys with nice flat stomachs, looking good in trousers) will go without, while the undeserving (Rabbit and his sticking up ears) will scoop the pool! Unlike some other Bantu languages, Makonde requires a denouement in narratives. So in 02 Lion and Hamerkop, where the narrator initially moves directly from the climax (19–21) to the slightly unusually phrased conclusion (22), he catches himself and adds a denouement (23) before a second, formulaic conclusion (24). All the other texts have denouements. This may be because conclusions do not provide a vehicle for the narrator’s own views (see section 1.6 below). Another feature of the denouement in Makonde narratives is that it is very unusual to find direct speech. The only times it occurs are where a speech, which has been reported earlier, is then repeated in the denouement so as to make a point, as in 07 Mother and child 15, or where the protagonist’s own reflections are expressed as direct speech. See the example above in 05 Fisherman 36. The most striking linguistic feature of the Makonde denouement, however, is the high frequency of relative clauses relating to thematic material in these sections. Thematic relative clauses are found in six of the eight texts in this corpus. Some examples are given below (the relative clauses are highlighted in blue):

01 Horned Animals relative clause with thematic material in the denouement

18d. kwamwaa nae andyúka ndatimbanga ashilá shikukulu for.reason he went and.spoilt that feast 18e. shikashimushu nae. which.not.belong him …because he’d come and spoilt the party which he had no right to come to.

04 Elephant and Nightjar relative clause with thematic material in the denouement

33a. Kanji - shimpadídye nae (S) But what.killed.him he 33b. ni mwaa walilove it.is because of.word 33c. lyavashema matuva that.they.call remorse. But what it was that killed him was that word ‘remorse’.

07 Mother and child relative clause with thematic material in the denouement

13a. Napane maimyo nangu nimwona ala Now story this, I I.see.her 13b. nkongwe aijá kuva nkongwe wantima mwiu woman that to.be woman of.heart true

9Leach, M.B., 2010 appendix 1. 18

13c. akashijopa kulota dashi who.was.not.fearing how wanted 13d. apele nae (S) mwaa wamwana. she.should.die she because of.child. Now in this story, that woman showed herself to be truly courageous, since she was not afraid (= who was not fearing) to die on behalf of her child.

1.6 The conclusion

The conclusions in all the texts in this corpus have the following in common: they are all short, they do not introduce any new information, and they do not include any morals, proverbs or songs. Given the general features described above, conclusions divide into two groups, depending on whether they belong to folktales or to true stories: Folktales have a formulaic ending, flexible enough to vary slightly from tale to tale, but still instantly identifiable. They are all impersonal (with no reference to the narrator, except occasionally a possessive—‘my/our’); they do not refer to any of the participants or to the action in the narrative; and they invariably include the word mwisho ‘end’ or a semantic equivalent. In addition, almost all of them use the ni copula structure, with one exception: 03 Hyena and Pied Crow replaces the ni copula with a default narrative kuva ‘to be’, in keeping with the high rate of use of the default narrative throughout that particular narrative (see sections 6.3.3 and 5.1.1). The four examples below are all from different narrators.

01 Horned Animals folktale ending with ‘pamwisho’ and ‘ni’ copula

19. Apa ni pamwisho wankong'o. Here it.is at.end of.story. And this is the end of the tale.

04 Elephant and Nightjar folktale ending with ‘pamwisho’ and ‘ni’ copula

34. Apa ni pamwisho Here it.is at.end. This is the end.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow folktale ending: ‘ni’ copula replaced with default narrative ‘kuva’, to be

27. --- Kuva pamwisho. It.is (to.be) at.end. The end.

02 Lion and hamerkop second conclusion, first conclusion had missed out denouement; use of ‘mwisho’ and ‘ni’ copula

24. Mwisho wangu ni wowo au! End my it.is this.very this.one! And this is the end of my tale!

Conclusions in the true stories on the other hand vary more in their content; i.e., what they share is that they are all confirmatory, and they all contain relative clauses. What they confirm differs, however, in that the true story, which is not an eyewitness account (07 Mother and child), the conclusion recapitulates the key event of the story. In the other two true stories, which are both eyewitness accounts 19

(08 Archbishop and 09 Ákalimanya), the confirmation is of their accuracy as eyewitness accounts with references to the time of the event in both cases, and a confirmation of the place in 09 Ákalimanya where the place is thematically important. They also both use a ni copula construction. In all three stories, there are relative clauses relating to the material they confirm: in the case of the non-eyewitness account, the reference is to the key event in the story and in the other two, the conclusion confirms that the narrator acted personally in the story or was an eyewitness of the events.

07 Mother and child conclusion to true story: confirming action, with relative clause marking key event

16a. Namwiu anímwambola aijá mwanagwe And.true she.saved.him that her.child 16b. kumwidanavo brought.him.with 16c. atukuta kulyutu running to.place 16d. lyapagwíte aijá ntwagwe. where.was that her.husband. And indeed she rescued her child, and ran back carrying him to the place where her husband still was.

08 Archbishop conclusion to true story: eyewitness reliability confirmed using a relative clause

11. Ashi ni shangugwene muliduva alyo. This it.is what.I.saw on.day that. This is what I saw on that day.

09 Ákalimanya conclusion to true story: eyewitness reliability confirmed using two relative clauses

48a. Kanji ni ala maimyo But it.is this story 48b. angugwene nimwene that.I.saw I.myself 48c. na atutandile pamo mulikaja lya pa Lishee mwaka na samanini. and that.we.did together in.village of at Lishee year of eighty. But this is a true story: I saw it myself, and took a part in it, in the village of Lishee, in 1980.

2 Paragraphs

Imagine a story which is a seamless unity: where there is the same cast of participants from beginning to end, where the events follow each other without interruption, where the location remains the same or any movement between locations is narrated step by step, and where the topic is maintained constantly throughout. It would be a skillful storyteller who could hold his audience’s attention with such a story. Well-told narratives usually maintain interest, develop the topic and highlight significant events with switches between different sets of participants, jumps in time, flashbacks, explanatory comments, and variations between speech and narrative text. All of these and many more are discontinuities in a text. Narratives must maintain coherence, however, and an unsignaled discontinuity can lead to confusion on the audience’s part. So languages have linguistic signposts to indicate those discontinuities and to allow the listener to bridge the gap that the discontinuity creates. 20

One of the commonest of these signposts is the use of points of departure: these are words or phrases placed sentence-initially (sometimes after a connective), which are bidirectional. That is, they present already established information and create a link between what follows with what has already been said. They signal the underlying segmentation of a text, which allows its division into paragraphs (or larger groupings). Levinsohn (2003) categorizes points of departure as marking either a switch, moving to a new constituent, or as a renewal, returning to an earlier topic. He analyses the discontinuities that they mark as ones of situation (time and place), reference (participants and topics) and action.10 Our task here is to identify the points of departure that are used as bridges over the discontinuities found in Makonde narratives.

2.1 Temporal points of departure

Temporal points of departure are frequently encountered in Makonde narratives, of which the commonest is probably muliduva limo ‘one day’, often used to mark the inciting episode (see section 1.2 above and the example there from 05 Fisherman). In the example below, the same temporal point of departure (with Kanji ‘but’ as a connective) is used in 03 Hyena and Pied Crow at the beginning of the first developmental episode, marking a discontinuity of time after the inciting episode.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow

7. Kanji muliduva limo Nashove aninninga Litunu. But on.day one Pied Crow he.tests.him Hyena. But one day Crow decided to test Hyena. In the example from 05 Fisherman 30 below, we find liduva ali ‘this day’. This is functioning in the same way as liduva limo ‘one day’ and does not refer to a day already mentioned, despite the proximal demonstrative dem1. The discontinuity of time is clear: there is a summary statement of how good life is for the fisherman over a general passage of time at the end of developmental episode #1, then sentence 30 starts developmental episode #2 with this temporal clause, indicating that the general passing of time has finished and a new episode is about to begin.

05 Fisherman

29a. Munu aijá aikele maduva matatu nsheshe, mwedi Person that stayed days three four, month 29b. kwanjanga kunyeta began to.fatten.up 29c. kwalala shana became.beautiful very. 30a. Liduva ali amwaulila ndyagwe do: Day this he.informing.her wife.his thus: 30b. wako tangwing'a myungulilo vyashumba ashilá you give.me keys of.room that

10See ‘Analysis of Narrative Texts’ by Stephen H Levinsohn, 2003 SIL International, section 3.1. 21

30c. nangu nikashimule I I.go.open. 29 Time went by—a few days, a month; the fisherman began to fill out and look good. 30 But one day he said to his wife, “Come on, just give me the keys to that room; I’m going to open it.”

2.2 Spatial points of departure

In Makonde, locative phrases are normally in post-nuclear position, and it would be tempting to analyse any left-dislocated locative phrase as a spatial points of departure. Sentence-initial locative phrases do occur in Makonde, but it is doubtful whether they are actually spatial points of departure. In this text corpus and elsewhere, they do not seem to be marking discontinuities, and have probably been preposed either as a topic frame (see section 2.4 below), or in order to give prominence to a sentence-final constituent. It is worthy to note that no unambiguous examples of a spatial point of departure have been found. The example from 09 Ákalimanya 03 below shows an initial locative phrase palikaja apalá ‘in that village’ that is not a point of departure since there is no discontinuity; in fact, it is a repetition of information just introduced with a distal demonstrative added. The locative phrase should be analysed as a topic frame in a presentational sentence introducing the main participant. Such sentence focus structures commonly have highly marked word order (see section 6.1.1).

09 Ákalimanya

2a. Mumwaka nangu nindípagwa likaja limo wasamanini au In.year of.eighty this I I.was village one 2b. lyavashema Lishee. of.they.calling Lishee. 3a. Palikaja apalá [AFTER VERB] andípagwa nang'olo jumo (S) In.village that there.was old.man one 3b. lina lyake, --- vashinshema Ákalimanya. name his they.were.calling.him Ákalimanya. In 1980, I was in a village called Lishee. In that village there was an old man called Ákalimanya.

The following preposed locative phrase pashinu apalá ‘at that place’ could not in any case be analysed as a spatial point of departure as it follows the subject, and so is within the nucleus of the sentence. There is also no discontinuity of place. However, it serves as an example of the preposing of a locative phrase to give extra prominence to the clause-final constituent maduva oe namene ‘very many days’ (i.e., the long time that the lion spends ‘in that place’ suffering with a bone in his throat). Normal word order would place the locative phrase at the end of the clause.

02 Lion and hamerkop

4a. Nang'olo pashinu --- andílaga maduva oe apalá namene Elder at.place that had.suffered days many very 4b. --- ashanga mwakulota wondering how.to.want 4c. --- kuumila ligwangwa pang'ulo apa. to.remove bone at.throat this. Old Lion was there in awful pain for many days, at a complete loss as to how to get the bone out of his throat. 22

2.3 Referential points of departure

A referential point of departure relates to topic or participants; these are rare in Makonde. The default position of a subject in a SVO order language—if there is no connective or other initial element—will be sentence-initial. In order to analyze an initial noun phrase as a referential point of departure, therefore, it is necessary to establish that there is a clear discontinuity, and preferably an intonational pause, a spacer, and a trace later in the nucleus of the sentence that refers back to the point of departure.11 The example below from 01 Horned Animals 14 fits these criteria: the noun phrase is nang'olo mwene ave ashamile shikukulu aju ‘the old-one owner who was the one who called the party this-one’. Here there is a clear discontinuity as the story has been focussing on the protagonist Rabbit, and now returns after something of a gap to the antagonist, the leader of the horned animals who has called a party that Rabbit gate-crashes. This is a critical sentence in which the old-one owner sees Rabbit—exposed as hornless after his wax horns have melted and fallen off—and immediately orders that Rabbit should be killed. There is an intonational pause after aju, the relative clause ashamíle shikukulu acts as a spacer, and aju ‘this one’ (referring to the antagonist) operates as a trace. Note that the full noun phrase referring to the antagonist, the leader of the horned animals, is nang'olo mwene ave ashamíle shikukulu aju ‘the old-one owner who was the one who called the party this-one’, with the proximal demonstrative aju ‘this-one’ wrapping up the long description and maintaining its cohesiveness.

01 Horned Animals

14a. Napane nang'olo mwene ave

Now elder himself being 14b. ashamíle shikukulu who.had.called feast 14c. aju kumwona this saw.him 14d. shingula aijá dimembe dindigwanga. rabbit that horns have.fallen. Then the leader of the horned animals, the one who was giving the party, saw Rabbit dancing away without any horns.

2.3.1 Marked initial subjects that are not points of departure

However, all sentence-initial subjects in Makonde need to be handled with care. Many sentence-initial noun phrases are heavily marked, and as it is not always necessary to mark the subject at all in Makonde and other Bantu languages, it is tempting to start analysing virtually all initial noun phrases, pronouns and demonstratives as referential points of departure (pod). But a heavily marked noun phrase at the beginning of a sentence alone is not enough; a referential pod requires a discontinuity and marked word order, provided by a pause, a spacer and/or a trace. The two examples below show marked subjects, but not as referential pods. There is no discontinuity, and the noun phrase is followed immediately by the finite verb—with no pause, no spacer, and no trace. In 01 Horned Animals 10 below, the sentence-initial nae shingula ‘he rabbit’ may look like a point of departure, as it is sentence-initial and heavily marked. However, the noun phrase is not preposed, being in the default subject position before the ni copula. In addition, the heavy marking of independent

11See ‘Analysis of Narrative Texts’ by Stephen H. Levinsohn, 2003 SIL International, section 3.1. 23 pronoun nae + noun is due to this being the beginning of developmental episode #2 (see section 4.2.2.2.1).

01 Horned Animals

The example below might also look like a referential pod, but perhaps a better analysis would be to say that the locative phrase kukwaka ‘at the hunt’ has been left-dislocated in order to raise the prominence of the temporal phrase kila mo mwaushwela ‘every single dawn’, which is now in sentence- final position. As a result, the independent pronoun nae ‘he’ has also been left-dislocated. Grammatically the subject concord marker on the verb now operates as the subject within the nucleus.

05 Fisherman

5. Nae (S) kukwaka hashishalegwa kila mo mwaushwela He at.hunt he.did.not.be.absent every when of.it.was.dawning. Not a day dawned when he failed to go fishing.

One of the most interesting examples of something that looks like—but is not—a referential point of departure (pod) is 03 Hyena and Pied Crow 01, where the sentence starts ‘Litunu namu Nashove, vanu ava… (Hyena and Pied Crow, these people…)’. This looks at first like a referential pod with its pause, and noun + demonstrative operating, as a trace. However, it cannot be analyzed as a point of departure for the very good reason that it is the first sentence in the whole narrative and therefore cannot be marking a discontinuity or presenting already established information. One possible analysis of this is as a much abbreviated thetic presentation of the main participants simply in a noun phrase, with the common post-introduction proximal demonstrative dem1 ava immediately following.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow

1a. Litunu namu Nashove vanu ava kudyavalananga Hyena and Pied Crow people these were.friends Hyena and Pied Crow were great friends…

2.4 Topic frames

There are many examples in Makonde narratives of left-dislocated noun phrases, which do not refer to the subject of the sentence. While some of these are left-dislocated objects or indirect objects, others do not grammatically form part of the sentence at all. 24

These are ‘topic frames’; that is, ‘fronted and left-dislocated topical information about a primary or secondary topic’ which set the frame within which the subject acts.12 (This is probably the same as Eaton’s ‘external topics’.)13 What we are seeing in Makonde is that they form a very strong link between two sentences, looking somewhat like a quasi ‘tail-head’ construction consisting of noun (+/- demonstrative) without a verb. They have many of the characteristics of a point of departure, and indeed they could simply be viewed as a special kind of pod, although certainly unusual ones as they stand completely outside the grammar of the sentence, and bridge the usual pod categories such as referential, temporal, etc. Whatever terminology is used, these topic frames occur frequently and highly specifically in Makonde narrative (see below).

2.4.1 Topic frames relating to possessives

One context in which topic frames are very frequently used in Makonde narratives is where there is a possessive referring to a participant mentioned in the previous sentence. The topic frame stands outside the normal grammar of the sentence, relating directly to the possessive phrase only. These topic frames occur most frequently in the orientation section or near the beginning of narratives, after a sentence introducing either a main participant or key information such as location. In the example from 01 Horned Animals (03 below), the topic frame vanyama vovava ‘those same animals’ consists of a noun + demonstrative phrase where the noun repeats the final constituent of the previous sentence 02, and the postposed subject vanyama vadimembe ‘horned animals’. The topic frame also relates in 03 to the possessive wavanyama ‘of animals’. The subject of that sentence is nang'olo wavanyama, ‘the leader of the animals’ and the sentence could stand grammatically without the topic frame.

01 Horned Animals

2. [AFTER VERB] Vandípagwa vanyama vadimembe. (S) They.existed animals of.horns 3. Napanelo vanyama nang'olo kwanjanga kulalika shikukulu. vovava, wavanyama Now animals elder of.animals began to.invite feast. those.these 2 Once there were animals with horns. 3 Now the leader of those horned animals sent out invitations to a party.

In 02 Lion and Hamerkop below, the topic frame nae ‘he’ is an independent pronoun, referring back to the subject of the previous sentence 01, Ntumi ‘Lion’, and relating forward in 02 to the possessive shake ‘his’. The subject of sentence 02 is shakulya shake, his food, although unusually the verbal agreement is with the focus of the sentence, dinyama ‘meats’, rather than with shakulya. Again, grammatically the sentence could stand alone without nae.

02 Lion and hamerkop

1a. Ntumi ava nkoko Lion is animal

12See Floor, S. J. ‘From Information Structure, Topic and Focus, to Theme in Biblical Hebrew Narrative’, section 3.2.4. 13See Eaton, Helen (2011) ‘Malila Narrative Discourse’ section 2.2.1. 25

1b. ánamamena dinyama. who.eats meats. 2. Nae shakulya shake diva dinyama. He food his they.are meats. 1 Lion is an animal that eats meat. 2 That’s just what he eats—meat.

The example below from 09 Ákalimanya follows the pattern above; i.e., the topic frame is Ákalimanya aju nae ‘this Ákalimanya he’. It is in the orientation section, and the sentence could stand without it. In addition, it relates back to the noun in sentence-final position in 03, Ákalimanya, and in 04 it relates to the possessive shake ‘his’.

09 Ákalimanya

3a. Palikaja apalá [AFTER VERB] andípagwa nang'olo jumo (S) In.village that there.was old.man one 3b. lina lyake, --- vashinshema Ákalimanya. name his they.were.calling.him Ákalimanya. 4. Ákalimanya aju shimadengo shishiva kulumbata. nae, shake Ákalimanya this he work his it.was.being to.hunt. 3 In that village there was an old man called Ákalimanya. 4 Now Ákalimanya was a hunter by trade.

2.4.2 Topic frames not relating to possessives

In the example from 07 Mother and child 3a below, the topic frame does not relate to a possessive, but in other respects is similar to the examples above. Ing'ondo ailá ‘that war’ at the beginning of clause 3a is not grammatically part of the sentence (it is not during that war) but relates to the topic of war in both of the previous sentences and sets the context in which sentence 03 describes specific manoeuvres during the war.

07 Mother and child

1. --- Ngulota kuvalanganga maimyo apaing'ondo. I.want to.tell story of.time.war. 2a. Maimyo ala ni ing'ondo ailá itandi apaing'ondo Story this it.is war that first of.time.war 2b. itandéke akuno ku Moshambiki yavyaka kumi. that.happened here in Mozambique of.years ten. 3a. Ing'ondo ailá vajungu vashindauma po pa Mweda apa War that white.people they.were.leaving here at Mueda here 3b. kupita passed 26

3c. vatenda ing'ondo they.making war 3d. vavabyanga venentete mmakaja. they.killing.them people in.villages. 1 I want to tell a story about something that happened during the war. 2 This story took place at the time of the first war here in Mozambique—the ten-year war. 3 [During] that war, the Portuguese would make sorties from right here in Mueda, going out to fight and kill people in the villages.

In the following example from 09 Ákalimanya 06, there is a topic frame consisting of a preposed object, dinyama adi ‘these animals’. Grammatically this is therefore different, as the topic frame is nuclear rather than pre-nuclear and is an essential grammatical component of that sentence. However, in every other way it corresponds to the other topic frames; i.e., it relates back to the noun standing in sentence-final position in 05, it picks up this reference with a proximal demonstrative adi, and lastly it sets the topic frame in which the subject acts.

09 Ákalimanya

5a. Kila wakati --- auma na yuti yake Every time --- leaving with gun his 5b. [mwanda] kundila journey to.bush 5c. kubyaa dinyama to.kill animals 5d. --- aidanavo. coming.with. 6a. Dinyama adi, nae ashindashulusha Animals these he he.used.to.sell 6b. kwamba- apate njuluku ngidya in.order. he.should.receive money that 5 He was always going off into the bush with his gun to kill animals and bring them back with him. 6 He used to sell these animals in order to get some money…

2.5 Tail-head devices

As stated above in the introduction to this section, Levinsohn (2003) categorizes points of departure as marking either a switch, moving to a new constituent, or a renewal returning to an earlier topic. With the (probable) exclusion of topic frames above, the points of departure described above have been marking a switch. Tail-head structures, however, relate to the context by renewal; i.e., a true tail-head structure will always include a repetition of the main verb or its semantic equivalent, and usually includes a head noun. As tail-head structures involve verbs, they occur in various forms and are classified as perfective, imperfective and completive. No completive tail-heads have been found so far in Makonde narratives texts, nor any satisfactory imperfective tail-heads, but perfective tail-heads are common and perform several different functions. 27

2.5.1 Perfective tail-head structures

The commonest function of a perfective tail-head is to slow the story down before a climax or significant event, highlighting what follows. It is often used to start a new episode. In Bantu languages this kind of structure can also simply be used for moving from one place to another.

2.5.1.1 Tail-heads slowing before significant material

These tail-head structures are formed in Makonde with two verbal forms: the historic conditional vakakulupile and the past adverbial pavakulupidile, both translated into English as ‘when they trusted’. The structures are true tail-heads, with a repetition of the final verb in the previous sentence, used to slow down the narrative in order to highlight a significant following event. The two structures are used in very similar ways, but the pa- construction has more of an emphasis on time. It can often be translated as “the moment that…” or, “as soon as…”. In the example below from 08 Archbishop, sentence 4 begins Akawike kushiwanja akulá ‘when he arrived at the airstrip there’. This is a full tail-head structure, with a repetition of the verb in the head (here a semantic equivalent for the arrival of an aircraft is used). The tail-head structure serves to slow the narrative down before a a significant development; namely, the church women coming to lay cloths out on the ground before the Archbishop.

08 Archbishop

3a. Napanelo liduva vaaleke mundege vila lyavaleke So day they.had.come in.aeroplane only that.they.came, 3b. mpaka ndagwilila mushiwanja akulá. until and.landed on.airstrip there. 4a. Akawike kushiwanja --- ndavakodya shipinga akulá shavamama valiganisha When.he. to.airstrip there and.found.them group of.mothers arrived they.of.church, 4b. vanavo vandipanganikanga they they.have.prepared 4c. pakulota vantandikangile dinguvo. in.order.to they.should.spread.out.for.him cloths So they came by plane, and after a long journey landed over there on the airstrip. When he landed there on the airstrip, he was met by a group of church women who had prepared cloths to lay out on the ground.

In the 01 Horned Animals example below, the perfective tail-head is Paanjenge kuudukila... ‘when he began to sweat’ at the beginning of sentence 13. This, again, is showing before a climactic event; i.e., it refers to the sweat which melts the wax horns Rabbit is using as a disguise to gatecrash the horned animals’ party; this exposes Rabbit, and he is immediately killed. This adverbial pa- construction gives is a focus on the time; and as such, the sentence could be translated, “…as soon as he began to sweat, the horns started to melt…”. 28

01 Horned Animals

12a. Nae kwinjilinneu kuvina He entered.immediately to.dance 12b. kuvina shingula (S) danced rabbit 12c. mpaka kuudukila. until to.sweat. 13a. Paanjenge dimembe adilá kwanjanga mwaa wakuvina kuudukila kunyang'anyuka namene na liduva alilá When.began horns those started to.melt because of.to.dance to.sweat very and sun that 13b. dimembe Kutwala kugwanga adilá horns Then to.fall those 13c. kujaikanga. to.be.thrown.away. 12 So Rabbit joined straight in with the dancing; he danced until he sweated. 13 But when he began to sweat, the horns he’d made started to melt, because of all the dancing and the hot sun. And so the horns fell off, ruined.

2.5.1.2 Tail-heads introducing background material

Tail-head structures can also be used to introduce background material; but, this is rare in Makonde. A good example however can be seen below, from 08 Archbishop. Sentence 4 states that when the Archbishop arrived, he found the church women all ready to lay out cloths for him to walk on, concluding with …vantandikangile dinguvo ‘in order to spread out cloths’. The next sentence is a background one of explanation, beginning with the perfective tail-head Vatangikange dinguvo.... ‘They were to spread out cloths…’, giving the additional information that the women were to spread out cloths for him all the way from the airstrip to the church.

08 Archbishop

4a. Akawike kushiwanja --- ndavakodya shipinga akulá shavamama valiganisha When.he. to.airstrip and.found.them group of.mothers came there they.of.church, 4b. vanavo vandipanganikanga they they.have.prepared 4c. pakulota vantandikangile dinguvo. in.order.t they.should.spread.out.for. cloths o him 29

5. Vatandikange dinguvo kuma kushiwanja shandege mpaka paliganisha. They.should.spread.out.for. cloths to.leave him at.airstrip of.aeroplane until at.church. 4 When he landed there on the airstrip, he was met by a group of church women who had prepared cloths to lay out on the ground. 5 They were to lay out the cloths out on the ground, all the way from the airstrip to the church.

2.5.1.3 Tail-head type structures indicating movement plus the scene of arrival

In Makonde a tail-head type of structure can also simply be used for moving from one place to another. These structures give prominence to the scene of arrival, while the intervening journey is barely mentioned. Structures of this type are extremely specific, with a three-part formula: a perfective of either to go or to arrive, plus a locative, plus a ‘nda’ purposive construction. As above, these perfective structures can use both the pa- and the -ka- constructions, with the same effect of an increased focus on time in the pa- constructions. The four examples below, all from different speakers, show how closely this structure is followed. Note that the ‘nda’ and ‘na’ are variants in the purposive construction (see also section 5.7.1).

09 Ákalimanya 25: Tukawike apalá nankodya… ‘when we arrived there we found…’ 01 Horned Animals 11: Pawikile akulá navakodya... ‘when he arrived there he found…’ 02 Lion and Hamerkop 10: Akawike apalá nankodya… ‘when he arrived there he found…’ 03 Hyena and Pied Crow 16: Paukile ndawika kukaja… ‘when he went he arrived at home..’

In the example below from 09 Ákalimanya, the tail-head construction is …kuka koko./Tukawike apalá… (Head: ‘…to go there.’/ ‘When we arrived there…’ and tail: ‘The villagers set off for the elephant trap, and when they got there they found the elephant that had fallen in.’

09 Ákalimanya

24a. Tuvanu (mwanda) We.people journey 24b. vakongwe uti vákaimbile vanu napanelo women all who.did.not.dig, people now 24c. vaimbíle mwina who.did.dig hole 24d. kutwala kuka koko. then went there. 30

25a. Tukawike nankodya nnembo apalá We.when and.met.it elephant .arrived there 25b. andiinjila it.entered, So we all set off—women, everyone, those who’d dug the trap, those who hadn’t dug, we all went there. When we got there we found the elephant, having fallen in the hole…

A similar example occurs in 01 Horned Animals, where the tail-head construction is: …kutwala mwanda kuka akulá kushikukulu./Pawikile akulá… Head: ‘…he made the journey there to the party…/ When he arrived there…’, and tail: ‘This is referring to Rabbit’s fateful trip to gate-crash the horned animals’ party.’

01 Horned Animals

10a. Mwiu nae shingula ni kutwala upula aulá True he rabbit it.is to.take beeswax that 10b. --- kuumbaumbanga to.arrange 10c. kutwala --- kulinamatidya mmuti amulá then to.stick on.head that 10d. nae kutwala mwanda he to.take journey 10e. kuka akulá kushikukulu. to.go there to.feast. 11a. Pawikile navakodya vavagwe akulá When.arrived and.met.them his.associates there 11b. vavele shing'ati na kuvina pashiwanja they.being middle and dance in.field. 10 And so Rabbit took some beeswax, made himself some horns and stuck them on his head; then off he went to the party. 11 When Rabbit turned up at the party, he found everyone out in the clearing dancing away.

However, although these structures can occur as classic tail-heads, and do so in the examples above, they can also occur without a verb of movement in the ‘tail’; in effect, without a tail at all. The four examples set out above look very similar, but in fact the first two are tail-head constructions, and the second two are similar constructions but lacking any tail. The following two examples are of the tail-less movement-and-arrival constructions. They are put together with the full tail-head constructions. However, because the ‘head’ has exactly the same formulaic construction—whether the ‘tail’ is present or not, and is used in exactly the same contexts—it is possible that this formula is so familiar as presenting a ‘journey plus scene of arrival’ situation, that this is understood. In addition, this occurs regardless of whether the ‘tail’—an explicit reference to the journey—is present or not. The following example from 02 Lion and Hamerkop has the ‘journey plus scene of arrival’ construction in sentence 10 without any verb of movement in sentence 09: Akawike …apalá nankodya... ‘…when he arrived there he found…’. Sentence 09 is simply an introduction to a major participant, the 31 hamerkop. The fact that he has flown to the scene is not mentioned. Thus, sentence 10 gives hamerkop’s arrival in the brief akawike and moves on immediately to describe the critical scene he found; namely, the lion suffering with a bone in his throat.

02 Lion and hamerkop

9a. Napanelo [AFTER VERB] kupagwa shuni jumo (S) Now existed bird one 9b. wavanshamanga shengo. of.they.call.him hamerkop. 10a. Akawike nankodya nang'olo apalá When.he.arr and.met.him elder ived there 10b. mevo aninkunduvalila eyes they.have.reddened Now there once was a bird called Hamerkop: Well, Hamerkop turned up there and found Lion in a dreadful state—his eyes red with pain…

The example below is similar; as there is no verb of movement in the first sentence, 15, so also there is no ‘tail’ in the construction. Sentence 15 just tells us that Hyena stuffed Pied Crow into his bag; then sentence 16 starts Paukile ndawika kukaja ‘when he went and arrived home’.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow

15a. --- Andilitika Nashove He.picked.up Pied Crow 15b. --- kunjela munkoba wake mulipeta. and.threw.him in.basket his in.rucksack. 16a. Paukile --- kumwaulila ndyagwe do: ndawika kukaja When.he.went told.her his.wife thus, and.arrived at.home 16b. Ndyangu taleka shakulya “My.wife cook food.staple 16c. imbogwa (O) namanya nimwene (S). sauce I.will.know I.myself.” 15 He picked Pied Crow up and tossed him into his leather rucksack. 16 When he got home, he told his wife, “Get some food ready for me, wife—but as for the meat sauce, I’ll deal with that.”

3 Connectives

The study below is concerned only with juxtaposition, and with the following Makonde connectives: napanelo, bai, kanji, na, and mwiu. These are the five main non-subordinating connectives in Makonde narratives. Subordinating connectives are outside the scope of this section. 32

The five connectives mentioned above all occur in sentence-initial and clause-initial positions, apart from na ‘and’, which occurs only in clause-initial position. Because juxtaposition is the norm between sentences in Makonde texts (see section 3.1 below), every use of a connective has a specific function. All of these connectives occur at the beginning of different narrative episodes in the text corpus, depending on the individual contexts. Where there is a link between a connective and one particular type of episode that has been specified.

3.1 Juxtaposition

While the number of sentences with an initial element can rise to 50% or higher in a short, very concise text, the default in Makonde is juxtaposition. Juxtaposition can cover a wide range of semantic relationships in Makonde. The most straightforward is simple chronological progression. This occurs both between clauses, and between sentences. An example from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow below illustrates both of these with the juxtaposition of sentences 19 and 20, which are in chronological progression, and then again the juxtaposition of the three sequential clauses in sentence 20. Note the use in the free translation of the words then and and to express these relationships in natural English.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow juxtaposition covering simple chronological progression

19. Nashove(O) --- kummika pashanya ugwali. Crow put.him on.top.of maize.staple. 20a. --- Kumeja ugwali took.a.bit maize.staple 20b. --- kubadula dimeme broke.off seasoning 20c. --- kulya. ate. 19 He put Crow on top of the maize porridge. 20 Then he took a bit of the maize porridge, broke off some seasoning, and ate it.

Juxtaposition is also used in an additive relationship which is not chronological progression. The example below from 01 Horned Animals 06c shows the introduction of Rabbit into the narrative and an immediate juxtaposed comment about him—in effect, an ‘existence-predication’ pair put into one sentence. (Note that while nae might look as if it is an additive pronoun, incorporating the connective na, nae is in fact the standard Makonde third person singular independent pronoun (see section 4.2.2.4.1). If it were the additive pronoun incorporating the connective na, it would be nanae.)

01 Horned Animals juxtaposition covering an additive relationship

6a. Napanelo [AFTER VERB] kupagwa nyama jumo (S) Now existed animal one 6b. wavanshamanga shingula whom.they.call rabbit 6c. nae have dimembe. he has.not horns Now there was once an animal called Rabbit, who doesn’t have any horns.

The use of juxtaposition for a series of non-sequential additive relationships can be seen in the following example from 02 Lion and Hamerkop. To clarify the juxtaposition of the different clauses, they have been tabulated below the charted sentence, together with an English translation. In Makonde, 33 juxtaposition expresses the relationships between the clauses that in English require clarification by either using a comma, a semi-colon, or two ‘and’ words. In addition, intonation and pauses are clarifying factors in Makonde, as in English, but connectives are not necessary.

02 Lion and hamerkop juxtaposition covering a series of additive relationships

10a. Akawike apalá nankodya nang'olo When.he.arrived and.met.him elder there 10b. mevo aninkunduvalila eyes they.have.reddened 10c. ligwanga (S) pang'ulo (O) lindimwikala bone at.throat has.stuck.him 10d. nae ankushanga he is.wondering 10e. mwakutan-dela (O) --- hanamanya shinu. how.to.do he.is.not.knowing not.

Akawike apalá nankodya nang'olo When he arrived there he found the lion, (comma) mevo aninkunduvalila his eyes red with pain and suffering ligwanga pang'ulo lindimwikala and a bone stuck in his throat; (semi-colon) nae ankushanga the lion was at a complete loss mwakutandela hanamanya shinu. and had no idea what to do.

Juxtaposition is also used in a countering relationship. The example below from 09 Ákalimanya shows juxtaposition between sentences, where there is a countering relationship—in English we would need to use ‘but’ or ‘however’ to start sentence 42 (see the free translation below). In this case, the protagonist, who has cheated a whole village out of their share of elephant meat, now faces the problem that his children have fallen ill. He asks the villagers for help in taking them to hospital (but) the villagers refuse.

09 Ákalimanya juxtaposition covering a countering relationship between sentences

41a. Vanavake kuula Children.his got sick 41b. akashidoni he.said. thus, 41c. mwenu ngupwashela “you(pl) help.me 41d. tuke kushipitali let’s.go to.hospital.” 42a. Vanu do people thus, 42b. ii! kantwale jo nnembo jo “No! Go.and.get.it that elephant that 41 His children got sick, and he was saying, “Please help me, let’s go to the hospital.” 42 But the people refused, saying, “No! Go and get that elephant of yours….”

The following example from 04 Elephant and Nightjar shows a countering relationship expressed by juxtaposition between two clauses in the same sentence; namely, clauses 23a and 23b. Here Elephant, 34 enraged by Nightjar’s prediction of his death, starts hunting her down (but) the bird flies off and escapes.

04 Elephant and Nightjar juxtaposition covering a countering relationship between clauses

23a. Kupita ammingilidya Passed he.pursuing.her 23b. ndyoko kujaika small.one got.lost 23c. kutwa kuka then went. And he began to hunt out the little bird; but she flew off and disappeared.

In Makonde, juxtaposition can cover different semantic relationships within the same sentence. In the example below from 05 Fisherman, the magic bird has provided the fisherman with a magic house and a new wife, and is now taking his leave. He tells the fisherman that he is going (but) he is leaving him with a wife (and) he is leaving him with all the wealth he has shown him.

05 Fisherman juxtaposition covering both countering and additive relationships in the same sentence

28a. Shuni - do: Bird - thus: 28b. nangu - mwanda I - journey 28c. nkongwe wandikulakela ajo wife whom.I.leave.you this 28d. mali anikulakela ala riches that.I.leave. you these. “Well, I need to go,” said the bird, “but I’m leaving this wife for you, and I’m leaving all these good things for you.”

3.2 Napanelo ‘then, so, now’

Napanelo is used to create a link where there is a discontinuity such as a new narrative section or a piece of background information. Its most frequent use in narrative is to mark the beginning of narrative episodes. In addition, napanelo is almost invariably used at the beginning of the inciting episode (see section 1.2) and is frequently used for the start of other episodes as well. It is also used to present significant new pieces of information, such as a new participant. Lastly, napanelo also marks highlights within a smaller unit such as a speech, and when used mid-sentence it highlights whatever follows as significant. Napane is a shortened version of napanelo, and there does not seem to be any significant difference in the use of either. However, while napane is used for most of the same purposes as napanelo—including beginning some new narrative episodes—it is never used for beginning the inciting episode. In the Digo discourse write-up,14 Nicolle notes that the Digo connective phahi (so/then) often marks new paragraphs. However, because it almost always occurs at the start of paragraphs and does not consistently indicate important developments in the story, he suggests that its function was primarily to

14Nicolle, Steve (2011) ‘Digo Narrative Discourse’, section 3.4. 35 structure the text rather than as a thematic development marker. This seems to be the case for Makonde napanelo as well: its use in background information, for example, and mid-speech to mark the highlight of the speech, would indicate that it helps to structure the text, rather than being used as a TDM (thematic development marker).

3.2.1 Use of napanelo and napane to introduce new episodes

The use of Napanelo to open the inciting episode has already been discussed (see section 1.2). In the examples below, napanelo is used to introduce the denouement in 09 Ákalimanya, and the shortened version napane is used to introduce developmental episode no. 1 in 01 Horned Animals. 09 Ákalimanya napanelo introducing denouement 46a. Napanelo nangu (O) shinu shosho shiningunagwele namene sho Now I thing that.very it.pleased.me very that, 46b. na ndilipundisha poe and I.learnt much Now all this was very good for me and I learnt a great deal from it… 01 Horned Animals napane introducing developmental episode no. 1

7a. Napane nae kukumbukila Now he thought 7b. kudo: saying 7c. Boo! “Hey! And so Rabbit thought, “Hey!...

3.2.2 Use of napanelo to introduce background material

In the example from 09 Ákalimanya below, the protagonist has just explained to the village that he wants them all to help him dig an elephant trap. Here in sentence 15, the narrator gives an explanation of how the pit trap will work.

09 Ákalimanya napanelo used to introduce background material

15a. Napane mwina au, mwene (S) aimbe mwina wakulota shabaa yake ing'umene Now hole this he.himself aim he.should.dig hole of.going.to his great 15b. [AFTER VERB] vakaida vanembo (S)

if.they.come elephants 15c. vainjile momo mo they.should.enter in.same.place 15d. vavabyae. they.should.kill.them. Now the great point about digging a trap like this was that elephants would come and fall into it and be killed. 36

3.2.3 Use of napanelo to introduce thematically significant information

Napanelo is used to present thematically significant new pieces of information. In the example from 01 Horned Animals below, this is a new participant, Rabbit, the protagonist of the text. It may be that Napanelo is used to draw special attention to this introduction, as it is made rather later in the narrative than usual.

01 Horned Animals napanelo introducing a significant new piece of information (introducing the protagonist)

6a. Napanelo [AFTER VERB] kupagwa nyama jumo (S) Now existed animal one 6b. wavanshamanga shingula whom.they.call rabbit Now there was once an animal called Rabbit….

In the following sentence, which occurs in the middle of the inciting episode of 07 Mother and child, napanelo draws the listener’s attention to the fact that a significant new piece of information is about to be given, namely that when the Portuguese soldiers occupy the village, the villagers flee in panic, and some children are left behind. This is what prompts the protagonist’s return to the village, proving herself more courageous than her husband, the theme of the narrative.

07 Mother and child Napanelo introducing significant event

lyavaikalénge 6a. Napanelo vandiwika palikaja vanu Now they.arrived at.village where.they.were. staying people 6b. vanu avalá (S) bai vana (O) kuvajanga popo pavaanjenge kutwa kutukutanga people those so then children abandoned.them right.there, when.they. began to.flee, 6c. --- kuvaleka vene (S) left.them they.themselves 6d. --- kutukuta. fled. Then they came to a village where there were still people; the villagers began to flee and abandoned their children right there—the villagers left them behind and fled.

3.2.4 Use of napanelo to highlight significant information in a smaller unit

Napanelo is also used to highlight information, which is not significant thematically for the whole of the narrative, but which is important within the smaller unit in which it is found. In the example below from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, Hyena is about to eat his friend Pied Crow, pretending to believe that he is a lump of meat. The mid-sentence napanelo in clause 22b marks the critical moment when, after having eaten some of the seasoning, he is just about to break off a piece of meat, i.e., of Pied Crow. At that point Pied Crow flies up and denounces him as a false friend. 37

03 Hyena and Pied Crow napanelo marking a highlight mid-sentence

22a. Patandile --- akamule inyama doni When.he.did he.should.hold meat thus 22b. napanelo --- ashapole now he.should.break.piece 22c. ee Nashove kuuluka yes Pied Crow flew 22d. kwikala pashanya ing'ande apalá sat above on.house there 22e. kudo: said: 22f. Nyangu nne dashi? “My.friend I.said how? But then just as he took hold of Pied Crow, about to break off a piece of meat, Pied Crow suddenly flew up and perched up on top of the house. He said, “Didn’t I say so, Hyena?...

In the example below from 09 Ákalimanya, napanelo marks the most significant piece of information in a very small information unit, the noun phrases and relative clauses in 24b–c denoting all the different people who rushed off to see an elephant which had fallen into their pit trap. The author says that ‘women, all people, napanelo those who hadn’t help dig, those who had helped dig’; in his list of the different types of people who went off to see what had happened, ‘those who did not dig’ is highlighted by the use of napanelo. The importance of those who had not helped to dig the trap also going is because all those who went rushing off hoped for a share of the elephant meat, although, in fact, none of them received any.

09 Ákalimanya napanelo highlighting a relative clause

24a. Tuvanu (mwanda) We.people journey 24b. vakongwe uti vanu vákaimbile napanelo women all people now who.did.not.dig, 24c. vaimbíle mwina who.did.dig hole 24d. kutwala kuka koko. then went there. So we all set off—women, everyone, those who’d dug the trap, even those who hadn’t dug, we all went there. (Note that the order of the two relative clauses has to be switched to accomdate natural English syntax.)

3.3 Kanji ‘but’

Kanji is a countering connective, marking disequilibrium. Where kanji is used, there is always an expectation being countered, whether the expectation refers to something that has been explicitly expressed earlier or whether it is an inference or a general, culturally-accessible expectation. 38

3.3.1 Kanji directly contradicting an idea explicitly expressed

Where kanji is used in direct contradiction, the second proposition which it introduces is always the more important. In the example below from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, initially introducing Hyena and Pied Crow as friends, the import of the sentence is ‘Hyena and Pied Crow were friends, but they weren’t really friends’. Note that this is also an example of the use of kanji to present the thematic problem or conflict in a narrative (see section 3.3.4 below).

03 Hyena and Pied Crow kanji used to directly contradict idea expressed in previous clause

1a. Litunu namu vanu ava kudyavalananga Nashove Hyena and people these were.friends Pied Crow 1b. kanji Nashove hashiwanawananga vila but Pied Crow he.was.not.going.around only Hyena and Pied Crow were great friends, but Pied Crow was not happy in their friendship…

3.3.2 Kanji in replacement focus constructions

This use of kanji is well illustrated in the replacement focus construction example below from 07 Mother and child. In this sentence there is a situation of prototypical contrast; that is, there is one point of similarity—what someone is like—and two points of difference—wife versus husband; brave versus cowardly. Note that the positive statement is given first, and then the negative.

07 Mother and child kanji in prototypical contrast construction

14b. nkongwe aju avele nkongwe namene woman this was woman very 14c. kanji nnume ntwagwe avele likule but man her.husband was coward “….that woman was very brave, unlike her fearful husband—what a coward!”

In the following example of replacement focus from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, the positive statement that occurs first is that Hyena is a meat-eater, but (despite this) he will not eat his friend Pied Crow.

Hyena and Pied Crow 5b

5a. Nangu ninkushulula mwiu I eat.meat true 5b. kanji wako (O) --- anikumamena. but You I.will.not.eat.” “I’m a carnivore, that’s true, but I’m not going to eat you.”

3.3.3 Kanji countering an implicit expectation

In the example from 07 Mother and child below, the narrator states that the Portuguese soldiers have invaded one of the Mpeme district villages. The expectation would be that the villagers would be in grave danger but they are not, because—as the narrator explains in a backgrounded statement—the villagers used to escape and hide out in the bush. 39

07 Mother and child kanji countering an implicit expectation

4a. Napanelo muliduva vandíinjila mulikaja limo lya limo pa Mpeme Now on.day one, they.entered in.village one of at Mpeme 4b. kanji vanu vashitukutangila namene kubondi. but people they.used.to.hide very at.low.country. Now one day, they went into one of the Mpeme district villages; people used to go and hide in the low country, however.

In the example below, which starts off the peak episode, the narrator states in 39a and b that despite Ákalimanya’s greed and treachery, the villagers are persuaded by the elders not to retaliate, and they just watch how the situation develops. Sentence 40 then starts kanji, ‘however’, Ákalimanya receives his just reward (despite the villagers’ non-retaliation) when his children fall ill and everyone refuses to help. So the expectation raised implicitly by 39, that Ákalimanya is going to go unpunished, is countered in sentence 40.

Ákalimanya 40a

39a. Tuvanu vapaludeya kulola vila apalá We.people of.at.village looked only there 39b. [ndoo!] [ideophone]! 40a. Kanji shinu ashi shindyaneka do But thing this was.seen thus, 40b. mushu [AFTER VERB] vininkodya vilwele vikumene mwake namene (S). mo future his they.met.him illnesses great very. that 39 The rest of us in the village just kept quiet and watched. 40 But as it turned out, later on he had a problem with serious illness.

3.3.4 Kanji introducing the central conflict of the narrative

Kanji can be used in the orientation section of narratives to mark the introduction of the central, thematic conflict or problem of the narrative that will be resolved (or not) as the narrative develops. In the example below from 05 Fisherman, the narrator first presents the protagonist’s situation, saying that he is a fisherman. He then states—introduced by kanji—that his catch is only three fish a day, which means that he lives in extreme poverty. His futile attempts to increase the number of fish he catches are spelt out in the rest of the long introduction.

05 Fisherman kanji introducing the central conflict of the narrative

1b. munu aju madengo ake kuvele kwaka dyomba person this work his was to.hunt fish. 40

2. Kanji munu jojo aju (S) kila liduva ashivabyaa dyomba dyake nnatu mwashuukila kubali But person that this every day he.used.to.kill.them fish his three. when.he.would. go to.sea 1 ….and this man’s job it was to go fishing. 2 The fisherman went fishing every day, but all he would catch was three fish.

3.4 Na ‘and’

In Makonde ‘na’ has the two functions of associating elements within a clause, such as noun phrases, and acting as an additive between clauses. It is never used in sentence-initial position, and it also never occurs in a post-nominal position. Although translated into English as ‘and’, it does not have a co- ordinating function as it does in English.

3.4.1 The use of na ‘and’ at phrase level

There are many examples of this in the text corpus, including the conjoining of two nouns instrumentality, and the expression of manner. It is also used frequently with nouns in Makonde idioms. Examples of these uses are given below.

09 Ákalimanya 6e na used to conjoin two nouns

6e. momo --- kunshumila ndyagwe dinguvo na vinu vinji vyakwanga-ngola paing'ande also to.buy.for.her his.wife clothes and things other of.resolving in.house, ….and also for buying clothes for his wife and other household necessities….

In the example below, na has been modified to namu, meaning ‘together with’; namu is only used with proper nouns. Namu is found in the titles of several of the texts in this text corpus, including the one below.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow na modified to namu, used to conjoin two proper nouns

1a. Litunu namu vanu ava kudyavalananga Nashove Hyena and Pied Crow people these were.friends Hyena and Pied Crow were great friends…

05 Fisherman 35 na used with an instrument

35f. shanjaa! ankutambisha kavili na indawana yake [ideophone ] he.is.fishing again with hook his.

05 Fisherman na used to express manner

17b. bai kamula sho shuka ashi ok hold that tail this, 17c. ukakamula na dimongo wako if.you.not.hold with strength your 17d. undyuka mubali you.have.fallen in.sea “Okay then, hold onto my tail; but if you do not hold on tight, you’ll fall into the sea….” 41

03 Hyena and Pied Crow idiomatic use of ‘na’ in expression ‘one of these days’

25c. liduva na wako (S) nangu (O) unangumamena. liduva day and day You me you.will.eat.me.” …and one of these days you’ll end up by eating me.”

01 Horned Animals idiomatic use of ‘na’ in expression ‘in the middle of dancing’

11a. Pawikile akulá navakodya vavagwe When.arrived there and.met.them his.associates 11b. vavele shing'ati na kuvina pashiwanja they.being middle and dance in.field. When Rabbit turned up at the party, he found everyone out in the clearing dancing away.

3.4.2 The use of na clause-initially

Since na does not have a simple co-ordinating function, as ‘and’ does in English, each time it is used, is significant. There are several distinct uses of ‘na’ in clause-initial position: these are described below, and examples are given of each use.

3.4.2.1 Na as the non-sequential connector of simultaneous events

In the example from 07 Mother and child below, the two actions described—bombs falling from a plane overhead and footsoldiers passing below—are simultaneous, not sequential but also independent.

07 Mother and child 5b

5a. Bai ndege (S) kushanya kwomba So aeroplane above bombed 5b. na vamadodo vapita pai. and footsoldiers they.passing ground. So an aeroplane went overhead dropping bombs, and the infantry went over the ground below.

3.4.2.2 Na as part of a sequential progression, giving extra prominence to final constituent

Since sequential progression without extra prominence is expressed by juxtaposition and not with a connective, the presence of na in a sequential progression gives extra prominence to the following (often final) constituent. Thus, it might be translated in English by ‘indeed, and even’. In the example below from 05 Fisherman, the fisherman is shown round a magic house in which there is everything he might want—he ‘even’ finds a wife there!

05 Fisherman 21b na in sequential progression giving prominence to following constituent

21a. Kila sho (O) shashilambela nae (S) Everything that which.was.seeking he 21b. na kunkodya nkongwe and met.her woman. Everything he could possibly want was there—there was even a woman. 42

In the example below from 09 Ákalimanya 18e, the villagers are planning to catch an elephant in a trap and divide up the meat between themselves, and ‘even/indeed’ they will be able to sell some of it to solve their problems. Note that this sentence has five subjunctives, of which only the one in 18e is highlighted with na.

09 Ákalimanya 18 na in sequential progression giving prominence to following constituent

18a. Bai --- tutwale So we.should.take 18b. --- tummyae we.should.kill.him 18c. --- tupate we.should receive 18d. kujavananga inyama to divide-up meat 18e. na inji yo (O) tushulushe and other that we.should.sell 18f. --- tulyangangalele mashida etu. we.should.resolve problems our. This was so we could catch one, kill it, get it out, divide up the meat, and then some of the meat we’d sell, so that we could deal with our various issues.

3.4.2.3 Na as an appending connective in parallel structures, giving prominence to the whole

Where there is sequential progression, as seen above, na is used to give prominence to the following clause. Na is also frequently used where there is no sequential progression.15 In Makonde this is usually expressed in some sort of parallel or paired construction. And in these constructions, the clause following na reinforces the clause or clauses preceding it, giving extra prominence to the whole. The parallel or paired na construction serves to slow down the tempo and add tension and impact to the narrative. In the example below from 05 Fisherman, the magic bird tells the fisherman that in the magic house to which he has brought him; he will want for nothing. The point is reinforced in the paired, parallel structure; that is, the two clauses are almost identical (apart from the two semantically similar final verbs, kwangaikangila ‘to be concerned about’ and kwaukila ‘to lack’). The whole structure pivots around the use of na in 24c: Hashinapagwe shakulota kwangaikangila na hashinapagwe shakulota kwaukila.

05 Fisherman na in non-sequential parallel structure, reinforcing the previous clause

24a. Hashinapagwe There.will.not.exist 24b. - shakulota kwangaikangila what.you.need to.worry.about 24c. na hashinapagwe and there.will.not.exist

15I am indebted to Sebastian Floor for highlighting the distinction between sequential and non-sequential clauses in ‘The connective “na,” an appending particle in KiMwani narrative’, although the exact functions of na in Kimwani and Makonde are not the same. 43

24d. - shakulota kwaukila what.you.need to.lack.for. “You will have nothing in the world to worry about, and no lack of anything you might need.”

In 09 Ákalimanya 46b, the final clause again serves to augment and reinforce the clause preceding na, so that the whole structure is complementary, reinforcing how valuable and instructive the narrator found the event that he has just recounted.

09 Ákalimanya 46b na in non-sequential parallel structure, reinforcing the previous clause

46a. Napanelo nangu (O) shinu shosho sho shiningunagwele namene Now I thing that.very it.pleased.me very that, 46b. na ndilipundisha poe and I.learnt much Now all this was very good for me and I learnt a great deal from it…

In the example from 04 Elephant and Nightjar below, Nightjar is making the point that there is nothing she can do about the eggs that Elephant has trodden on, as he is the boss of the bush. In addition, in the second clause following na, saying that he rules all the animals, acts as a reinforcement of what Nightjar has just said, giving her whole argument more weight.

04 Elephant and Nightjar 20e na in non-sequential parallel structure, reinforcing the previous clause

20c. kanji hapave shinu but there.is nothing 20d. kwoda wako ni unang'olo wamwitu au uti since you it.is you.leader of.bush this all 20e. na vanyama uti (O) uvatawala wako (S) and animals all you.rule.them you, 20f. wena go. “….but what can I do? You’re the boss of the whole bush and you rule over all the animals; go your way.”

3.4.2.4 Na with a switch reference

Where na is used between clauses, where there is a switch reference as well as where the verbs in question are not simultaneous (see 6.1.2.1 above), the relationship between the clauses is one of contrast. Again, the whole utterance is given prominence by the linking of the clauses with the connective. In the example below from 04 Elephant and Nightjar, the paired participants in ni sentences are contrasted with na; and the sentence as a whole gives thematically significant material about both of the participants, in that the difference identified between their sizes is crucial to the development of the narrative. In English, an appropriate translation for na in this context might be ‘whereas’.

04 Elephant and Nightjar

3a. Nnembo aju ni nkoko nkumene katika mumwitu uti namene pakati pavanyama Elephant this it.is animal big very concerning in.bush all among the.animals 44

3b. na Nalubwabwa ni shuni and Nightjar it.is bird 3c. wakunyambikanga namene of.being.despised very. The Elephant is a huge animal, the biggest of all the animals of the bush—and Nightjar is a bird, of no significance at all.

The example below from 08 Archbishop is slightly different: here the Archbishop, greeted by a welcome committee of church women laying out cloths for him to walk on, rejects this, saying: this is what you do for God, I’m just a person na ‘and’ who ordered you to do this? Here there are still two clauses placed in a contrastive relationship, but the meaning is better translated now; i.e., x is true, now who told you to do y?

08 Archbishop 9c

9a. Lyutu ali (O) apagwa Nnungu (S) Place this is.being God, 9b. nangu - nimunu vila I - I.person only 9c. na shinu ashi (O) alamulidilé nyani? and thing this he.ordered.you who?” “Only God should be treated like that; I’m just an ordinary person. Now who told you to do this?”

3.5 Mwiu ‘indeed, so’

Mwiu literally means ‘in truth’ but is used as a connective with an additive function, in a confirming role, so it is better translated in English as ‘indeed/so’. The commonest use of mwiu is in a stimulus-response situation, where it introduces action which is in response to either speech or thought in the preceding sentence. It can also be used as confirmatory in other situations.

3.5.1 Mwiu giving confirmation in a stimulus-response situation

In the example from 07 Mother and child below, mwiu introduces the action that is in response to a preceding thought: there are soldiers occupying her village, where the mother has just realized she has left her child. She decides to risk the danger and return for the child; then, mwiu confirms that she does so.

07 Mother and child mwiu confirming action in 9a–b that confirms decision in 8c–d

8b. nae kwona dashi she saw how 8c. nangu (S) - mwanangu mene I - my.child no 8d. kudyanga nikapalele koko. to.be.better I.die there. 9a. Mwiu nkongwe aijá akatukuta True woman that she.ran 45

9b. kuja kavili returned again 8 …but now she thought, “What about my child? It’s better for me to go and die there with him.” 9 So she started running back again…

The use of mwiu in the following example from 02 Lion and Hamerkop is the same, except that whereas above the same participant made the decision and carried out the action, below the stimulus and response are carried out by different participants: Hamerkop gives the lion the instruction to open his mouth, so that he can pull out the bone that is stuck there, and Lion does so.

02 Lion and hamerkop mwiu confirming action in 12 that has been instructed in 11c

11a. Shengo aju akamwaulila doni: Hamerkop this he.said.to.him thus: 11b. bai nang'olo apa [AFTER VERB] haunapagwa mwaa (S) “So elder here there.does.not.exist problem 11c. wako jama! you open.mouth!” 12. Mwiu nae (S) kutwa kujama. True He then opened.mouth. 11 Hamerkop said to him, “Well, sir, this isn’t much of a problem—just open your mouth!” 12 And Lion did open his mouth.

3.5.2 Mwiu giving confirmation in a non-stimulus-response situation

In the example below, mwiu is giving confirmation in a situation that does not involve a stimulus and a response. In the example from 09 Ákalimanya below, there is a brief description in sentence 17 of the villagers digging a pit trap for an elephant, and then there is a long sentence of backgrounded information in sentence 18 about the plan for how the villagers would use the meat they would get. Below, introducing sentence 19, mwiu confirms that the work was done and finished before everyone went home. This is not resuming the event line, as the information that the work was done has already been given in sentence 17, where the narrator notes that it took a week.

09 Ákalimanya

19a. Mwiu --- tundimba mwina aulá True we.dug trap that 19b. kumalila finished 19c. kukandyanga shana prepared well 19d. kwivilila covered 19e. kutwa tuvanu kuujananga then we.people returned.all 19f. kuka kukaja. went to.house. And indeed we dug that trap until we finished it; we made it well and covered it over, then we all went back home. 46

3.6 Bai ‘so’

Bai is used in narrative text, but not as frequently as in speech. The most common use of bai in narratives is resumptive, resuming the event-line after an explanation or other backgrounded statement. Bai is also used developmentally to mark a step forward in the author’s purpose, often in combination with a resumptive function.

3.6.1 Bai used to resume the event-line

In the example from 04 Elephant and Nightjar below, bai is used resumptively after a backgrounded statement of explanation in 05b, where the narrator explains that as Nightjar is a bird, she lays eggs. Thus, bai takes the listener back to the event-line, where the elephant is continuing to move towards the place where the nightjar has her nest on the ground.

04 Elephant and Nightjar bai used resumptively after backgrounded statement

5d. mwaa Nalubwabwa ataila mai because Nightjar lays eggs 5e. pakuva shuni since bird. 6a. Bai Nnembo ankwida tu So Elephant he.is.coming just 6b. --- ankulya tu he.is.eating just. 5 …since Nightjar’s a bird, she lays eggs. 6 So Elephant keeps on coming, and keeps on eating.

In the example below from 07 Mother and child, after stating in clause 4a that the Portuguese soldiers entered one of the Mpeme district villages, the narrator notes in a backgrounded statement of explanation that people used to hide down in the bushcountry (implied information: whenever the soldiers came into a village). The event-line is then resumed in 5a with Bai as the narrative returns to the specific day in question when the soldiers occupied the village, where—as the listener is about to discover—the protagonist lives with her husband and child.

07 Mother and child bai used resumptively after backgrounded statement

4a. Napanelo muliduva vandíinjila mulikaja limo limo lya pa Mpeme Now on.day one, they.entered in.village one of at Mpeme 4b. kanji vanu vashitukutangila namene kubondi. but people they.used.to.hide very at.low.country. 47

5a. Bai ndege (S) kushanya kwomba So aeroplane above bombed 4 Now one day, they went into one of the Mpeme district villages; people used to go and hide in the low country,16 however. 5 So an aeroplane went overhead dropping bombs, and the infantry went over the ground below.

3.6.2 Bai used developmentally

In the example below from 09 Ákalimanya, bai is used developmentally: the theme of the story is how Ákalimanya, the protagonist, has eventually to leave the village as he defrauds the other villagers of their fair share of the elephant meat that they have trapped together. Here the villagers are drawing the conclusion together that he needs to be expelled.

09 Ákalimanya bai used developmentally to mark step forward in narrator’s purpose

36a. Bai kwanjangidya popo po So began then.very then, 36b. vanu vandiikala people they.sat 36c. kushidoni said. thus, 36d. tummingange “we.should.expel.him 36e. nkaja mwetu amu ---- hanapagwe. village ours this --- he.should.not.exist. So then people began to discuss it, saying, “We ought to expel him from our village; he shouldn’t live here any more.”

In the example below from 01 Horned Animals, the leader of the horned animals has just spotted Rabbit, whose disguise of wax horns has melted in the heat. Here the story moves rapidly from his speech of surprise and horror to the peak episode, where he gives the order to have Rabbit killed.

01 Horned Animals bai used developmentally to mark step forward in narrator’s purpose

18a. Bai nang'olo aju (S) kutwa kulamulila So elder this then ordered 18b. kuntwala shingula aijá they.took.him rabbit that 18c. kuntanola they.killed.him So the leader gave the order and Rabbit was taken away and killed…

16The Makondes live on a plateau; and the land below the escarpment of the plateau is known as the ‘low country’. 48

4 Participant reference

In Makonde, there is a wide range of ways in which to refer to participants and props within a text. The various options available to the narrator include: proper nouns (i.e., names), simple nouns, nouns with relative clauses or other qualifiers, nouns plus a range of demonstratives, pronouns, agreement on the verb only (subject concord), and zero reference marking.

4.1 Introduction of participants

In Makonde, there are three different levels of participant introduction. The first is where a protagonist or other participant is introduced into a new mental representation, that is, into a new story setting. The second is where a major participant is introduced into an existing mental representation, that is, into a setting that is already known to the audience. And the third is for minor participants, who can be assumed within an existing mental representation without a formal introduction.

4.1.1 Introduction into a new mental representation

Introductions into a new representation occur in the orientation section, and usually involve the protagonist. The full formulaic introduction can include all of the following features: presentational sentence articulation, use of the verb kupagwa ‘to exist’, a post-verbal subject, use of the numeral jumo ‘one’ and a relative clause. Generally not all of these are used in any individual instance, although they can be. These formulaic features can be used in introductions both in folktales, and in true stories where the participants are not known to the listeners.

01 Horned animals introduction of protagonist showing postposed subject, use of verb ‘kupagwa’, use of numeral ‘jumo’ and relative clause

09 Ákalimanya true story; introduction of protagonist showing postposed subject, use of verb ‘kupagwa’ and use of numeral ‘jumo’

3a. Palikaja apalá [AFTER VERB] andípagwa nang'olo jumo (S) In.village that there.was old.man one 3b. lina lyake, --- vashinshema Ákalimanya. name his they.were.calling.him Ákalimanya. In that village there was an old man called Ákalimanya. An ‘existence-predication’ pair is where a participant is introduced, and the introduction is immediately followed by a description of that participant. In Makonde, one of the most interesting features of introductions is that in many cases the ‘existence-predication’ pair includes a ‘topic frame’ (see section 2.4) immediately following the introduction. This links the formulaic introduction with essential information in both folktales and true stories. In 09 Ákalimanya sentence 4 below begins with the topic frame Ákalimanya aju nae ‘this Ákalimanya he’, immediately following the introduction of the participant in the previous sentence (see sentence 03 cited above). 49

09 Ákalimanya topic frame immediately following formulaic introduction of protagonist

4. Ákalimanya aju nae, shimadengo shake shishiva kulumbata. Ákalimanya this he work his it.was.being to.hunt. Now Ákalimanya was a hunter by trade.

In general, the shorter the formulaic introduction, the more likely it is to be followed by a topic frame description giving salient information; in some stories a topic frame takes the place of a formulaic introduction. In 03 Hyena and Pied Crow below, the names Litunu namu Nashove ‘Hyena and Pied Crow’ open the whole narrative:

03 Hyena and Pied Crow topic frame substituting for a formulaic introduction

1a. Litunu namu Nashove vanu ava kudyavalananga Hyena and Pied Crow people these were.friends Hyena and Pied Crow were great friends…

4.1.2 Introduction into an existing mental representation

The introduction of a major participant into an existing representation is where the setting has been presented to the listener, but the participant has not yet come on stage. In Makonde, this usually involves one or two but not all of the above features. This is frequently the case for the antagonist and occasionally for more minor participants, but can also be true for the protagonist when the stage has already been set. In 05 Fisherman below, the feature used is a post-verbal subject.

05 Fisherman introduction of antagonist (bird) into existing representation using a post-verbal subject

8a. Napanelo muliduva limo nae àvele mwingalava yake Now on.day one he being in.boat his 8b. kutwala kwaloka shuni (S) then came bird 8c. naikala pashanya mulingoti apalá and.sat up.above on.mast there. Then one day he was in his boat when a bird came and settled above him up on the mast.

In 07 Mother and child below, we see the introduction of a minor participant acting as a group (the Portuguese) into an existing representation. The feature shown is a topic frame, ing'ondo ailá ‘that war’. The second example from the same text gives the unusually late introduction of the protagonist into an existing representation in developmental episode #2; and the feature shown is the numeral jumo. 07 Mother and child introduction of minor participant using topic frame

3a. Ing'ondo ailá vajungu vashindauma po pa Mweda apa War that white.people they.were.leaving here at Mueda here During that war, the Portuguese would make sorties from right here in Mueda….

07 Mother and child introduction of protagonist using numeral ‘jumo’

7a. Napanelo mama jumo auke kwatukutidíle Now mother one went where.fled 7b. kutwala kunkumbukila mwanagwe. then remembered.him child.her. But one mother, after fleeing, stopped and remembered her child. 50

4.1.3 Introduction of participants that can be assumed within an existing representation

Participants that can be inferred within an existing representation are not introduced using any of the formulaic features. Examples are relatives of the protagonist and antagonist—wives in most tales, children in several—and villagers and village elders, where the village has already been mentioned. Participants in true stories, where the participants are known to both speaker and audience, are handled in the same way. In general, these participants are simply introduced by a noun phrase; and they frequently appear first as the object of a verb before acting as the subject of a sentence. In 09 Ákalimanya, for example, the village where the event takes place is given a formulaic introduction in the orientation. As a result, the villagers living in that village—the group antagonist of the story—and the elders of the village, who are minor participants, can later be introduced straight into the narrative.

09 Ákalimanya formulaic introduction of village Lishee in orientation showing use of verb ‘kupagwa’, use of numeral ‘limo’ and relative clause

2a. Mumwaka nangu nindípagwa likaja limo wasamanini au In.year of.eighty this I I.was village one 2b. lyavashema Lishee. of.they.calling Lishee. In 1980, I was in a village called Lishee.

09 Ákalimanya introduction of village elders in speech introducer with no formal introductory features

37a. Vanang'olo kupakanila Old.ones agreed.together 37b. kushidoni said. thus, 37c. mene nneke “no, leave.him But the elders got together and said, “No, leave him alone…”

4.2 Reference to participants within narratives

As mentioned briefly above, there is a wide range of ways to refer to participants and props within a Makonde text. The various options available to the narrator include: • proper nouns (names) such as Ákalimanya • simple nouns such as shuni ‘bird’ • nouns with possessives and other qualifiers, such as vanyama vadimembe ‘horned animals’ and dyomba dyake nnatu ‘his three fish’ • personalized nouns such as tuvanu ‘we-people’ • agreement on the verb without a noun (subject concord marker/subject prefix), such as vashindauma ‘they used to go out’ • zero reference marking • pronouns, including independent pronouns and exclusive focus pronouns such as nae ‘he’ and mwene ‘he himself’ • a range of demonstratives, such as dinyama adi ‘these animals’, proximal demonstrative, and nang'olo aijá ‘that old man’, the distal demonstrative 51

4.2.1 Description of the different participant reference options

Proper nouns, simple nouns and other nouns qualified by adjectives and possessives need no further description here.

4.2.1.1 Personalized nouns

Personal pronouns are widely used in Makonde speech—usually in the plural—to express group identity; tu- ‘we+’ or va- ‘they+’, are often attached to a noun or proper noun; for example, vapatulu ‘Peter and his group’.17 Among the narratives presented here, it is less common but the text using this feature most frequently is the true story 09 Ákalimanya, where the antagonist is the villagers acting as a group. These are frequently referred to as tuvanu ‘we-people’, rather than the simple vanu ‘people’. This reminds the listener that the narrator—although never isolated from the group of villagers during the event line— formed part of that group, which serves to authenticate the story.

4.2.1.2 Subject concord markers

As in other Bantu languages, conjugated verbs specify the subject by means of a subject prefix slot before the stem agreeing with the noun class of the subject. Makonde has a full range of subject concord prefixes for its noun classes, and these are obligatorily used for all conjugated verbs, thus, in many cases in narrative indicating (e.g., by a singular/plural distinction) which participant is being referred to. An object prefix before the stem is required for classes 1 and 2, and also for first and second person objects (third person objects are treated as class 1 or 2). Objects in other noun classes do not take object concordance in the verb. In participant reference terms, this grammatical marking is therefore only useful for indicating human participants, or for distinguishing between human and non-human. In Makonde animal names may be formed in noun classes 3–11, and 14. However, they may in addition be personalized by a pre-prefix in noun classes 1 and 2. For example, inembo/dinembo ‘elephant, elephants’ may be formed in noun classes 9 and 10 with the prefixes iN-\diN- before the Bantu stem— tembo ‘elephant’. However, ‘elephant, elephants’ may also be referred to in noun classes 1 and 2 as nnembo/vanembo, formed by the addition of the noun class 1 and 2 pre-prefixes mu- and va- before the stem taken from class 9. In folktales animal protagonists are referred to throughout by personalized nouns taking class 1 and 2 agreements, as are human protagonists. Real animals in other stories, however, can be referred to either by animal names in the other classes or by personalized names in classes 1 and 2. In the true story 09 Ákalimanya, this is shown in the paired, parallel statements shown in the examples below: sentence 21 gives the first mention of the elephant that has fallen into the pit trap, referring to it in class 9, with the subject concord i- used on the verb indiinjila ‘entered’, and with no object infix in the verb nakodya ‘and found it’. Sentence 25 refers to that same elephant, when seen by the narrator and other villagers using the class 1 subject concord a- on the verb andiijila ‘(he) had fallen in’ and object infix nankodya ‘and found him’. The class 1 use is then continued in the rest of the narrative.

17The personalized noun construction consists of the prefix va- plus the name [see Leach, M.B. (2010) p. 259 section 7.3.5]. This differs from associative nouns, which are formed by adding a connexive consisting of the possessive concord plus the associative marker -a to a noun, as in vadimongo ‘they-of-strength’ [ibid. section 7.3.6]. The distinction depends on a tonal argument in which the high tone of the prefix acts in different ways in the two constructions. 52

09 Ákalimanya first mention of the elephant in the trap using class 9 concord marking

21a. Muliduva tayali nakodya inembo limo On.day one ready and.find elephant 21b. indiinjila. it.entered. But one day, finally, he found an elephant had fallen into (the pit trap).

09 Ákalimanya subsequent references to the same elephant using class 1 concord marking

25a. Tukawike nankodya nnembo apalá We.when and.met.it elephant .arrived there 25b. andiinjila it.entered, When we got there we found the elephant, fallen into (the trap)…

4.2.1.3 Zero reference marking

Bantu verbs with subject concord markers can stand alone in clauses without any overt noun as subject, and subject marking is obligatory on most verbs. Where there is no overt reference to the subject of the verb—the reference being only in the subject concord marking—this is often represented as Ø,18 and is described in various ways such as incorporated pronoun marking or zero reference marking. However, in Makonde, we have two separate situations in which there is no overt reference to the subject of the verb, and we therefore need to make a distinction between two different levels of marking, which we refer to as subject concord marking and zero reference marking. This is because the default narrative tense is the verb-noun form with the ku- prefix in class 15, which does not take subject concord (see section 5.1.1 below). Although the default narrative can occur with nouns, it can also stand alone in which case it has genuine zero marking for participant reference. Contrast the two following sentence-initial examples from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow. In 6a the default narrative is used with the independent pronoun vanavo ‘they’, but in 20a there is zero reference marking.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow sentence-initial default narrative tense with independent pronoun as subject

6a. Aya mwiu vanavo kwadana Yes true they followed.each.other 6b. ---- kwadana. followed.each.other. And so indeed, they carried on being friends.

18Levinsohn S.H. (2004) section 8.2.2. 53

03 Hyena and Pied Crow sentence-initial default narrative with zero reference marking

20a. Ø Kumeja ugwali took.a.bit maize.staple 20b. --- kubadula dimeme broke.off seasoning 20c. --- kulya. ate. Then he took a bit of the maize porridge, broke off some seasoning, and ate it.

4.2.1.4 Pronouns, including independent pronouns and exclusive focus pronouns

In Makonde, there are two main sets of pronouns. There is also an additive pronoun, but it does not occur in this text corpus and will not be considered here.19 The most commonly used pronoun is the independent or self-standing set of pronouns nangu, wako, nae, wetu, mwenu, vanavo; that is, ‘I, you sg, he/she, we, you pl., and they’, respectively. There is, in addition, the exclusive focus pronoun mwene ‘he himself/the same one’, which can be personalized for example to nimwene ‘I myself’ (see 09 Ákalimanya sentence 48b, or to the plural vene below):

07 Mother and child exclusive focus pronoun mwene in third person pl. form vene

6d. bai kutwa vana (O) --- kuvajanga popo so then children abandoned.them right.there, 6e. --- kuvaleka vene (S) left.them they.themselves 6f. --- kutukuta. fled. …the villagers began to flee and abandoned their children right there—the villagers left them behind and fled.

Like the independent set of pronouns, the exclusive focus pronoun mwene—also referred to as an emphatic pronoun or a demonstrative—is also self-standing, although it can occasionally appear in combination with demonstratives or even proper nouns. It exists in a similar form in other Bantu languages; for example, in Kimwani as wenye and Swahili as –enyewe.20 In Malila, it appears in the identical form to that in Makonde: mwene.21 In order to avoid confusion when reading the texts, it is necessary to note that mwene/vene in Makonde has two uses, both derived from the quantitative pronominal root -ene. The first use is as the exclusive focus pronoun described immediately above, and the second is as the noun mwene/vene meaning ‘owner’. There is a good example of these two functions of mwene in 05 Fisherman where mwene is used twice in short succession within one sentence, the first time as the exclusive focus pronoun referring to the protagonist—a fisherman (03b)—and the second time as the noun ‘owner’, referring to the owner of the boat to whom the protagonist has to pay hire (03c).

19Compare Eaton, H. (2011), section 4.4. 20Floor, S.J. (1998). 21Eaton, H. (2011) section 4.4. 54

05 Fisherman contrasted uses of mwene as exclusive focus pronoun and with the meaning ‘owner’

3a. Yomba jumo (IO) akannipe udeni (O) Fish one he.would.pay.it debt, 3b. junji aju (O) akanniele mwene na ndyagwe (S) fish this he.would.eat.it the.same and his.wife 3c. junji aju (IO) akannipe mwene ingalava (O) other this he.would.pay.it the.owner boat. With one fish he would pay his debts, another fish he and his wife would eat, and the third he used to pay the owner of the boat.

For the discourse features of these pronouns see section 4.2.2.4 below.

4.2.1.5 Demonstratives

In Makonde demonstratives normally follow directly after the noun. There are three primary sets of demonstratives, shown below with class 1 & 2 (human sg. & pl.) agreement, although all demonstratives can occur in all classes: • the proximal22 demonstrative set (PD): aju/ava • the referential23 demonstrative set (RD): ajo/avo • the distal demonstrative set (DD): aijá/avalá There are also two secondary sets of demonstratives, derived from the referential demonstrative although with distinctive functions: • the continued reference demonstrative (CRD): jo/vo (a reduced form from the referential demonstrative) • the same reference demonstrative (SRD): jojo/vovo (where the reduced CRD form above has been duplicated).24 These demonstratives are used very flexibly. In addition to the five sets above, combinations of two demonstratives are used following common nouns, a ‘split’ around nouns, in place of nouns, with pronouns, and occasionally before other nouns. One of the demonstratives in a combination is always either CRD or SRD, and it is also possible to have both in a combination. Examples from this text corpus illustrate some of the possibilities. In 05 Fisherman below, mo mwingalava amu ‘here in this same boat’ combines mo CRD and amu PD around the noun.

05 Fisherman example of combined demonstratives ‘split’ around noun

35e. andiikala mo mwingalava amu kavili he.has.sat in.that boat this again …there he found himself sitting down back in his boat…

22The proximal, referential and distal demonstratives are also known in Bantu literature as demonstrative 1, demonstrative 2, and demonstrative 3; this from lecture notes accompanying Levinsohn S.H. (2004), ‘Analysis of Narrative Texts’. 23In Makonde the referential demonstrative is probably better described as the ‘contrastive’ or ‘separative’ demonstrative. For the sake of consistency with other write-ups, however, the designation ‘referential’ will be used here. 24Leach, MB (2010); see section 6.2.5 on the structure and derivation of Makonde demonstratives. 55

In the example below demonstratives shosho SRD + sho CRD are stacked together after the noun shinu: ‘this very same thing’:

09 Ákalimanya example of combined demonstratives after noun:

46a. Napanelo nangu (O) shinu shosho sho shiningunagwele namene Now I thing that.same that, it.pleased.me very Now all this was very good for me…

In the following example, the demonstratives lolo SRD + ala PD ‘this very same’ stand independently:

05 Fisherman example of combined demonstratives standing independently

4. Kila liduva nae (S) kulya kwake avele lolo ala madengo ake (S) Every day he food his, work his was this.same this. So his daily work—and his daily food—were always the same.

Below is an example of a demonstrative placed before the noun: aijá DD mwanagwe ‘that her child/that child of hers’.

07 Mother and child example of demonstrative placed before noun.

16a. Namwiu anímwambola aijá mwanagwe And.true she.saved.him that her.child And indeed she rescued her child…

For the discourse features of these demonstratives see section 4.2.2.2 below.

4.2.2 Role within narrative discourse of the different participant reference options

4.2.2.1 Levels of explicit vs non-explicit marking in Makonde narrative

Explicit marking of participants is where the participant is represented by a noun, pronoun, or demonstrative. Non-explicit marking is where the reference to the participant is either through subject concord marking or not present at all. The chart below shows that explicit participant marking of subjects in Makonde is not dependent on length of text, type of text, or any individual narrator. In addition, note that participants and props in non-subject position have not been included, although the explicit marking on these is much higher. In section 4.2.2.2 below it is argued that Makonde may have a higher level of explicit participant marking than some other Bantu languages; and this chart shows the ratios in four of the texts in this corpus in support of that argument. It is also important to note that this chart is only concerned with those situations where there is a choice as to whether to mark the subject or not. It is not permitted in Makonde to make the subject explicit in certain cases, and therefore, those situations would not be found in the chart: the two commonest of these are with subjunctives. And this holds true, even where the subjunctive is the only verb in the sentence (see, for example, 07 Mother and child 05) and usually in default narrative ku- strings after the first verb (see, for example, 03 Hyena and Pied Crow sentences 19–21) unless a new sentence is begun. The four texts in the chart below were recorded by four different narrators.

Name of text Type of text No. of Non-explicit Explicit marking sentences marking including including zero reference & pronouns and subject concord noun phrases 08 Archbishop true story 11 6 6 01 Horned Animals Folktale 18 2 19 05 Hyena and Pied Folktale 27 13 13 Crow 09 Ákalimanya true story 48 32 44

Factors that affect the proportions of explicit vs non-explicit subject marking: • the length of the narrative per se does not seem to have a significant effect, but having long orientation and denouement/conclusion sections does, as the levels of explicit marking in these is higher than in the body of the narrative, whereas it is lower than average in the peak episode. • speech introducers have a higher than average rate of zero marking in tight-knit conversations (see section 7 reported speech) so a text containing a great deal of conversation is likely to have a higher proportion of non-explicit marking. • it does not seem to be the case that folktales have higher levels of explicit marking than true stories.

4.2.2.2 When a participant maintained as subject is made explicit

For some Bantu languages the statement holds true that, ‘If the subject hasn’t changed, it is NOT explicit’,25 i.e., that participants are only made explicit when there is a switch of participant as subject. It has also been found that unless there is an element of contrast involved, the default marking for minor participants is non-explicit.26 In Makonde it is the other way round: neither major nor minor participants are allowed to be non-explicit when there has been a switch of participant, except on rare occasions, but there are many occasions where the subject is made explicit despite there having been no switch of participant. The most common are: • beginning of episodes • sentences immediately following a speech made by the same participant • key information • parallel or highly marked structures • speech introducers which are not in tight-knit conversations Examples illustrating these are given below.

4.2.2.2.1 Beginning of episodes

The example below is taken from the beginning of the second developmental episode in 01 Horned Animals (DE#2). Here Rabbit is explicitly referred to as nae shingula, a pronoun plus noun, although this follows both a soliloquy he makes and sentence 6 prior to the speech introducer where Rabbit is also the subject.

25Nicolle, S. Bantu narrative course, section 9.1. 26Nicolle, S. (2011), section 4.2. 57

01 Horned Animals explicit reference to Rabbit, subject of previous sentence, beginning of DE#2

10a. Mwiu nae shingula ni kutwala upula aulá True he rabbit it.is to.take beeswax that And so Rabbit took some beeswax…

In the example below at the beginning of the inciting episode of 05 Fisherman, the protagonist is referred to by the pronoun nae, although he was also the subject of the previous seven sentences.

05 Fisherman explicit reference to Fisherman, subject of previous sentences, beginning of inciting episode

8a. Napanelo muliduva limo nae àvele mwingalava yake Now on.day one he being in.boat his Then one day he was in his boat when…

4.2.2.2.2 Sentences immediately following a speech made by the same participant

In 09 Ákalimanya 24a below, there is an explicit reference tuvanu ‘we-people’ to those who have just made the speech in 23d–e.

09 Ákalimanya explicit immediate post-speech reference to speaker

23d. tuke “we.should.go, 23e. inembo (S) tayali indiinjila mumwina watwimbile. elephant already it.entered in.trap of.we.dug. 24a. Tuvanu (mwanda) We.people journey … “Let’s go, the elephant’s already there in that trap we dug.” So we all set off…

In 07 Mother and child below the explicit noun + demonstrative reference nkongwe aijá ‘that woman’ follows a speech by her, and precedes a key activity—running back for her endangered child.

07 Mother and child explicit immediate post-speech reference to speaker

8c. nangu (S) - mwanangu mene I - my.child no 8d. kudyanga nikapalele koko. to.be.better I.die there. 9a. Mwiu nkongwe aijá akatukuta True woman that she.ran … “What about my child? It’s better for me to go and die there with him.” She started running back again…

4.2.2.2.3 Key information

Several of the examples above include significant information or activities. Another example is in clause 10d of 01 Horned Animals. Clause 10a has already been discussed above; however, in clause 10d, Rabbit is again explicitly referred to as nae ‘he’, although he has been maintained as the subject without a break 58 since 10a. This is because 10d is giving key information: Rabbit goes off to gatecrash the horned animals’ feast.

01 Horned Animals explicit reference prior to key information

10d. nae kutwala mwanda he to.take journey …then off he went to the party.

The example below in 05 Fisherman is particularly interesting because there is no possiblity that the explicit reference is to clarify any confusion. The reference is to the antagonist, the bird, who is referred to in 11a as shuni ‘bird’ and in the following clause 11b as shuni aijá ‘that bird’. This is because the bird’s action of coming down to start conversation with the fisherman is seen by the narrator as thematic.

05 Fisherman explicit reference prior to key information

11a. Shuni me kuleka vila Bird not left continue 11b. mpaka shuni aijá kushuluka naikala po paikele munu (S) until bird that came.down and.sat there where.sat person. The bird didn’t stop repeating this, until it came down and settled beside the fisherman.

These key statements are also frequently found in the closing of episodes. In the example below the antagonist Hyena is referred to by name Litunu in two successive clauses. The second clause 1e is both the closing of the orientation section and also a key statement setting out the problem of Hyena being a carnivore, which is thematic in the narrative.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow explicit reference to Hyena in two successive clauses, closing orientation section

1c. kumwambambidyanga he.doubted.him 1d. Litunua anammamena Hyena he.will.eat.him 1e. mwaa Litunu anáshulula namene. because Hyena eats.meat very. …he didn’t trust him—he thought that one day, since he was such a carnivore, Hyena would eat him up. aExamination of the pauses indicates that Litunu here is the subject of clause 1d rather than the object of 1c.

Another example is given below of key information being given at the close of an episode, this time the third developmental episode. In 01 Horned Animals below, a prop, the wax horns used in Rabbit’s disguise, dimembe adilá, is repeated explicitly in two successive clauses; and they are the key on which the story turns. There are two additional points of note in this quote: the distal demonstrative in the noun phrase liduva alilá ‘that sun’ in the same clause has a different function, marking a prop whose existence can be assumed from general knowledge (see section 4.2.2.5.3). We also see here an unusual example of where a default narrative ku- string can be interrupted by explicit subject marking, probably due to the unusually long adjunct at the end of 13a. 59

01 Horned Animals explicit reference to wax horns in two successive clauses, closing DE#2

13a. Paanjenge dimembe adilá kwanjanga mwaa wakuvina kuudukila kunyang'anyuka namene na liduva alilá When.began horns those started to.melt because of.to.dance to.sweat very and sun that 13b. dimembe kutwala kugwanga adilá (S) horns those then to.fall But when he began to sweat, the horns he’d made started to melt, because of all the dancing and the hot sun. And so the horns fell off, ruined.

4.2.2.2.4 Parallel or highly marked structures

Highly marked structures often include explicit reference to maintained subjects as postposed noun phrases, with or without preposed objects. 01 Horned Animals 10a in 4.2.2.2.1 above is an example of explicit marking in a marked structure, a ‘ni’ cleft structure (see section 6.3.3). Below in the same text, sentence 12, there is a chiastic structure, with explicit references to Rabbit both opening and closing the structure, nae ‘he’ and shingula ‘Rabbit’.

01 Horned Animals explicit references opening and closing a chiastic structure

12a. Nae kwinjilinneu kuvina He entered.immediately to.dance 12b. kuvina shingula (S) danced rabbit 12c. mpaka kuudukila. until to.sweat. So Rabbit joined straight in with the dancing; he danced until he sweated.

In the example below the postposed explicit reference vene ‘they themselves’ maintains a parallelism with 6d, allowing vana ‘the children’, a preposed object in 6d, to continue to operate as the object of the verb kuvaleka ‘abandoned them’ in 6e as well. It also confirms key information, and brings DE#1 to a close.

07 Mother and child explicit reference postposed in a parallel structure

6b. vanu avalá (S) bai kutwa vana (O) kuvajanga popo pavaanjenge kutukutanga people those so then children abandoned.them right.there, when.they. began to.flee, 6c. --- kuvaleka vene (S) left.them they.themselves 6d. --- kutukuta. fled. …the villagers began to flee and abandoned their children right there—the villagers left them behind and fled. 60

In 05 Fisherman 3a–c below, there is a highly marked parallel structure with three clauses describing the uses of the three fish the fisherman catches each day. Although he is the subject of this and the preceding sentences, the fisherman is explicitly referred to in 3b with the exclusive focus pronoun mwene, postposed, in the middle of the parallel structure.

05 Fisherman explicit reference postposed in a parallel structure

4.2.2.3 The rare occasions where a subject is not made explicit despite a switch of participant

Apart from speech introducers in closed conversations, it is very rare for a subject not to be made explicit when there is a switch of participant, but it does seem to be permitted where there can be absolutely no doubt as to the identity of the subject after the switch. Occasions when the identity of the subject after a switch of participant is clear without being made explicit include a subject undertaking an action in response to an order, and where the context itself constrains the participant reference. In the example below the protagonist is the subject of 22c and makes the speech in 22d, and the group of villagers is the subject of 23a. The switch of subject does not need to be made explicit as the villagers are carrying out the action that they have been told to do in 22d, an order which includes the vocative uti paludeya ‘everyone in the village’. Both the verbs in 22c and in 23a, in fact, are default narratives with zero reference marking.

09 Ákalimanya no explicit reference for switch of subject in 23a where subject is carrying out command

22c. kudo said, 22d. uti paludeya omba shitali ambi popa. “all at.village sound iron now here. 23a. Kwomba shitali Sounded iron, …announcing, “Sound the gong, everyone, right now!” So the gong was sounded…

An interesting example of where the subject is not made explicit despite a switch of participant is given below in 09 Ákalimanya 26. Here, the subject of clause 26b is not made explicit because of constraints in the context. In 26a the villagers are the subject of the verb kukanyalanga ‘all beat it’, and the elephant is the subject of the verb kuwa ‘died’ in the following clause 26b. (Both of these are also default narratives with zero reference marking, like 22c–23a quoted above). There cannot be any doubt about the switch of participant, however, as the verb kuwa ‘to die’ is used only of animals, not of people. As the object nnembo ‘elephant’ is specified in 26a, it is clear that the verb kukanyalanga ‘to beat’ with the pluractional extension ang ‘all/repeatedly’ must refer to the villagers, whereas kuwa ‘to die’ must refer to the elephant. As is often the case, the non-explicitly marked subject was the object of the immediately preceding clause. 61

09 Ákalimanya no explicit reference for switch of subject where semantic considerations make it clear

26a. Kukanyalanga nnembo Beat.it elephant 26b. kuwa. died. We beat the elephant until it was dead.

4.2.2.4 The use of pronouns in narrative

4.2.2.4.1 The independent pronouns

Technically, in narrative, it is possible to find the full range of first and third person pronouns in singular and plural: nangu ‘I’ and wetu ‘we’ in first-person accounts, and nae ‘he/she’ and vanavo ‘they’ in third- person accounts. In our text corpus we have two true stories in which the narrator was either a witness (08 Archbishop) or an active participant (09 Ákalimanya). However, the latter has only two references to the narrator as nangu, once in the orientation and once in the conclusion; elsewhere in the narrative the village group to whom the narrator belongs and with whom he acts is almost invariably referred to as tuvanu ‘we-people’, with only one use of wetu. (See 4.2.1.1 above for a description of personalized nouns.) In 08 Archbishop, the narrator is a witness although not an active participant in the whole narrative, but references to him are limited to his introduction as nangu in sentence 01 of the orientation, and the object infix -ngu- in shangugwene ‘what I have seen’ in the final sentence of the whole narrative -a ‘topping and tailing’ device. It seems clear therefore that the first person pronouns are reserved for marked occasions, and avoided when there is an alternative such as tuvanu that can be used, downgrading the narrator’s own significance, and that the use of the first person pronoun draws attention to the narrator’s rôle, either as commentator, or as a witness of events. The third person singular pronoun nae is much more frequently used, but it is used very restrictively. Most texts have a significant number of uses of nae, but almost invariably referring only to the protagonist. (The only two exceptions refer to the antagonist, in speech introducers.) This may explain why the third person plural pronoun vanavo is rarely used. Although the majority of texts have a participant—either major or minor acting as a group—no text has more than one use of vanavo, and several have none at all. This may be because although the plural groups in the texts often function as the antagonist; for example: the villagers in 09 Ákalimanya, and the church women in 08 Archbishop, there are no texts where a group of people functions as the protagonist.

4.2.2.4.2 The exclusive focus pronoun mwene

The exclusive focus pronoun mwene is not particularly unusual in Makonde narrative. It is not as common as the independent pronoun nae but appears at least once in all but the shortest texts, and frequently more often. Mwene is usually encountered in highly marked structures, frequently as a postposed subject or preposed object, often with a relative clause, and its function seems to be in terms of an emphatic restrictive focus; that is, this one person/set of people, and no other, not because there is any doubt about the identity of the referent, but because the narrator wishes to give it a high level of emphasis. It tends to occur either at key points on the event-line, or in key statements in the denouement/conclusion. In the following example from 01 Horned Animals, mwene is used, together with a noun and a relative clause to give extra emphasis to the re-introduction after a gap of the leader of the horned animals. This moment is highly signficant as once the latter sees through Rabbit’s disguise, below, he gives orders for Rabbit’s execution. 62

01 Horned Animals: use of mwene to highlight a key moment

14a. Napane nang'olo mwene ave Now elder himself being 14b. ashamíle shikukulu aju who.had.called feast this 14c. kumwona saw.him Then the leader of the horned animals, the one who was giving the party, saw Rabbit…

In 08 Archbishop below, the plural form vene is used as a preposed object with a relative clause in a marked construction in the final statement of the denouement. The occasion is where the unfortunate church women, who had gone prepared to give the visiting Archbishop a hero’s welcome, were given short shrift, and now ‘those very same ones who had made the preparations’ have to retire, publicly humiliated.

08 Archbishop use of vene to highlight a key statement

10b. kutwala vo vene vapanga- [AFTER VERB] kuvaida dyoni (S) kavili. niénge (O) then those same it.came.to.them shame again. who.had.prepared …and instead the women who’d been getting ready to do so were deeply embarrassed.

In the example below, this time in the final statement of the conclusion, the first person singular form nimwene is used to confirm the status of the narrator as an eyewitness of all the events related to it. On this occasion it is backed up with a ‘ni’ construction in addition to a relative clause.

09 Ákalimanya use of nimwene to highlight narrrator’s status as witness of events

48a. Kanji ni ala maimyo But it.is this story 48b. angugwene nimwene that.I.saw I.myself But this is a true story: I saw it myself…

4.2.2.5 Rôle of demonstratives in Makonde discourse: general observations

Before looking at the use in discourse of the individual demonstratives, there are some general observations that can be made about the use of demonstratives in Makonde narrative: • Although in speech demonstratives can stand alone, e.g., referring to a person as jojo jo ‘that very same one’, in narrative this is not the case. No demonstratives except locatives stand alone in narrative text. • There are far fewer demonstratives used in narrative than in speech. In one text, Hyena and Pied Crow, there were only two demonstratives in total. Usually the figure is higher, but nowhere near the level of speech. • There does not seem to be any correlation between the level of use of demonstratives and whether a narrative is a folkstory or a real-life account. 63

• Each demonstrative has its own function, and we find that demonstrative combinations convey both functions at the same time. • Preposing of the demonstrative before the noun occurs, but is very rare; it is a focus marker. In this text corpus it occurs with the DD and the CRD. For the purposes of the descriptions below, locatives will not be taken into account. Their function within narrative is usually genuinely distance-oriented rather than having a discourse function; in Makonde spatial use of demonstratives is restricted to PD, DD, CRD and SRD.

4.2.2.5.1 Proximal demonstrative (PD)

The proximal demonstrative in Makonde is most frequently used in the orientation section immediately after the introduction of a participant, and specifically in an existence-predication pair. In many of these cases, the PD occurs in a topic frame rather than as the subject of the sentence. PD in a topic frame also occurs at the end of narratives in the denouement/conclusion.

05 Fisherman PD in topic frame in orientation section immediately following formulaic introduction

1a. Andípagwa munu (S) There.was person, 1b. munu aju madengo ake kuvele kwaka dyomba person this work his was to.hunt fish. Once upon a time there was a man whose job it was to go fishing.

07 Mother and child PD in topic frame in denouement

13a. Napane maimyo ala nangu nimwona Now story this, I I.see.her 13b. nkongwe aijá kuva nkongwe wantima mwiu woman that to.be woman of.heart true Now in this story, that woman showed herself to be truly courageous…

Occasionally the PD can be used for a participant where an action on the event-line is being described. In the example below it refers to the protagonist, who is being reactivated after the group of villagers (the antagonist) has been centre-stage for 3–4 sentences. This reference is highlighted, not only by the use of aju PD, but also by the use of mwene (see above). This is in order to highlight that, although all the villagers went to dig the elephant trap and all returned home to the village, it is only the protagonist Ákalimanya who goes back to check on whether or not an elephant has fallen in.

09 Ákalimanya PD used in highlighted reference to protagonist on event-line

20a. Mwene aju atenda Owner this is.doing Ákalimanya himself kept going back…

The proximal demonstrative can also be used cataphorically, as in the example below where shinu ashi ‘this thing’ points forward to the explanation immediately following of how the protagonist’s downfall came about.

09 Ákalimanya PD used cataphorically

40a. Kanji shinu ashi shindyaneka do But thing this was.seen thus, 64

40b. mushu mwake [AFTER VERB] vininkodya vilwele vikumene namene (S). mo future his that they.met.him illnesses great very. But as it turned out, later on he had a problem with serious illness.

Occasionally the PD is used to highlight and contrast nouns seen in some way as forming part of a set; for example, below where the exact use of each of the three fish that a fisherman catches is detailed:

05 Fisherman PD used to highlight and contrast nouns forming part of a set

3a. Yomba jumo (IO) akannipe udeni (O) Fish one he.would.pay.it debt, 3b. junji aju (O) akanniele mwene na ndyagwe (S) fish this he.would.eat.it the.same and his.wife 3c. junji aju (IO) akannipe mwene ingalava O) other this he.would.pay.it the.owner boat. With one fish he would pay his debts, another fish he and his wife would eat, and the third he used to pay the owner of the boat.

4.2.2.5.2 Referential demonstrative (RD)

In more extended narratives the referential demonstrative has been observed to convey a sense of otherness, or a separation in terms of time, distance or ownership. However in the shorter texts comprising this text corpus, the referential demonstrative only occurs once. This data is inadequate for drawing any conclusions.

4.2.2.5.3 Distal demonstrative (DD)

The distal demonstrative is the most frequently used demonstrative in Makonde narrative. Its main function is as a marker of saliency, usually for minor participants and props and but also less frequently for major participants. When used with major participants, it marks key developments in the narrative. In the example below, the distal demonstrative is used with the protagonist Rabbit in the peak episode, as he is taken away and executed.

01 Horned Animals DD used with protagonist marking key development in narrative

18b. kuntwala shingula aijá they.took.him rabbit that 18c. kuntanola they.killed.him …and Rabbit was taken away and killed…

Below, a distal demonstrative marks the protagonist—the mother—as she runs back into the war zone to rescue the child who has been accidentally left behind in the enemy-occupied village.

07 Mother and child DD used with protagonist marking key development in narrative

9a. Mwiu nkongwe aijá akatukuta True woman that she.ran 9b. kuja kavili returned again She started running back again… 65

The DD is also used for the first mention of props and locations which can be assumed to exist by both the narrator and the audience, either culture-specifically (e.g., a house must have an open fire), or from general knowledge (e.g., a rabbit once introduced can be assumed to have a head).

03 Hyena and Pied Crow DD used with first mention of prop that can be assumed to exist

8b. amu ndaikala pamoto apalá. this and.sat by.fire there. …and went all covered in seasoning and sat by the fire.

01 Horned Animals DD used to refer to the protagonist Rabbit’s head, which can be assumed to exist

10c. kutwala --- kulinamatidya mmuti amulá then to.stick on.head that …and stuck them on his head…

4.2.2.5.4 Continued reference demonstrative (CRD)

In longer Makonde texts outside this text corpus,27 the continued reference demonstrative (CRD) has been observed to act as the default anaphoric reference, giving the story cohesion by maintaining the reference to minor participants and props without special salience (unpublished material). In this text corpus, with its shorter texts, the occurrence of the CRD is relatively rare. Where it has been obserbed elsewhere, however, its use supports this analysis. The majority of such occurrences can be found in locatives and in demonstrative combinations (see below). The main use seems to be a reference back to a prop that has just been mentioned recently, maintaining coherence, without denoting any salience or even with a downgrading of salience. In the 05 Fisherman example below, the keys are the final element in the protagonist’s speech, 32b, and are then mentioned again immediately in the following sentence. The keys are marked with a CRD and are thus not given any salience; whereas the forbidden door that they open, is marked with a distal demonstrative in the following sentence 34 (not shown).

05 Fisherman CRD used with prop denoting downgraded salience

32a. Nae kudo: He said: 32b. ata wako ngwing'a myungulilo not you give.me keys. 33a. Nkongwe hanakamala Wife.his is.not.be.difficult 33b. kutwala myungulilo vyo took keys those 33c. kumupa gave.him. “Nonsense,” he insisted, “Just give me the keys.” His wife didn’t want to cause problems, so she got the keys and gave them to him.

27Leach, M.B.: unpublished material. 66

There is also an interesting use of CRD to convey a pejorative sense in 09 Ákalimanya. This seems to have carried over into the narrative from its use in speech, which may possibly be connected with the idea of a downgrading of salience. In this example, the protagonist has defrauded the villagers of their rightful share of the elephant they all killed. Thus, in several speeches by the villagers, CRD is used to describe the elephant/elephant meat that he has wrongfully kept for himself (see below and also 34b and 42b, where it is reduplicated):

09 Ákalimanya CRD used with prop to convey pejorative sense in speech

32c. bai tunnakele nae (IO) inyama yo O) “ok let’s. leave.for.him he meat that, “Ok, let’s drop it and just leave his meat to him.”

Then a few sentences later in 38b, the same pejorative use of an CRD is clearly conveyed in a narrative section:

09 Ákalimanya CRD used with prop to convey pejorative sense in narrative

38b. nae kuntwala nnembo wake jo he took.it elephant his that 38c. kunshulushanga sold.it.all …while he took that elephant of his and sold it…

4.2.2.5.5 Same reference demonstrative

The same reference demonstrative, SRD, is a reduplicated CRD (see the description above). In Kimwani, another northern Mozambican language (Bantu G40), Sebastian Floor calls this the ‘confirmative demonstrative’ and notes that it ‘has to do with confirming or affirming the identity of a referent previously mentioned (or known) in the context’.28 This also seems to be true in Makonde, although the SRD confirms identity as ‘the same’ without usually any presupposition of doubt on the part of the audience. A good example is in 05 Fisherman sentence 4 below, where the fisherman’s work has already been extensively described, and then this is confirmed with madengo ake avele lolo ala ‘his work was just exactly this’, an SRD + PD combination.

05 Fisherman

4. Kila nae (S) kulya kwake avele lolo ala liduva madengo ake (S) Every day he food his, work his was this.same this. So his daily work—and his daily food—were always the same.

In this text corpus, the SRD only occurs once on its own, in a locative phrase (09 Ákalimanya 24d); all other examples are in combinations with either PD or CRD (see below).

28Floor, S.J. (1998) ‘Confirmative Demonstratives’. 67

4.2.2.5.6 Combinations of demonstratives

In combinations of demonstratives, the second demonstrative complements or reinforces the sense of first. Although it has been claimed that almost all combinations of demonstratives are possible in Makonde,29 in our text corpus, in narrative, the combinations are fairly limited. Either CRD or SRD is always used as one of the combination: if it is SRD, then it is always followed by either PD or CRD. The demonstrative combinations tend to cluster in the orientation and denouement/conclusions of narratives. Combinations are used extensively for locatives, either as demonstratives only, or together with nouns, with the meaning ‘the same place already mentioned’:

09 Ákalimanya use of combined demonstratives CRD + DD in a locative phrase split around noun

47a. Aijá nang'olo mpaka nelo ata po paludeya apalá hanapagwa shinu Ákalimanya (S) That old.one until today even that at.village that he.is.not not, Ákalimanya 47b. anditumuka he.went.away And to this very day, old Ákalimanya is no longer in that village; he went away…

09 Ákalimanya use of combined demonstratives SRD + CRD in a locative phrase

15b. [AFTER VERB] vakaida vanembo (S) if.they.come elephants 15c. vainjile momo mo they.should.enter in.same.place …elephants would come and fall into it…

Another use of demonstrative combinations is in the orientation section, particularly in topic frames in existence-predication pairs, affirming the identity just given. This tends to be the SRD + PD combination; for PD on its own in existence-predication pairs (see 4.2.2.5.1 above). In the example from 03 Horned Animals below, vovava is an elided version of vovo ava, SRD + PD.

03 Horned Animals use of combined demonstratives SRD + PD in topic frame

3. Napanelo vanyama nang'olo kwanjanga kulalika shikukulu. vovava, wavanyama Now animals elder of.animals began to.invite feast. those.these Now the leader of those horned animals sent out invitations to a party.

5 Tense and aspect

Narrative texts are normally told chronologically, the chronological sequence of events of which forms the foreground or event-line. Background material, in contrast, includes events out of sequence, such as a flashback or non-event-line material, such as scene-setting. Foreground and background are often distinguished, and signalled to the audience through the use of tense and aspect.

29Mpalume, E.J., e Mandumbwe, M.A. 1991. 68

In addition, the skilled handling of tense and aspect can link actions together, create tension, indicate to the audience which are the most significant events, and add vividness to a text. This section is a description of how tense and aspect is used in Makonde for discourse purposes, i.e., in what ways each verb structure contributes to the story. Apart from very brief descriptions, the structure of the different tenses is not discussed. For a study of how the different verb structures are formed and how they inter-relate within a coherent tense-aspect matrix see Leach MB 2010.30

5.1 Description of the use of tense and aspect in Makonde narrative

This section examines the use in narrative texts of eight Makonde tenses: the default narrative, the past perfective, the past imperfective, the anterior (or ‘perfect’ tense), the -ka- consecutive, the present participle, the purposive and the present progressive.31 These tenses have been chosen for study because they are highly important in narrative discourse and most have at least one discourse role that is not necessarily transparent, given their grammatical function. Sections 5.1.1–5.1.8 below describe the discourse uses of the Makonde tenses listed above. The primary examples cited come from 07 Mother and child. These examples have been copied for ease of reference into the relevant section, but can also be seen in context in section 5.2, where the whole text of 07 Mother and child is shown with the tense/aspect of the verbs highlighted. Where 07 Mother and child does not display all the possible uses of a tense, or for amplification or confirmation of the usage in ‘Mother and child’, examples from other texts in the text corpus are also quoted.

5.1.1 Default narrative (ku- + verb stem)

This tense is a highly ‘stripped-down’ Bantu narrative tense,32 it is used only in non-speech narrative text, where its primary function is to carry the main propositions on the event line. In structure, it is identical to the infinitive, formed with the noun class 1533 prefix ku- plus the verb stem. It therefore shows no tense/aspect markers and no subject concord markers, although it does take object infixes in classes 1 and 2. These can be seen in the two examples from 07 Mother and child below; also in clauses 6e–f, 7, 8b etc. In this study we find that the default narrative describes a sequential verb on the event-line, with no special prominence in comparison with other events. The -ka- consecutive, in contrast, gives prominence to following events (see section 5.1.6 below).

07 Mother and Child use of default narrative

5a. Bai ndege (S) kushanya kwomba DEF NARR So aeroplane above bombed 5b. na vamadodo vapita PRES PART pai. and footsoldiers they.passing ground. So an aeroplane went overhead dropping bombs, and the infantry went over the ground below.

30Leach, M.B. (2010), Chapter 5 The structure of the verbal system with particular reference to the core tense-aspect matrix in section 5.7. 31For a description of the conjoint verb structures in Makonde see section 6.3.2, and for the ni copula see section 6.3.3. 32Bantu studies can refer to narrative tenses as consecutive, subsecutive and/or sequential. Rose et al. (2003) state that, "…in narratives containing a string of events or actions, subsequent actions are indicated by the use of various morphemes. In these narrative verbs, the time frame is established in one of several ways: either (1) explicitly in the first clause of the utterance, or (2) in some previous utterance, or (3) is understood by the participants. Across Bantu, both -ka- and Ø are common to indicate consecutive/subsecutive..." p. 19. Makonde has both, the default narrative indicated by Ø and the -ka- consecutive (see section 5.1.6) marked with -ka-. 33Noun class 15 contains verb-nouns, which in Makonde take the noun class prefix ku-. 69

07 Mother and Child use of default narrative with object infix

6b. vanu avalá (S) bai kutwa vana (O) kuvajanga DEF NARR popo pavaanjenge kutukutanga people those so then children abandoned.them right.there, when.they. began to.flee, …the villagers began to flee and abandoned their children right there…

Although the default narrative frequently occurs with other tenses in the same sentence, sentences do exist with all verbs in the default narrative, either singly or in verb chains. It is often used with the connective kutwala (or the reduced form kutwa), which is derived from the verb kutwala ‘to take’ but used in narrative contexts to mean ‘then, so’. In chains of default narrative verbs, kutwala may introduce the chain; it is also sometimes used to highlight the most significant verb within the chain. Kutwala is not used in this way with any other tense. The example below shows default narrative chains and the use of kutwala.

02 Lion and hamerkop default narrative chain with ‘kutwala’

12. Mwiu nae (S) kutwa kujama. DEF NARR True he Then opened.mouth. 13a. Shengo kujela DEF NARR lundomo lwake Hamerkop stuck beak his 13b. kutwala --- kupamba DEF NARR ligwangwa alilá then to.grab bone that 13c. --- kusha. DEF NARR removed. And Lion did open his mouth. Hamerkop stuck his beak in, grabbed hold of the bone, and pulled it out.

Although complex locatives and temporals can follow a default narrative, by far the majority of the constituents that occur post-default narrative are direct objects. Another tense is often used where a more complex amount of information is going to be given. The default narrative can also occur off the event-line in the orientation, the denouement and conclusion, which can bee seen in the example from 07 Mother and child below. However, it is not used on any occasion for backgrounded material while the event-line is activated.

07 Mother and Child use of default narrative in denouement (for recapitulated material)

16a. Namwiu Anímwambola PAST aijá mwanagwe And.true she.saved.him that her.child 16b. kumwidanavo DEF NARR brought.him.with And indeed she rescued her child, and ran back carrying him…

It is possible to tell a story in Makonde using almost no other tense apart from the default narrative once the event line has been activated, as can be seen in the charted text of 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, where no other tense is used from clauses 15b to 27, the end of the story—seventeen uses of the default narrative without a break. However, a skilled narrator will use other tenses as well for specific discourse purposes, which are examined below. 70

5.1.2 Past perfective (-ndí-)

This verb form refers to events in past time with perfective aspect and contrasts with the other perfective, the anterior (see section 5.1.4 below). In narrative discourse it always marks thematically important material, whether backgrounded or not. The past perfective is often used in the orientation section for scene-setting, including the introduction of the main participant:

05 The fisherman use of past perfective in orientation section

1a. Andípagwa PAST munu (S) He.was person, 1b. munu aju madengo ake kuvele DEF NARR kwaka dyomba person this work his was to.hunt fish. Once upon a time there was a man whose job it was to go fishing.

It is also used in the denouement and conclusion sections (see below).

07 Mother and Child use of past perfective in denouement (15) and conclusion (16)

15e. kanji nkongwe (S) ata hatanene PAST NEG but his.wife not.at.all did.not.consider 15f. andyuka PAST mpaka koko akulá. she.went as.far.as that.there there. 16a. Namwiu Anímwambola PAST aijá mwanagwe And.true she.saved.him that her.child She paid no attention, though she went all the way back. And indeed she rescued her child, and ran back carrying him…

In other examples of background material within the body of the narrative, the past perfective is used for the recapitulation of thematically important information, emphasizing information that the audience already knows. In the example from 02 Lion and Hamerkop below, the information about Lion’s suffering—due to a bone stuck in his throat—has already been given in virtually identical format in clause 4a. This is a recapitulation of the same thematically important material, using the past perfective. It is worth noting, however, that although no extra information is given explicitly in sentence 8 compared with sentence 4, sentence 8 does implicitly give the outcome of Jackal’s soliloquy in sentences 5–7, in which he wonders whether he should help Lion or not. Thus, the audience has to conclude, since the situation hasn’t changed, that he has decided not to help.

02 Lion and hamerkop use of past perfective to reiterate important information after activation of event-line

8. Mwiu nang'olo andílaga PAST maduva oe namene. True elder had.suffered days many very. So old Lion carried on for days in awful suffering.

In event-line material the past perfective often introduces events in a new development unit, but it may also be found mid-unit in a key unit such as the inciting episode, or the peak. In the example from 07 Mother and child 11a below the peak episode opens with a past perfective that can be seen in clause 71

4a in the same narrative, where the past perfective is used to open the inciting episode. The past perfective slows the narrative, giving prominence to the following events.

07 Mother and Child use of past perfective to open the peak episode

11a. --- Andítukuta PAST moja kwamoja mpaka po palikaja She.had.run one by.one until there at.village She dashed back as fast as she could to the village…

09 Ákalimanya use of past perfective opening DE#2, where action taken fulfils a thematically important plan

16a. Mwiu tuvanu (S) apalá Tundítwala PAST myanda True we.people there we.took journey 16b. Kuka DEF NARR kumwitu pashinu went to.bush at.place 16c. pavashipita namene vanembo. where.they.used.to.pass very elephants. And so that is what we did: we went into the bush, to a place which elephants often used to pass.

5.1.3 Past imperfective (-shinda-)

The past imperfective is a background tense, used for both habitual and past progressive actions. Its main use in narrative is as a prior progressive describing events that occur prior to the event line. In the examples below from 07 Mother and child, the events given prior to the event line are that in the war the Portuguese soldiers vashindauma ‘used to make sorties’ and the Makonde people vashitukutangila ‘used to go and hide’.

07 Mother and Child use of past imperfective to describe events occurring prior to event line

3a. Ing'ondo ailá vajungu vashindauma PAST MPF po pa Mweda apa War that white.people they.were.leaving here at Mueda here During that war, the Portuguese would make sorties from right here in Mueda…

07 Mother and Child use of past imperfective to describe events occurring prior to event line

4b. kanji vanu vashitukutangila PAST IMPF namene kubondi. but people they.used.to.hide very at.low.country. …people used to go and hide in the low country,34 however.

The past imperfective is also used, although more rarely, for ongoing action within the story setting the scene for event-line verbs; i.e., the standard use of an imperfective tense, creating an ongoing action about to be punctuated by a perfective.

34The Makondes live on a plateau; and the land below the escarpment of the plateau is known as the ‘low country’. 72

04 Elephant and Nightjar use of past imperfective for scene-setting activity in inciting episode

4a. Napanelo muliduva Nnembo aju ashinapita PAST IMPF limo Now on.day one Elephant this he.was.passing 4b. alya PRES PART mumwitu amu he.eating in.bush this. Now one day Elephant was going along in the bush, eating.

The past imperfective is also used negatively in a stative sense. In the example below, the protagonist Ákalimanya, a hunter, runs out of ammunition; there ‘was nothing that he could see to do’. This is his ongoing condition until in clause 7d he gets an idea of how to resolve the problem.

09 Ákalimanya use of past imperfective negative in a stative

7c. nae, --- hashipali PAST IMPF NEG shagwene he --- there.was.not of.he.should see …he couldn’t think what to do…

5.1.4 Anterior (-ndi-)

As with the past perfective tense the anterior tense-aspect refers to past events with perfective aspect, but in the case of the anterior the reference is to the present effect of those past events.35 In discourse terms, the anterior has two roles. The first and primary role of the anterior, used in both background and foreground, is to describe the present result of a past action, where in narrative the ‘present’ means the time on the event-line. This frequently follows a verb such as ‘saw’ or ‘found’ and describes situations that participants meet, the situation being the result of an action prior to the event line. As can be seen in 02 Lion and Hamerkop below, what the hamerkop found is that the lion’s eyes are all red with pain (‘they have reddened’) and the bone is still stuck in his throat (‘the bone has stuck-him at his throat’).

02 Lion and hamerkop use of anterior on event-line to describe situation a participant meets

10a. Akawike apalá nankodya PURPOSIVE nang'olo When.he.arrived and.met.him elder there 10b. mevo aninkunduvalila ANTERIOR eyes they.have.reddened 10c. ligwanga (S) pang'ulo (O) lindimwikala ANTERIOR bone at.throat has.stuck.him Well, Hamerkop turned up there and found Lion in a dreadful state—his eyes red with pain, the bone stuck in his throat…

35Leach MB (2010) in describing this distinction draws a distinction between projected and non-projected aspect, which distinguishes both the past and anterior tenses (with the tense-aspect prefix ndi) as well as present and future tenses (with the tense-aspect prefix nda); see T5.2.9 the verb matrix. 73

Another interesting example of the anterior used to describe the present result of a past action is in 09 Ákalimanya. In this case the present result is in ‘real’ time; that is, it refers to the ongoing result at the time of narration of the past action described in the story. This occurs in the conclusion of the story and is all in the narrator’s voice: he says that the protagonist Ákalimanya no longer lives in that village, he went away (anterior: implication: and is still gone), and the narrator to this day (i.e., the time of narration of the story) does not know where he is.

09 Ákalimanya use of anterior in conclusion to describe ongoing situation resulting from events in narrative

47a. Aijá nang'olo mpaka nelo ata po hanapagwa shinu Ákalimanya (S) paludeya PRESENT PROGRESSIVE NEG apalá That old.one until today even that he.is.not not, Ákalimanya at.village that 47b. anditumuka ANTERIOR he.went.away 47c. ata pavele nelo hangunamanya shinu PRESENT PROGRESSIVE NEG even where.he.is I.do.not.know not today And to this very day, old Ákalimanya is no longer in that village; he went away and I have no idea where he is today…

The second role of the anterior is cataphoric, and is found only in foreground material: it is looking forward to a pivotal event, and heightens tension and expectation. Clause 6a in 07 Mother and child is a good example of this role: the soldiers have arrived in the village, their job is to kill people, what’s going to happen?

07 Mother and Child cataphoric use of the anterior on the event-line heightening sense of expectation

5b. na vamadodo vapita PRES PART pai. and footsoldiers they.passing ground. 6a. Napanelo vandiwika ANTERIOR palikaja lyavaikalénge vanu

Now they.arrived at.village where.they.were. staying people 5 …and the infantry went over the ground below. 6 Then they came to a village where there were still people…

The cataphoric use of the anterior can also be seen in the following example from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, where it is stated that Pied Crow, distrusting his carnivorous friend, ‘puts Hyena to the test’. Tension is raised as the listener wonders how this will be done, and what will be the result?

03 Hyena and Pied Crow cataphoric use of the anterior on the event-line heightening sense of expectation

7. Kanji muliduva limo Nashove aninninga ANTERIOR Litunu. But on.day one Pied Crow he.tests.him Hyena. 74

5.1.5 Present participle (subject prefix + stem)

The present participle has imperfective aspect and is typically used in subordinate clauses. However, it is used very extensively in Makonde texts, sometimes in a quasi-independent way. It plays a distinctive role in discourse terms. The first use of the present participle is the standard one of describing events in a subordinate adverbial clause. This is illustrated below, in clause 16c of 07 Mother and child, where the mother kumwidanavo ‘has brought him back’ (default narrative) atukuta ‘running’ (present participle).

07 Mother and Child use of present participle used adverbially with finite verb

16b. kumwidanavo DEF NARR brought.him.with 16c. atukuta PRES PART kulyutu running to.place …and ran back carrying him to the place…

Other examples from 07 Mother and child are clauses 11d–e, where the soldiers are described as having left (anterior) the village vapita vaomba ‘passing on and shooting’; and in clauses 3c–d, where the soldiers go out (default narrative) vatenda ing'ondo ‘making war’ and vavabyanga venentete mmakaja ‘killing the inhabitants in the villages’. None of these examples is foreground material: 16b–c is recapitulated material in the conclusion, 11d–e is background (the situation the mother found when she returned to the village) and 3c–d is scene-setting in the orientation. The second use is where the present participle has a semi-independent status: this occurs where there are simultaneous, but separate, actions, usually with different participants. The present participle therefore stands on its own in a new clause with a switch of participant as subject. This is in contrast to the use above, which is used adverbially to describe a single action or event. For simultaneous but separate actions, the verb used for the first action is always a finite verb such as the default narrative, and for the second action a present participle is used. There are several examples of this in 07 Mother and child, including the one below, where an aeroplane drops bombs overhead with soldiers vapita ‘passing’ over the ground.

07 Mother and Child use of present participle in separate clause indicating simultaneous action

Another example is clause 15a of 07 Mother and child, where we found a mother rescuing her child, while the husband [was] ‘saying’ aashidoni…. This example is interesting because the initial clause about the mother is a dependent clause with the past imperfective adverbial verb pashitenda; so, unless the present participle is treated as an independent verb, there is no full finite verb in this speech-introducing clause at all. 07 Mother and Child use of present participle with preceding dependent verb indicating simultaneous action

15a. Pashitenda ntwagwe aashidoni PRES PART ndyagwe When.was. her.husband saying. thus doing his.wife 75

15b. haunauke you.must.not.go While the wife was doing this, the husband was just saying, “Don’t go….”

An example from a different text is found in clauses 33a–c of 09 Ákalimanya below. Here, after the protagonist Ákalimanya makes it clear he is going to defraud the villagers of the elephant meat they have caught together, the villagers kuujananga kuku kukaja ‘all returned went home’ atangadika ‘complaining’. An interesting feature is that, although it is actually the same people—the villagers—carrying out the separate but simultaneous operations, there is a new noun phrase kula munu ‘each person’ governing the present participle. 09 Ákalimanya use of present participle with separate noun phrase indicating simultaneous action

33a. Namwiu tuvanu kuujananga DEF NARR And.true we.people returned.all 33b. kuka DEF NARR kukaja went to.home 33c. kula munu atangadika. PRES PART each person complaining. And that’s what we did; we all went home, everyone grumbling.

The third use of the present participle is in sentence-initial subordinate clauses. It is a type of mirror image of the second use. It is usually, but not always, followed by the default narrative. The norm is for the subject of the subordinate and the following main clauses to be the same, but if the switch of participant is specified, that does not have to be the case. This use does not occur in 07 Mother and child but one will see from the example 03 Hyena and Pied Crow below, the subject of the sentence-initial clause with the present participle and the following default narratives is the same; and likewise this is the case in the example from 02 Lion and Hamerkop below, where there is a switch of participant. 03 Hyena and Pied Crow use of present participle in sentence initial subordinate clause; same participant

12a. Litunu aaloka PRES PART kundila Hyena he.coming on.road 12b. --- kulola DEF NARR looked 12c --- kudo: DEF NARR said: 12d. Inyama abaa! “Meat (surprise)!” When Hyena was coming back from his farm, he stared in surprise and exclaimed, “My goodness! Meat!”

02 Lion and hamerkop use of present participle in sentence initial subordinate clause; participant switch

3a. Napanelo muliduva nae amamena PRES PART inyama yake limo Now on.day one he eating meat his 3b. [AFTER VERB] linímwikala PAST ligwangwa (S) pang'ulo. stuck.him bone at.throat. Now one day, while he was eating his meat, a bone got stuck in his throat. 76

5.1.6 The -ka- consecutive

The structure of this tense is identical to that of the conditional tense in Makonde: subject concord + ka + verb stem with H tone on the penultimate syllable. It was noted above, in section 5.1.1, that there are two narrative tenses in Makonde: the first is the default narrative, formed with ku-, which describes a sequential verb on the event-line, with no special prominence in comparison with other events. It carries the main propositions on the storyline. The second narrative tense is the -ka- consecutive, which is an event-line verb; however, unlike the default narrative it does not occur in background sentences. Its function is to downgrade the importance of that verb in the chronological sequence in contrast to what is following, and at the same time as maintaining the verb as an action on the event line. Unlike the default narrative, the ka- consecutive shows subject agreement. The past perfective has also been describing as a tense that gives prominence to the following events (see section 5.1.1 above). The distinction could be understood as follows: the past perfective slows the narrative, in order to give more weight to what follows; and the -ka- consecutive tense speeds the narrative up, ‘packaging’ verbs in order to reach the prominent material that follows. It has been proposed in Bantu studies that the -ka- formative is derived from the stem of the verb ‘go’, which in Makonde is found as –uka.36 In Makonde the distal -ka- is found in imperatives such as katwale ‘go and get’. There is also a conditional -ka- which refers not only to conditionals, but also to potential or possible events, and to temporal events in a sequence. The primary sense in which the -ka- consecutive tense is used is one of the secondary meanings of the conditional -ka-, that of a temporal event in a sequence. There is a great deal of text variation in the use of the -ka- consecutive. It tends to be absent in shorter, tightly-controlled texts, where all events are seen as equally significant, and therefore it is somewhat under-represented in this text corpus. Our corpus shows two of the three discourse uses of the -ka- consecutive. The first use of the -ka- consecutive is in the preliminaries before a particularly significant speech. This may be the speech introducer itself, or it may be another verb in the preliminaries introducing a significant speech and could be glossed as ‘when x said’.

02 Lion and hamerkop the -ka- consecutive used in speech introducer

11a. Shengo aju akamwaulila -KA- doni: CONSECUTIVE Hamerkop this he.said.to.him thus: 11b. bai nang'olo apa [AFTER VERB] haunapagwa mwaa (S) “So elder here there.does.not.exist problem Hamerkop said to him, “Well, sir, this isn’t much of a problem…”

09 Ákalimanya the -ka- consecutive used in preliminaries before important speech

8a. Mwiu --- akavashema -KA- CONSECUTIVE vanu uti True --- he.called.them people all 8b. --- kudo DEF NARR said, 8c. nangu --- shipali “I thing.is

36Rose et al. (2003) 28 state that, "Distal elements, such as -ka-…are thought to derive from verbs meaning 'go' or 'leave' (often given a reading 'go and V'...)", p. 28. 77

8d. shangulota that.I.want 8e. kummanyiya mmavangu. to.inform.you my.friends.” And so he did call all the people there, and told them, “There’s something I want to tell you all, my friends.”

The second use of the -ka- consecutive is to downgrade one action in order to highlight a following action, within the same sentence. This may be because the second action is more significant thematically, or it may be because the first verb is intrinsically less important, such as verbs of preparation. Clause 12b of 07 Mother and child is an example of downgrading with the purpose of moving the story forward and giving prominence to following events: the mother kunnambela ‘looked’ for the child (default narrative), akankodya ‘found him’ hidden in a bush (the -ka- consecutive) and kutwala kuujanavo ‘then returned with him’ (default narrative) to her husband. Because the theme of the story is the comparison between the mother’s courage and the husband’s lacklustre performance, the actual finding of the child safe and well in a bush—although important to the participant—is not given any prominence compared with her return to the husband, who has stayed skulking in safety.

07 Mother and Child use of the -ka- consecutive downgrading one verb to highlight others

12a. Nae kunnambela DEF NARR apalá She searched.for.him there 12b. akankodya -KA- CONSECUTIVE mwanagwe and.found.him her.child 12c. alipidye palyukutu he.hidden in.bush 12d. kutwala kuujanavo DEF NARR kavili then returned.with again 12e. nakodyania PURPOSIVE na ntwagwe. and.met with husband.her. She searched for her child and found him hidden in a bush; then she went back with him and met her husband.

Another example from the same text is clause 9a of 07 Mother and child, where the mother akatukuta kuja ‘runs back’ (the -ka- consecutive) to the enemy-occupied village, while her husband kudoni ‘says’ (default narrative) that she must not do that or she’ll be killed. Again, the relative prominence of the verbs, which would be counter-intuitive for the average listener, is due to the theme of the story: it is her husband’s lack of personal action and cowardly advice—albeit ignored—which is highlighted in this sentence. Thirdly, and at a higher discourse level, the -ka- consecutive is used to downgrade whole sentences in the first few episodes of a story, where these are seen by the narrator as preliminary events in a story. These are still on the event-line; they are not background material; however, the ‘main action’ has yet to start. This text corpus contains texts too short and concise to illustrate this last use, but longer stories show it clearly.37

37In one rather wordy travel story of over 400 sentences, the first 70 sentences used this -ka- packaging tense almost exclusively, after which it was not seen again. (author, unpublished text). 78

An example from outside this text corpus is found in an oral recording of a Bible story, viz., The Parable of the Prodigal Son from Luke chapter 15).38 In this story the -ka- consecutive was used eleven times in a 49-sentence story, with the majority of uses occured in the first 14 sentences. Also noteworthy, of the others, all but one are in speech introducers, and the other is just before a crucial event. In most of these instances, ‘downgrading’ takes place to move the story forward as a whole, rather than to highlight the immediately following event(s). The use of the -ka- consecutive makes it clear that for this storyteller, the whole of the prodigal son’s escapade is simply a necessary preliminary to his return to his father.

5.1.7 Purposive (na- + stem)

The structure of the purposive is the connective na- ‘and, with’ + the verb stem, used in combination with a preceding finite verb, often a verb of motion, in order to show purpose. There is no tense/aspect marker and no subject marker, although it does take object infixes. Like present participles, purposive verbs are dependent structures, typically employed in subordinate clauses, but in narrative text they may take on a semi-independent function. The first use in narrative is the motion + purpose use; and there are several straightforward examples of this in the texts presented in this paper. The interesting feature is that sometimes the verb of motion is not actually present with the purposive, but rather assumed, either because it occurred earlier in the clause or sentence or because the sense implies it. This means, of course, that in the clause in question, the purposive is the only verb present taking on a semi-independent nature.

09 Ákalimanya purposive used with verb of motion

9a. Tuvanu kuka DEF NARR We.people went 9b. namwigwilila PURPOSIVE Ákalimanya and.heard.him Ákalimanya 9c. alota kutwaulila PRES PART + INFINITIVE nyamani. he.wants to.inform.us what. So we went to hear what it was that Ákalimanya wanted to tell us about.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow purposive used with verb of motion assumed

8a. --- Kulipakanga DEF NARR shana dimeme mumili amu Painted.himself well seasoning on.body on.this 8b. amu ndaikala PURPOSIVE pamoto apalá. this and.sat by.fire there. He took some seasoning39 and painted himself well with it all over, and went all covered in seasoning and sat by the fire.

The purposive is also used resultatively, describing a new scene after a dislocation of place. This resultative usage is usually found with verbs such as meet, find, saw etc. This differs from the first use of purposive as it is not the intention of the subject to ‘find’ whatever scene he encounters; this is simply the scene that is met with on arrival after a change of location within the narrative.

38The retelling was kindly made available to me by Lydia Hunter; see Hunter (2012). 39The local seasoning dimeme turns bright red when it is cooked. 79

Usually the first element describing a dislocation of place is a past conditional verb of motion in a semantic progression ‘tail-head’—when he went, when he arrived—and then a purposive verb follows. When a protagonist is moving from one place to another, this is the standard sequence of verbs to describe the scene in the new location. In the example from 01 Horned Animals below, the ‘head’ is pawikile akulá ‘when he arrived there’, followed by the purposive navakodya ‘he found.’ A description of the scene—all the horned animals dancing—then follows.

01 Horned Animals: purposive used after tail-head of motion to show new scene that meets the participant

11a. Pawikile akulá navakodya PURPOSIVE vavagwe When.arrived there and.met.them his.associates 11b. vavele PAST PART shing'ati na kuvina pashiwanja they.being middle and dance in.field. When Rabbit turned up at the party, he found everyone out in the clearing dancing away.

Sometimes there is no semantic tail-head construction, and the purposive simply follows a past verb of motion, but still describes the scene that meets the participant on arrival at the new location. There are two examples of this occurring in 07 Mother and child. In clause 11a below the mother andítukuta ‘ran’ back as fast as she could to the village navakodya ‘and found them’; namely, the Portuguese soldiers, gone. It is very clear in this example that there is no intention involved in the purposive; this is simply the situation she encounters. In clause 12e, quoted above in section 5.1.6, the - ka- consecutive, the mother kuujanavo ‘returns with [her child]’ nakodyania ‘and mets’ her husband. Again, the purpose of returning is not to meet with her husband, but to bring the child back out of the danger zone. Meeting her husband is simply the situation she encounters on her return.

07 Mother and Child use of purposive to show new scene that meets the participant

11a. --- Andítukuta PAST moja kwamoja mpaka po palikaja She.had.run one by.one until there at.village 11b. navakodya PURPOSIVE vajungu and.found.them white.people 11c. vandyúka PAST they.had.gone She dashed back as fast as she could to the village, where she found that the Portuguese had moved on… (Literally: she found the white people; they had gone).

5.1.8 Present progressive

The present progressive tense in Makonde is formed with the subject prefix + nku + the verb stem. It contrasts with the present tense by specifying the progressive aspect of the verb; that is, the action is ongoing at the present moment. The present progressive is only found infrequently in this text corpus and no corpus of edited written literature exists to establish whether it might be edited out, as the present progressive is in Malila.40 However, this seems unlikely in Makonde as it is used in narrative for a specific effect, which is

40See Eaton, H. (2011). 80 to present a situation with a critical need or problem. It is a very dramatic device, and unlike the other tenses, is used in the negative as frequently as the positive. On the event-line, the use of the present progressive gives a vivid freeze-frame of a situation that urgently needs resolving; i.e., heightening the tension, while waiting for the resolution (or lack of it).41 The parallel structures in the two examples below from 04 Elephant and Nightjar both demonstrate this use of the present progressive. In both cases the problem is that Elephant is proceeding through the bush on a collision course with Nightjar’s eggs, which are in a nest on the ground. In sentence 6, this is the first presentation of the problem scenario. Between sentences 6 and 16, Nightjar has asked Elephant to take care not to step on her eggs. However, Elephant brushes her off very rudely and keeps on coming, so there is now a high audience expectation that the worst is going to happen. (In fact, Elephant does tread on the eggs!) 04 Elephant and Nightjar present progressive describing problem awaiting its resolution

6a. Bai Nnembo ankwida PRES PROG tu So Elephant he.is.coming just 6b. --- ankulya PRES PROG tu he.is.eating just. So Elephant keeps on coming, and keeps on eating. 04 Elephant and Nightjar present progressive describing problem awaiting its resolution

16a. Mwiu nang'olo ankwida PRES PROG tu Truly old.one he.is.coming just, 16b. ankwida PRES PROG tu is.coming just. And indeed old Elephant keeps on getting nearer and nearer.

In the denouement and conclusion, the present progressive is used for an almost reverse effect: to present a vivid picture of a problem situation, which the audience knows is not going to be resolved. The problematic situation that the protagonist finds himself in is the one with which he’s left after the mistakes he’s made. This leaves the audience reflecting on the moral of the story without needing to spell it out. The point the narrator is making below in clauses 35d–f of 05 Fisherman is that, having gained great riches through no merit of his own and having lost them all again through wilful stupidity, the protagonist is left at the end of the story in exactly the same miserably impoverished situation that was so highly emphasized at the beginning of the tale. One will also note the purposive, plus the anterior, showing the new situation the protagonist finds himself in, as described above. 05 Fisherman use of the present progressive to show situation of protagonist at the close of the narrative

35d. pindiku nalikodya PURPOSIVE pindiku pindiku [ideophone and.he.found.himself repeated]

41This tense has been used in the translation of the New Testament in contexts such as in the story: Jesus Calms the Storm. Specifically, the present progressive has been used in Mark 5:37, where the waves are described as ‘coming into the boat’, heightening the understanding that this is a description of a genuine crisis. 81

35e. andiikala ANTERIOR mo mwingalava amu kavili he.has.sat in.that boat this again 35f. shanjaa! ankutambisha PRES kavili na indawana PROG yake [ideophone ] he.is.fishing again with hook his. …rolling and somersaulting, tossed over and over, until—there he found himself sitting down back in his boat, sitting there again at his fishing line.

In the example below from 09 Ákalimanya, which is a true story, the protagonist has cheated the inhabitants of the village out of their share of a trapped elephant; he is not overtly punished, but the village—as a group—turn their back on him, with the result in the end that he moves away. The author describes the final situation with two negative present progressives—he isn’t here; I don’t know where he is—leading into the rhetorical question, ‘Where is he now?’ No one knows. The author’s point is implicit: through his greed and bad faith, the protagonist has lost his community and is abandoned to the mercy of the hostile world.

09 Ákalimanya use of the present progressive to show situation of protagonist at the close of the narrative

47a. Aijá nang'olo mpaka nelo ata po hanapagwa shinu PRES Ákalima-nya (S) paludeya apalá PROG NEG That old.one until today even that he.is.not not, Ákalimanya at.village that 47b. anditumuka ANTERIOR he.went.away 47c. ata pavele hangunamanya shinu nelo PRES PROG NEG even I.do.not.know not here.he.is today 47d. kwali anama PRES CONJOINT likaja shani? or he.living village which? And to this very day, old Ákalimanya is no longer in that village; he went away and I have no idea where he is today, not even which village he’s living in.

5.1.9 The narrative voice

There is no straight ‘narrative voice’ tense in Makonde. There are, rather, several different tenses used by narrators when indicating their own voice: one is the present conjoint for the introductory ‘I’m going to tell a story…’. For most third-person narratives, this is the full extent of the narrator’s voice. However, in first person narratives, we may also see the anterior for the narrator’s reflections on what happened at the time of the story, and the present for his current view of the events. This can be seen in the chart ‘Mother and child’ below, clauses 1, 13a, and 14a, which illustrate these uses.

5.2 ‘Mother and child’ tense and aspect charted in a whole text

The text ‘Mother and child’ has been charted and tagged below to illustrate the use of tense and aspect in Makonde narrative in context, Speech has not been included in the Makonde sections, but translations of all speeches have been given so that the storyline can be followed (appearing between square brackets, and tagged SP). There is a free English translation after every full sentence, and the independent verbs 82 also have a literal word-for-word translation below them. For a word-for-word translation of the whole text see the charted text in the appendix. Only verbs which function independently or semi-independently are in the ‘verb’ column, while verbs in relative clauses and ones which are fully subordinated, are in the pre- and post-verb columns. In the English translations below each sentence, the pre-verb/verb/post-verb columns are marked with slashes for easier cross-reference. Note too that all uses of tense and aspect in independent clauses, other than the default tense and the default narrative, have been addressed. Tags for tenses:

• DEF NARR default narrative PAST past perfective • PAST IMPF past imperfective PRES PART present participle • ANTERIOR anterior (perfective) -KA- CONSECUTIVE -ka- consecutive • PURPOSIVE purposive PRESENT present habitual • PAST CONJ past conjoint PRES CONJ present conjoint

ref pre-verb Verb post-verb comments 01. Ngulota kuvalanganga maimyo apaing'ondo. present conjoint: PRES CONJ + infinitive used by narrator to I.want to.tell give prominence to the telling of the story (see section 6.3.2) 01 I want to tell / a story of the wartime. 02. Maimyo ala ni COPULA ing'ondo ailá itandi copula: see section apaing'ondo it.is itandéke akuno ku 6.3.3 Moshambiki yavyaka kumi. 02 This wartime story/ is / of the first war that happened here in Mozambique—the ten-year war [of independence]. 03a. Ing'ondo ailá vajungu vashindauma PAST IMPF po pa Mweda apa past impf: use as they.were.leaving prior progressive 03b. kupita DEF NARR default narrative passed 03c. vatenda PRES PART ing'ondo pres part: used they.making adverbially to describe action in 03b 03d. vavabyanga PRES PART venentete mmakaja. pres part: used they.killing.them adverbially to describe action in 03b 03 During that war, white people / would make sorties/ from right here in Mueda,/ they would go /and make / war/ and kill / people in the villages. 83 ref pre-verb Verb post-verb comments 04a. Napanelo muliduva vandíinjila PAST mulikaja limo lya pa past: opening limo they.entered Mpeme inciting episode, important thematic information 04b. kanji vanu vashitukutangila PAST namene kubondi. past impf: use as IMPF prior progressive they.used.to.hide 04 Now one day / they went into/ one of the Mpeme district villages,/ but people/ used to go and hide/ a lot in the low country [below the plateau escarpment]. 05a. Bai ndege kushanya kwomba DEF NARR default narrative bombed 05b. na vamadodo vapita PRES PART pai. pres part: they.passing describing action simultaneous with that in 05b 05 So the aeroplane overhead / was bombing /and the foot-soldiers /passed over / the ground below. 06a. Napanelo vandiwika ANTERIOR palikaja lyavaikalénge anterior: used they.arrived vanu cataphorically to heighten tension 06b. vanu avalá kuvajanga DEF NARR popo default narrative pavaanjenge abandoned.them kutukutanga bai kutwa vana 06c. kuvaleka DEF NARR vene default narrative left.them 06d. kutukuta. DEF NARR default narrative fled. 06 Then/ they came/ to a village where there were still people;/ those villagers when they began to flee then their children/they abandoned / right there/—they left them / those same villagers/ they fled. 07a. Napanelo mama jumo auke kwatukutidíle past conjoint: see went where.fled section 6.3.2 07b. kutwala kunkumbukila DEF mwanagwe. default narrative NARR remembered.him 07 But one mother when she got to where she was fleeing/ remembered/ her child. 08a. Kanji vatukwite PAST CONJ pamo na ntwagwe past conjoint: see they.fled section 6.3.2 08b. nae kwona DEF NARR dashi: [SPEECH] default narrative saw 08 But / they had fled/ she with her husband / now she/ thought/thus: [SP: what about my child? It’s better for me to go and die there with him.] 09a. Mwiu nkongwe aijá akatukuta -KA- -ka- consecutive: CONSECUTIVE she.ran used to ‘downgrade’ this verb 09b. kuja DEF NARR kavili default narrative returned 84 ref pre-verb Verb post-verb comments 09c. nnume ntwagwe kudoni: DEF NARR default narrative [SPEECH] say. thus, 09 Indeed that woman /she ran / returning / back again /but her husband /shouted to her/ [SP: “You mustn’t go back, they’ll kill you.”] 10. Nae kudoni: DEF NARR default narrative [SPEECH] say. thus, 10 She said: [SP: “No! I’d rather go back and die with my child.”] 11a. Andítukuta PAST moja kwamoja mpaka past: opens peak She.had.run po palikaja episode 11b. navakodya PURPOSIVE vajungu purposive: and.found.them describes the new scene that meets the protagonist 11c. vandyúka PAST past: used after she they.had.gone found to describe preceding action 11d. vapita PRES PART pres part: used they.passing adverbially to describe action in 11c above 11e. vaomba PRES PART disemu dinji. pres part: used they.firing adverbially to describe action in 11c 11 She dashed / as fast as she could to the village /and she found the white people/ they had gone, /they were moving on/ and firing/ somewhere else. 12a. Nae kunnambela DEF NARR apalá default narrative searched.for.him 12bc. akankodya -KA- mwanagwe alipidye -ka- consecutive: CONSECUTIVE palyukutu used to ‘downgrade’ and.found.him this verb 12d kutwala kuujanavo DEF NARR kavili default narrative returned.with 12e nakodyania PURPOSIVE na ntwagwe. purposive: and.met describes scene that meets her return 12 She searched for him/ there/ and found/ her child hidden in a bush; then she went back with him/ again/ and met up /with her husband. 13a Napane maimyo ala nimwona PRESENT present: narrator’s nangu I.see.her voice giving current point of view 13bc. nkongwe aijá kuva DEF NARR nkongwe wantima default narrative to.be mwiu akashijopa 85 ref pre-verb Verb post-verb comments 13de. kulota DEF NARR dashi apele nae mwaa default narrative wanted wamwana. 13 Now in this story,/ I see her /that woman / she was / truly courageous, without fear,/ she was prepared/ that she might die because of the child. 14a. Nangu ndyona ANTERIOR mwiu anterior: narrator’s I.have.seen voice giving past reflections 14b. nkongwe aju avele PAST CONJ nkongwe namene past conjoint: see was section 6.3.2 14c. kanji nnume ntwagwe avele PAST CONJ likule past conjoint: see was section 6.3.2 14d. avele PAST CONJ munu wakujopa. past conjoint: see was section 6.3.2 14 I / see/ truly / this woman / was / a real woman/ but that man her husband/ was/ a coward/ he was a fearful person. 15ab Pashitenda ndyagwe aashidoni: PRES PART pres part: cd. ntwagwe [SPEECH] describing a saying. thus simultaneous event 15e. kanji nkongwe ata hatanene PAST NEG past negative: she.did.not.consider thematically important material 15f. andyuka PAST mpaka koko akulá. past: recapitulation she.went of thematically important information in denouement 15 While the wife was doing this, the husband /was saying [SP: “Don’t go, you will die, they will kill you”] but the wife /paid no attention/ she went/ all the way back there. 16a. Namwiu anímwambola PAST aijá mwanagwe past: new DU she.saved.him (conclusion), recapitulation of thematically important information 16b. kumwidanavo DEF default narrative: NARR brought.him.with used to recapitulate in conclusion 16c. atukuta PRES PART kulyutu lyapagwíte past part: used running aijá ntwagwe. adverbially to describe action in 16b 16 And indeed/ she rescued /her child / and brought him back/ running/ to the place where her husband was.

6 Information structure

A speaker or writer can convey the same information in different ways, depending on his assumptions about what his audience already knowns. The topic of a sentence is what the utterance is about; it must be either established or at least accessible. The focus of an utterance changes the audience’s mental representation about the topic, and contains the asserted information.42 In addition, standard categorizing of sentence articulations fall into three main types depending on the domain of the focus within the utterance. In sentence focus utterances the whole sentence is discourse-new, asserted information; that is, the domain of the focus is the whole utterance. In predicate focus sentences the topic is presupposed but the comment—including the verb—is the domain of the focus. In argument focus sentences, only one argument of the utterance, whether the subject, object or adjunct, is the domain of the focus with the rest of the utterance, including the verb, being presupposed information.43 Note that these categories also apply equally to clauses. For simplicity, however, the term ‘sentence articulation’ is used in this section for both.

6.1 Sentence focus (presentational; thetic)

The domain of the focus in a thetic sentence is the whole sentence, and at least the subject and the verb must be non-established information. There are two types of sentences with sentence focus: presentational and event reporting, the latter of which includes experiential sentences. Despite the different functions of these sentences, in Makonde they all have one element in common: they all show marked word order, usually including a postposed subject.

6.1.1 Presentational sentence focus

Presentational sentences occur in nearly every text. This is where a new entity is introduced into the text. In Makonde these can be elaborately formulaic in structure, as seen in examples in the 04 Participant reference section 4.1.1, or they may be as simple as the V S example illustrated below.

05 Fisherman presentational sentence focus introducing new entity into narrative, with postposed subject

1a. Andípagwa munu (S) He.was person, Once upon a time there was a man…

6.1.2 Event reporting sentence focus

Event reporting occurs where a completely new event—as opposed to a new entity—is introduced into a text without being linked to an established topic, or without being presupposed; however, this is rare in Makonde. In the example below from 09 Ákalimanya, the new event is ugombi ‘conflict’ which is introduced suddenly into the narrative.

42See Floor, S.J. (2004/2), section 1.3 Topic and Focus. 43See Nicolle, S. (2011), section 6.1. 87

09 Ákalimanya event reporting sentence focus introducing new event into narrative, with postposed subject

32a. [AFTER VERB] Kwinjila ugombi (S) Entered conflict So there was a real conflict…

More commonly, a sentence which has a discourse-new subject and verb is introduced into the narrative in Makonde by means of a topic frame. In the example from 07 Mother and child below, the subject of the sentence, vajungu ‘the Portuguese’ (an entity), and the verb vatenda ing'ondo, their ‘making war’, (an event) are introduced for the first time into the narrative, but the whole sentence is connected into the discourse by the topic frame ing'ondo ailá ‘that war’, which reiterates the topic of ‘war’ introduced in the sentence before. This then becomes a predicate focus sentence and the subject is not postposed.

07 Mother and child introduction of subject and verb into narrative by means of a topic frame

3a. Ing'ondo ailá vajungu vashindauma po pa Mweda apa War that white.people they.were.leaving here at Mueda here 3b. kupita passed 3c. vatenda ing'ondo they.making war During that war, the Portuguese would make sorties from right here in Mueda, going out to fight...

6.1.2.1 Experiential sentence focus

These are a special type of event-reporting sentences, where the topic of the sentence ‘experiences’ rather than ‘does’ the verb. In the example below from 08 Archbishop, dyoni ‘shame’ ‘comes to’ those who had been going to lay out cloths on the ground for the Archbishop to walk on. As in other sentence-focus constructions, the grammatical subject of the sentence is postposed. This could also be analyzed as a presentation sentence-focus, where the abstract concept ‘shame’ is introduced. However, the heavy participant marking vo vene vapaganiénge on the original participants is a signal that, despite their move to being the object of the verb, they are being explicitly maintained as prominent. For this reason the designation experiential sentence focus seems more appropriate here.

08 Archbishop experiential sentence focus where topic experiences the verb; postposed subject

10a. Mwiu shinu ashilá hashuukíle ndatandeka True thing that was.not.going and.be.done 10b. kutwala vo vene vapanga- [AFTER VERB] kuvaida dyoni (S) kavili. niénge (O) then those same it.came.to.them shame again. who.had.prepared The cloths were not in fact laid out, and instead the women who had been getting ready to do so were deeply embarrassed.

In the example from 09 Ákalimanya below, the protagonist is at a loss what to do, but dindímwida ding'ano ‘came to him thoughts’: 88

09 Ákalimanya experiential sentence focus where topic experiences the verb; postposed subject

7c. nae, --- hashipali shagwene he --- there.was.not of.he.should see 7d. [AFTER VERB] dindímwida ding'ano (S) they.came.to.him thoughts …he could not think what to do; then he got the idea of…

Also from 09 Ákalimanya, in the following example the protagonist Ákalimanya is not referred to explicitly, but there is a reference to him in mushu mwake mo ‘in his future’ and also as an object infix in the verb, vilwele (S) vininkodya ‘illnesses met him’. He is the topic of the sentence, and experiences what happens; namely, that illnesses come.

09 Ákalimanya experiential sentence focus where implicit topic experiences the verb; postposed subject

40a. Kanji shinu ashi shindyaneka do But thing this was.seen thus, 40b. mushu mwake [AFTER VERB] vininkodya vilwele vikumene mo namene (S). future his that they.met.him illnesses great very. But as it turned out, later on he had a problem with serious illness.

6.2 Predicate focus (topic-comment)

Predicate focus, or topic comment, is the unmarked sentence articulation, the most frequent in narrative text, where the domain of the focus is the predicate, i.e., the verb plus complements. In Makonde this usually has the default word order: S V O, or rather: (S) V (O), as neither S nor O is obligatory. This can be seen in the SVO example below from 01 Horned Animals:

01 Horned Animals predicate focus sentence showing S V and O

16. Wako undyanalela shipii shetu You have.discovered secret our! You’ve discovered our secret!

With speech introducers, the speech itself is the complement of the speech introducer:

07 Mother and child predicate focus sentence with speech as the complement

10a. Nae kudoni She say. thus, 10b. aii kudyanga nikapele na mwanangu. [interjection] to.be.better I.should.die with my.child. “No!” she said, “I’d rather go back and die with my child.” 89

6.2.1 Object preposing in predicate focus sentences

An interesting feature in predicate focus sentences in Makonde is the use of preposed objects. In Digo, preposed objects are often ‘switch topics’; that is, the sentence or clause in view has a new topic compared with the previous sentence or clause.44 In Malila preposing of objects is also used to mark switch topics.45 In both of these languages, the preposed object seems to be acting as a frame or a point of departure. In Makonde, preposing of objects also occurs. As in Digo and Malila above, it may be employed as a topic frame, or point of departure for the sentence. It is also used in Makonde to give prominence to the final constituent of the sentence, whether that is the verb, an adjunct, or the subject in a focus- presupposition sentence. The examples below show: (i), a preposed object giving prominence to an adjunct; (ii), a preposed object giving prominence to the verb; and (iii), a preposed object acting as a topic frame. In addition, for focus-presupposition sentences see below.

6.2.1.1 Preposed object in predicate focus sentence giving prominence to an adjunct

In the example below from 07 Mother and child, the locative popo ‘right there’ is prominent because, when the soldiers invade, the villagers drop everything including their children, and run. The theme of the story is: who has the courage to return to the village; that is, to that same location, braving the danger in order to rescue an abandoned child.

07 Mother and child preposed object in predicate focus sentence: prominence given to adjunct

6b. vanu avalá (S) pavaanjenge bai kutwa vana (O) kuvajanga popo kutukutanga people those when.they. so then children abandoned.them right.there, began to.flee, …the villagers began to flee and abandoned their children right there…

In sentence 5 of 05 Fisherman below, prominence is given to kila mo mwaushwela ‘every single dawn’ because this is the constituent of the sentence highlighting the fisherman’s poverty. Since this is a rags- to-riches-to-rags story, the initial poverty needs to be stressed.

05 The fisherman preposed object in predicate focus sentence: prominence given to adjunct

5. Nae (S) kukwaka (O) hashishalegwa kila mo mwaushwela He at.hunt he.did.not.be.absent every when of.it.was.dawning. Not a day dawned that he failed to go fishing.

6.2.1.2 Preposed object in predicate focus sentence giving prominence to the verb

In the example from 05 Fisherman below, there is a speech from the antagonist—a talking bird—telling the fisherman that he is allowed to open all the doors in his magic house but one; that is, it is prohibited to open that particular one. And the peak of story is when, inevitably, he does so. Both objects are

44Nicolle, S. (2011), section 6.2. 45Eaton, H. (2011), section 6.2. 90 preposed and the verbs are placed clause-finally. This gives the verbs prominence and the parallelism highlights the contrast.

05 The fisherman preposed objects giving prominence to verbs in parallel structure

25b. ding'ande uti dyodyo adi (O) shimulanga houses all these.same those open, 25c. nnango au (O) haunalote ushimule door this you.must.not you.open. …all these rooms are yours to open, but this one door you must not open…

In clause 25c of 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, the clause-final verb unangumamena ‘you will eat me’ is given prominence, because the key issue in Hyena’s and Pied Crow’s friendship is whether or not Hyena will follow his carnivorous instincts and eat his friend. When he is tricked into showing that he will actually do that, the friendship comes to a rapid end.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow preposed object giving prominence to clause-final verb

25c. liduva na liduva wako (S) nangu (O) unangumamena. day and day you me you.will.eat.me.” “…and one of these days you’ll end up by eating me.”

6.2.1.3 Preposed object in predicate focus sentence as topic frame or point of departure

In the example from 09 Ákalimanya below, which is an example of predicate focus, the preposed object is nang'olo aijá ‘the old man’. In Makonde the old man is the object of the verb kummalilikila ‘to finish’—the bullets finish ‘to him’. Where a subject is made explicit, as here, a preposed object which is a topic frame for the sentence (see section 2.4.2) must not only precede the verb, but be placed in pre-nuclear position, before the subject. This pre-nuclear position is highlighted by the placement of the connector kutwala after the subject this is a prominence device usually used in verb chains (see section 5.1.1).

09 Ákalimanya preposed object operating as a topic frame

7b. mpaka nang'olo aijá (O), vyumbu vyamuyuti avi (S) kutwala kummalilikila until old.one that bullets of.in.gun these then to.finish.to.him; …until one day [the old man’s] ammunition ran out…

Also from 09 Ákalimanya, in the following example there is a preposed object inji yo ‘some of that [meat]’, which repeats the clause-final object inyama in 18d and then operates as a topic frame for the second half of the sentence, clauses 18e; the villagers plan to eat some of the meat, but to sell the rest and get some money.

09 Ákalimanya preposed object operating as a topic frame mid-sentence

18a. Bai --- tutwale So we.should.take 18b. --- tummyae we.should.kill.him 18c. --- tupate we.should receive 18d. kujavananga inyama to divide-up meat 91

18e. na inji yo (O) tushulushe and other that we.should.sell 18f. --- tulyangangalele mashida etu. we.should.resolve problems our. This was so we could catch one, kill it, get it out (of the trap), divide up the meat, and some of the meat we’d sell, so that we could deal with our various issues.

In the example below from 04 Elephant and Nightjar, Elephant is boasting to Nightjar that he is the biggest animal in the bush and therefore it is below his dignity to be careful about treading on her eggs. This is an interesting example as, although nangu ‘me’ operates as a topic frame and -ngw- ‘me’ is also the object infix of the verb clearly acting grammatically as the direct object, there is also a secondary object kutumbula aku ‘this size’. Preposing the object ‘me’ as a topic frame allows the verb to take both nouns as direct objects. Note, however, that in Makonde object infixes are only employed for nouns in classes 1 and 2—the ‘human’ classes—and so kutumbula aku ‘this size’, class 15, would not be represented in the verb in any case.

04 Elephant and Nightjar preposed object acting as topic frame in sentence with secondary object

11. Da nangu (O) - haunangwona shinu kutumbula aku? (Question-word) me you.don’t.see.me not bigness this? Look at me; can’t you see the size I am?

6.3 Argument focus (focus-presupposition; identificational)

This sentence articulation occurs less frequently than predicate focus; that is, the domain of the focus is only one argument or constituent of the sentence—subject, object, adjunct. The rest of the sentence, including the verb, is presupposed or established information or information accessible from the context. Such sentences are also called ‘identificational’—they identify the information missing from a proposition. Sometimes they are answers to explicit questions, and at other times the material in focus answers an implicit question. The focus of a sentence turns a presupposition into an assertion, but it is not always new information; in fact, at times it is the focus in order to add emotion or contrast; i.e., the ‘missing information’ to established information. In Makonde argument focus sentences are always distinguished by marked word order. There are several different structures used for argument focus: • postposed subjects; • conjoint verb structures; and • ni structures.

6.3.1 Postposed subjects in argument focus

It is worth noting that, although object preposing as mentioned above, is not in itself an argument focus device in Makonde, it occurs quite frequently together with postposed subject marking in argument focus constructions. This is because, although the language allows a subject plus a preposed object or vice versa before the verb, it does not allow both an object and a postposed subject after the verb. This means that postposing the subject forces any object into a preposed position. In clause 16c of 03 Hyena and Pied Crow below, Hyena tells his wife to prepare food, while nimwene he himself (postposed subject) will deal with the imbogwa ‘stew’ (preposed object). It is necessary to understand some cultural assumptions in order to see what the presupposition is. These are spelt out in the vocabulary. Thus, shakulya, often translated simply ‘food’, actually refers to the staple, a stiff porridge usually made of maize flour. Imbogwa is ‘stew’; that is, whatever protein the staple is served 92 with, as in any preparation of beans, leaves, meat, fish etc. Eating this staple without any ‘stew’ is seen as a starvation diet and would not be assumed, unless specifically instructed. So here the presupposition is that, if the wife has to cook a staple, she should be cooking a stew as well; and that she needs to know what stew to prepare. This clause presents that new information as a contrast: I (not you) am the one who knows about the stew. 03 Hyena and Pied Crow postposed subject and preposed object in argument focus construction

16a. Paukile ndawika kukaja --- kumwaulila ndyagwe do: When.he.went and.arrived told.her his.wife thus, at.home 16b. Ndyangu taleka shakulya “My.wife cook food.staple 16c. imbogwa (O) namanya nimwene (S). sauce I.will.know I.myself.” When he got home, he told his wife, “Get some food ready for me, wife—but as for the meat sauce, I’ll deal with that.”

The example below from 05 Fisherman is interesting, as the three clauses are: IO: V–O; O: V–S; IO:V–O. In this case the parallelism of the constructions is probably more interesting than the fact that there are two ditransitive object constructions and one OVS with a postposed subject. All three are argument focus structures with the presupposed information coming first: the fisherman catches three fish each day, information which is asserted in sentence 02. And the fact that he uses these either to eat or to buy things will be accessible from the context. What is being identified here is exactly what he did with each of the three fish. 05 The fisherman argument focus construction using parallelism, preposed objects and a postposed subject

3a. Yomba jumo (IO) akannipe udeni (O) Fish one he.would.pay.it debt, 3b. junji aju (O) akanniele mwene na ndyagwe (S) fish this he.would.eat.it. (with staple) the.same and his.wife 3c. junji aju (IO) akannipe mwene ingalava (O) other this he.would.pay.him the.owner boat. With one fish he would pay his debts, another fish he and his wife would eat, and the third he used to pay the owner of the boat. In clauses 35a–b of 09 Ákalimanya (below) the villagers, who helped dig the pit trap for the elephant and kill it when it fell in, have been told by Ákalimanya not to touch any of the meat; it’s all his. They respond indignantly, tuvanu tuvoe ‘we many people’ killed it, why is he treating us like this? The fact that they were all involved in killing the elephant is entirely established information. What the speakers are doing is confirming that many of them killed it that answers the unspoken question, “who?” And, by drawing a contrast, they reject what Ákalimanya has said; namely, that the meat is for him alone. 09 Ákalimanya argument focus construction with postposed subject

35a. [AFTER VERB] Tumyee tuvanu tuvoe (S) We.killed.it we.people we.many 35b. mwaa shani atutenda doni? reason which he.does.us thus? “Didn’t we all go and kill it—why is he treating us like this?” 93

In another example from 09 Ákalimanya below, there is a very unusual sentence in Makonde where we have S V S1. The first subject in default position is munu aju ‘this person’, and the postposed marked subject is mwene ‘he-himself’. Without mwene, S1, this would be a topic-comment sentence: ‘…this man will go one of these days’. But it is already discourse-established information that the protagonist Ákalimanya will have to leave the village. The question is whether he needs to be thrown out or not, so the elders respond, “no,” leave him alone, “He will go one of these days ‘he himself’,” i.e., of his own accord.

09 Ákalimanya

37a. Vanang'olo kupakanila Old.ones agreed.together 37b. kushidoni said. thus, 37c. mene nneke “no, leave.him 37d. ila munu aju andauka mwene (S repeat) liduva linji lyo only person this he.will.leave he.himself day other that But the elders got together and said, “No, leave him alone; one of these days he’ll decide to go of his own accord…

6.3.2 Conjoint verbs in argument focus

Conjoint verbs are a linguistic feature of the P group of Bantu languages; Makonde is P23. Conjoint verb forms are shortened forms of the verb forming a single phonological unit with a following constituent: the semantic value of the verb is downgraded while the following constituent, either an object or an adverb, is given extra prominence.46 By using a conjoint verb, the verb is excluded from the focal domain. Conjoint verbs are commonly used in questions, giving focus to the sentence-final question word. In sentences, they often indicate argument focus, although they are also found in predicate focus sentences, where there is a focus peak or a dominant focal element. The example below is from the opening of the inciting episode in 03 Hyena and Pied Crow, where Pied Crow tells Hyena that they are vila ‘only/continuing’ friends. The verb twadana ‘we follow each other’ means ‘we are friends’. This is normally used without any pejorative meaning, as can be seen by comparing it with kwadana ‘to be friends’ in sentence 6 of the same text. Here, however, ‘we follow each other’ is the conjoint present verb twadana with the complement vila. The information that they are friends was established right in the first sentence of the text, and the focus is the addition of vila, which throws that information into doubt. That is, to say we’re ‘only’ friends in this way in Makonde is to ask, “Are we in fact friends at all?”

03 Hyena and Pied Crow argument focus construction with conjoint verb

2b. --- kumwaulila doni: told.him thus, 2c. Nyaa wako namu nangu twadana vila. “friend you with me we.follow.each.other only. …Pied Crow told his friend, “Listen, there’s a problem with us being friends, you and me.”

46Leach, M.B. (2010), section 5.3 Conjoint vs disjoint structures, and van der Wal, J. (2009) p. 235. 94

In the example from 08 Archbishop below, the conjoint structure is the past conjoint vaaleke ‘they came’ with its complement mundege ‘in an aeroplane’. The fact that they came is already established information, both from sentence 2, where it states Nang'olo bispo …kwida akuno ‘the bishop came here’, and also in the tail-head construction starting this sentence, liduva lyavaleke ‘the day that they came’. So, what is being identified is how they came, which was in a plane—a very prestigious mode of transport— and one which led to the greeting procession which is so firmly squashed in the story.

08 Archbishop argument focus construction with conjoint verb

3a. Napanelo liduva lyavaleke vaaleke mundege vila So day that.they.came they.had.come in.aeroplane only/continuing 3b. mpaka ndagwilila mushiwanja akulá. until and.landed on.airstrip there. So they came by plane, and after a long journey landed over there on the airstrip.

In clauses 30a–b of 09 Ákalimanya below, the villagers are complaining directly to the protagonist about his selfishness in keeping the elephant meat all for himself. The conjoint structure comes into the first part of the sentence with the conjoint anterior verb twimbile ‘we dug’ and its complement pamo ‘together’. This is all discourse-established information. Pamo ‘together’ is given prominence in order to contrast with what the protagonist is doing; that is, claiming all the meat as his own, which is similar to example 09 Ákalimanya 35a–b immediately above. In that case, however, a similar complaint—where villagers are speaking to each other—uses a post-posed subject rather than a conjoint verb. Also worthy of note is that in 30b below utenda is also a conjoint verb form, with davo as its complement. Since this paper is a description of narrative information structure, there is no formal analysis of the use of the conjoint in questions, but it is interesting to note that the conjoint is, in fact, very commonly used in questions, especially in short questions ending with a question word.

09 Ákalimanya argument focus construction with conjoint verb

30a. Ba da wetu (S) inembo lipondo (O) twimbile pamo ai Aa, (question word] we elephant this hole we.dug together 30b. mwaa shani wako utenda davo? reason which you you.doing thus? “What! Didn’t we dig the hole for this elephant? What are you behaving like this for?”

6.3.3 ‘Ni’ structures in argument focus

Ni structures occur as both copulas and clefts, where the invariable particle ni replaces the verb (usually the verb to be) in a sentence. They are highly marked structures. There is also a corresponding negative i structure, but it is rarer and in this text corpus is only found in questions in speech; ‘is-it-not….?’. There are several key features of ni structures. Firstly, all ni structures are thematically important; that is, if a ni occcurs, it is a strong signal that the structure is identifying information essential to the theme of the narrative. This is probably the primary discourse function of the ni structure. Another feature is that a significant proportion of them add no new information to the narrative; they are there to highlight a contrast, to confirm, to specify one of several possible options, or to explain information that has already been established. One of the most regularly-occurring, formulaic uses of ni structures is in the conclusion of narratives. These vary from one narrative to another, but all are argument focus structures. These also illustrate the fact that, although the focus usually comes after ni, it can on occasion occur before. 95

6.3.3.1 Use of ni structures in conclusions

Contrast the following pair of conclusions, both from folktales: it is assumed information that when listening to a story, it will at some point come to an end; the question is when? This answers that question: the end is here. This conclusion to a folktale is semi-formulaic, but within that formula the narrator has quite a range of possibilities for expressing himself. The very similar conclusions below are in reverse order, showing that the focus can occur before or after the ni copula.

01 Horned Animals conclusion in folktale showing ni copula in argument focus construction

19. Apa ni pamwisho wankong'o. Here it.is at.end of.story. And this is the end of the tale.

02 Lion and hamerkop conclusion in folktale showing ni copula in argument focus construction

24. Mwisho wangu ni wowo au! End my it.is this.very this.one! And this is the end of my tale!

The example below from 03 Hyena and Pied Crow shows a similar conclusion, but it is not an argument focus structure and uses the verb kuva ‘to be’ instead of the ni copula.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow conclusion in folktale using verb ‘to be’ instead of ni copula, predicate focus

27. --- Kuva pamwisho. It.is (to.be) at.end. The end.

An example from a true story shows similar features, but with a slightly different focus. Here, it is not that the story is at an end that is in focus, but that it is a true story, ‘this is what I saw on that day’. The fact that the author of the story is an eyewitness is discourse-active information; it was introduced in the very first sentence of the story. This conclusion identifies and confirms that this—the whole story you have just heard—is ‘what I saw’.

08 Archbishop conclusion in true story showing ni copula in argument focus construction

11. Ashi ni shangugwene muliduva alyo. This it.is what.I.saw on.day that. This is what I saw on that day.

6.3.3.2 Other examples of ni structures

In 04 Elephant and Nightjar clauses 3a–c below, the pair of ni structures in 3a and 3b identifies through contrast; the contrast is highlighted by parallelism. All of the information in both descriptions is culturally-accessible, known information; it’s the contrast that is focal. 96

04 Elephant and Nightjar ni copula in argument focus construction highlighted by parallelism: contrast focal

3a. Nnembo aju ni nkoko nkumene namene katika mumwitu uti pakati pavanyama Elephant this it.is animal big very concerning in.bush all among the.animals 3b. na Nalubwabwa ni shuni and Nightjar it.is bird 3c. wakunyambik namene anga of.being.despised very. The Elephant is a huge animal, the biggest of all the animals of the bush—and Nightjar is a bird of no significance at all.

In another example from the end of the same narrative, sentence 32—not quoted below—says that Elephant died, so that is already discourse-active information. Here the reason for the death is identified: Elephant has died of remorse for callously stepping on Nightjar’s eggs. In fact, this has already been predicted by Nightjar in sentence 21, so that here the main function is confirmatory.

04 Elephant and Nightjar ni cleft in argument focus construction: confirmatory

In the example below from 05 Fisherman, the magic bird has asked the fisherman why he goes out every day, rain or shine. The fisherman replies that if he doesn’t, he’ll die of hunger, ‘my work is this same one’—i.e., this is how I get my living. This information is all discourse-active already, but what the fisherman is doing is specifying that going out in all weathers, not simply in other easier ways of fishing, is how he survives.

05 The fisherman ni copula in argument focus construction: specifying his type of work

14. Madengo angu ni lolo ala Work my it.is this.very.same “This is how I get my living.”

An interesting feature here for comparative purposes is that a very similar sentence—but utilizing the verb ‘to be’ instead of the ni structure—has already occurred in the orientation section of the text, where the fisherman is being described. The difference between the two sentences is that sentence 4, which does not use ni and gives new information, uses a predicate focus construction; whereas the statement by the fisherman in 14 with the ni copula contains no new information, but is an argument focus response answering the bird’s question. 97

05 The fisherman information above first presented in predicate focus construction

4. Kila nae (S) kulya kwake avele lolo ala liduva madengo ake (S) Every day he food his, work his was this.same this. So his daily work—and his daily food—were always the same.

In Mozambique, where the story 07 Mother and child is told, it is culturally-accessible information that there have been two wars: the independence struggle against the Portuguese, and the subsequent civil war. So this ni copula is identifying which of the two wars, by drawing an implicit contrast. This can be seen by comparing it with the example from Elephant and Nightjar 3a–c above, where the contrast is explicit.

07 Mother and child ni copula in argument focus construction: indentification through implicity contrast

2a. Maimyo ala apaing'ondo ni ing'ondo ailá itandi Story this of.time.war it.is war that first 2b. itandéke akuno ku Moshambiki yavyaka kumi. that.happened here in Mozambique of.years ten. This story took place at the time of the first war here in Mozambique—the ten-year war.

7 Reported Speech

Most Makonde narratives contain significant amounts of reported speech. This is overwhelmingly presented as direct speech, which is used for conversations, thoughts and soliloquies. Thoughts and soliloquies are not marked differently in any way from conversations. Indirect speech can occur in Makonde, but it is very rare and does not occur in this text corpus. In addition, ‘referred-to’ speech also occurs, again somewhat rarely. This is where a reference is made to someone having spoken without giving the content of the speech, which would be indirect speech. An example of this is given below; here, the Archbishop has asked a question. The ‘referred-to’ speech vakamwaudile ‘when they told him’ represents the answer and prompts his reaction below. There is no need for the content to be given as the audience of the story, unlike the Archbishop, knows the answer to his question already.

08 Archbishop referred-to speech

8a. --- Vakamwaulile When.they.told.him, 8b. nae até doni: he said thus, 8c. um nangu hangunava shinu Nnungu. “No, I I.am.not not.at.all God. When they told him, he said, “No, don’t treat me like God...”

Makonde also allows for embedded speech, where a speaker quotes someone else’s speech. The text corpus only shows one level of embedded speech. The example below shows that the references; namely pronouns, and verb tenses, remain as in the original speech; the embedded speech also requires its own speech orienter, as can be seen below doni ‘thus’. Here Elephant is reporting to his wife what Nightjar had told him. 98

04 Elephant and Nightjar embedded speech

25a. Kuja mpaka kwandyagwe Returned to to.his.wife 25b. kutwa kumwaulila doni: then informed.her thus, 25c. nangu (O) akulá Nalubwabwa angwaulidilé doni: “I there Nightjar she.told.me thus, 25d. undapela matuva “You.will.die remorse”. He got back to his wife and told her, “That Nightjar told me I was going to die of remorse.

7.1 The placing and role of speech in Makonde narrative

In Makonde narratives speech occurs in almost every part of a narrative; the exceptions are the orientation section and the conclusion, where it does not occur. In the denouement speech can occur giving the narrator’s perspective or a participant’s perspective. In the example below, it’s the protagonist’s perspective, as he finally understands the meaning of what has happened to him.

05 Fisherman direct speech giving protagonist’s perspective in denouement

36a. Bai nae(S) popo kwanjanga kukumbukila do: So he right.there began to.think thus: 36b. baa kumbe - shashitangola shuni ashilá Ah, at.last what.he.was.speaking bird that 36c. kupata aku ni kulegwa receiving this it.is drunkenness! Well he sat there and began to think, “Now I get it! What the bird was saying was, ‘You can get drunk on good luck.’”

Most reported speeches are not theme-line events; they do not move the purpose of the story forward as independent units, but rather are intermediate steps en route to, and often triggering, the next action on the event-line. This can be seen below, where Hamerkop tells Lion to open his mouth so that he can get a stuck bone out of his throat, and Lion does so.

02 Lion and hamerkop speech as an intermediate step triggering next action on event-line

11a. Shengo aju akamwaulila doni: Hamerkop this he.said.to.him thus: 11b. bai nang'olo apa [AFTER VERB] haunapagwa mwaa (S) “So elder here there.does.not.exist problem 11c. wako jama! you open.mouth!” 12. Mwiu nae (S) kutwa kujama. True he then opened.mouth. Hamerkop said to him, “Well, sir, this isn’t much of a problem—just open your mouth!” And Lion did open his mouth.

This is so common that sometimes the action following a decision or an order is simply assumed and is not actually spelt out in the text. In this case the speech plus the following assumed action function together as an action on the storyline. In the example below, from earlier in the same story, when Lion gets the bone stuck in his throat, Jackal considers helping, but is afraid it may be a trap; and his thoughts about this are expressed as direct speech, posing himself questions. As can be seen below, the missing sentence 8 continues his self-questioning. The narrator does not give Jackal’s final decision nor add: ‘So Jackal did not go to help Lion’, but rather leaves the audience to draw that conclusion themselves, simply reiterating Lion’s state of suffering.

02 Lion and hamerkop Jackal’s speech with decision & consequences left implicit

6a. Nae kudo: He saying, 6b. ee nangu apa (S) aijá (O) nikammandika “yes I here that.one if.I.approach 6c. --- hangukamula will.he.not.grab.me 6d. kutwala --- kungumamena? then eat.me.up? Jackal said to himself, “The thing is, if I go near Lion, surely he’s going to catch me and eat me up?

8. Mwiu nang'olo andílaga maduva oe namene. True elder had.suffered days many very. So old Lion carried on for days in awful suffering.

However, some speeches are theme-line events in themselves. The story of Ákalimanya illustrates speeches as theme-line events. In this story the protagonist Ákalimanya makes an agreement with the other villagers to share in digging an elephant trap and then in the meat they get, which agreement he proceeds to break. The speech proposing the plan, and the speech where he claims the elephant for himself, are both theme-line.

08 Ákalimanya protagonist Ákalimanya sets out agreement about elephant trap: theme-line event

13a. Mwenu uti tutwalanange You all we.should.take.ourselves 13b. tukaimbe mwina. we.should dig trap. 14a. Mwina au ni lipondo lyakulota Trap this it.is hole of.going.to 14b. [AFTER VERB] vakainjila vanyama (S) if.they.should.enter animals 14c. bai tuvapate then we.should.get.them 14d. na tupate imbogwa and we.should.get stew 100

14e. na kula munu yakuka ndatumila paing'ande pake. and every person of.to.go and.use at.house his. “Let’s all go together and dig a trap, everyone. This trap will be a hole that animals are going to fall into, and then we’ll get them, we’ll get our meat stew; everyone will get some meat to take home with him.”

08 Ákalimanya Ákalimanya breaks the agreement: theme-line event

28b. Ákalimanya kwanjanga matatisho makumene namene Ákalimanya started problems big very 28c. kudo said. thus, 28d. inembo ai --- yangu nangu. “elephant this --- mine I. 29. Hanapagwe wakukamula. It.should.not.be of.to.touch.” …Ákalimanya started causing all sorts of problems. He said, “This elephant is mine. No one else is to touch it.”

7.2 Speech introducers: their use in Makonde discourse

Speech introducers in Makonde texts occur before speech; no examples of speech orienters occurring after speech have been found. Speech introducers may also be omitted, as can been seen in 7.2.1 below. However, a speech introducer may sometimes occur mid-speech, in order to mark a change of direction or the pause before a key assertion. In the example below, Hyena finds his friend Pied Crow on the path disguised as a lump of meat. He first recognizes it as Pied Crow, then changes his mind and decides to treat it—and eat it—as meat. The final sentence of his soliloquy, marking the change of direction, has its own mid-speech introducer; namely kudo (14a).

03 Hyena and Pied Crow 14a has speech introducer kudo marking change of direction mid-speech

12a. Litunu aaloka kundila Hyena he.coming on.road 12b. --- kulola looked 12c. --- kudo: said: 12d. Inyama abaa! “Meat (surprise)!” 13. I jo nyangu aju? (S) It.is.not that my.friend this? 14a. --- Kudo: Said: 14b. Um nyangu hanava doni. “no (emph) my.friend is.not thus.” When Hyena was coming back from his farm, he stared in surprise and exclaimed, “My goodness! Meat! But isn’t this my friend?” Then he said, “Definitely not, my friend doesn’t look like this.”

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There are very many options available to the Makonde narrator in terms of which speech introducer to choose. These options fall into three groups: • no speech introducer • a speech introducer from the ‘kushidoni group’ of orienters • one of several speech verbs, in a variety of tenses The second and third groups are not mutually exclusive: a speech introducer from the ‘kushidoni group’ can be combined with a speech verb, or either can stand alone. There seem to be few absolute constraints, but a number of definite patterns of usage. There is no obligatory invariable particle used as a quote marker.

7.2.1 No speech introducer

A complete lack of speech introducer is uncommon, but acceptable. There are four examples in the text corpus, occurring in three texts. This always occurs in closed conversations,47 and never initiates a conversation, although a speech without an introducer may initiate a second-round couplet in a conversation. Any speech without a speech introducer always starts with an interjection, a negative/positive particle, or a vocative. Since these almost always occur in utterance-initial position, their presence eliminates any doubt as to where one speech begins and another ends. It is also worth note here that vocatives are extremely common in Makonde conversation, but are not used in narrative texts for addressing the audience. In the examples below the two utterances are the response & answer of the final couplet in a two- couplet closed conversation. Hamerkop, after taking the bone out of Lion’s throat, is saying his goodbyes. The first speech starts with the interjection Bai ‘so then’ and the second with Aya ‘yes, okay’. Although their brevity might make it look as if the conversation is unimportant; in fact, it is thematically significant: Lion’s answer in 17 is the normal form of leave-taking, but should not have been, as he ought at this point to have been thanking Hamerkop—his ingratitude is the theme of the story.

02 Lion and hamerkop

16. Bai nangu mwanda. “So I journey.” 17. Aya --- wena. “Yes go.” “So then, I’ll be off.” “Ok, goodbye.”

7.2.2 The kushidoni group: kushidoni, kudoni, kudo, doni, do

The kushidoni group acts as the default speech introducer in Makonde narratives. Kushidoni can be used as a speech orienter in its full form; or reduced, making five different forms in all: kushidoni, kudoni, kudo, doni, do. (There is a sixth form kushido but, as this is rare and not represented in this text corpus, it is not discussed here). They are mutually exclusive; all can occur with other speech verbs, but they do not co-occur with each other.

47A closed conversation consists of a sequence of speeches in which two participants each speak in turn, Nicolle, S. (2011) section 5.2. 102

Kushidoni is a speech orienter that acts as a default narrative, although it does not come from any verb ‘to say’ at all: it is derived from the word doni ‘thus’ plus the class 15 prefix ku- and the particle -shi-.48 The commonest forms are kudo and do but all are fairly well represented; and although there is a great deal of overlap in the use, there are certain characteristics that can be singled out. Since kudo and do are used more or less equally frequently, and between them occur in well over half the speech introducers in the text corpus, they will be discussed first.

7.2.2.1 Kudo

Kudo usually marks the taking of an initiative. It occurs in all but one text (08 Archbishop, which has only one speaker in it). It can initiate a single speech; or initiate a couplet, a closed conversation, or a new round within a closed conversation. It can also mark a change of direction within a couplet or closed conversation. In the example below, Rabbit’s speech marks his decision to gatecrash the horned animals’ party.

01 Horned Animals kudo initiating a single speech (thought)

7a. Napane nae kukumbukila Now he thought 7b. kudo: saying 7c. Boo! “Hey! And so Rabbit thought, “Hmm, now what?

The mid-speech example of kudo in section 7.2 above, 03 Hyena and Pied Crow 14a, where Hyena decides to eat his friend, shows a clear change of direction. Many of the change of direction situations in closed conversations are where one speaker rejects a suggestion or instructions, as in the example below where Elephant is rejecting his wife’s suggestion that he should eat some food. Note that in this example kudo stands alone as a speech introducer, in contrast to the example above.

04 Elephant and Nightjar

31a. Kudo: Say.thus: 31b. aa nangu (O) kulya aku hakunangunagwela shinu “Aah, I eating this is.not.pleasing.me nothing.” He said, “Don’t bother me, I just don’t feel at all like eating.”

7.2.2.2 Do

Do, the most abbreviated of the kushidoni group, is used in various different contexts; however, it seems in many ways to function as the opposite of kudo: it is often used for the response in couplet, or for an occasion where the speech is seen to link particularly closely with the preceding action. It could

48Leach, MB (2010), section 5.6.1 Deficient verbs. 103 therefore be seen as having a ‘continuation’ or ‘linking’ characteristic. Like speeches without a speech orienter, most speeches introduced by do start with a vocative, interjection or the connector bai.

05 Fisherman do introducing the response in a couplet

26. Shonde shikumene ndikukamula madodo Favour great I.hold.you the.feet. 27a. Nae do: He thus: 27b. elo ndigwa yes I.heard. “I beg you please to remember this.” The fisherman said, “Yes, indeed.”

The example below illustrates a speech linked closely with the preceding action. Nightjar has pleaded with Elephant not to step on her and her eggs, but in vain; he keeps on coming relentlessly through the bush. When she sees this, she says to herself…

04 Elephant and Nightjar do linking speech closely with preceding action

17a. Nae (S) pagwene --- do: She when.saw thus: 17b. ee munu aju palota kunyanyula lidodo “no, person this when.he.is.about.to.lift foot 17c. lida po papa it.arriving right.here 17d. anangukanda he.will.tread.on.me So when the bird saw this, she said to herself, “Uh oh, when he gets here, he’s going to lift his foot and tread on me…”

Another interesting feature of do is that it is used as an introducer for almost all of the ideophones in this text corpus. Ideophones can occur without a speech orienter, but most are introduced with do.

05 Fisherman do introducing an ideophone

35a. Shinantandi kumevo (O) kumwidile kudimba (S) First to.eyes came.to.him darkness 35b. ni it.is 35c. palipindikulila do: where.somersaults thus: 35d. pindiku pindiku nalikodya pindiku [ideophone and.he.found.himself repeated] Suddenly he was plunged into darkness and found himself rolling and somersaulting, tossed over and over, until—there he found himself… 104

7.2.2.3 Kushidoni

This, the full form of the kushidoni group, is perhaps surprisingly not used that frequently. In this text corpus, it only occurs five times. It often seems to be used in ‘heavyweight’ sentence introducers; that is, ones with a long preamble, other speech verbs, full noun phrases, etc. In the example below there is a description of the conflict that breaks out when the villagers can’t decide how to respond to the protagonist Ákalimanya’s seizing all the elephant meat; this is followed by their (joint) speech, introduced by kushidoni.

08 Ákalimanya kushidoni follows sentence-initial description of conflict breaking out

32a. [AFTER VERB] Kwinjila ugombi (S) Entered conflict 32b. mpaka tuvanu kushidoni until we.people said. thus, 32c. bai tunnakele nae (IO) inyama yo (O) “ok let’s. leave.for.him him meat that, 32d. tushukulu. let’s.drop.it. So there was a real conflict, until we all said, “Ok, let’s drop it and just leave his meat to him.”

It should be noted, however, that it is possible, although not represented in this text corpus, to use kushidoni almost exclusively as the speech introducer in a narrative. This seems to be equivalent to using the default narrative exclusively for a narrative verb form, as seen in section 5.1.1. This is permissible, but fails to use the wide range of options available.

7.2.2.4 Kudoni

This option is rarely used but on every occasion it introduces a specific change of direction: that of rejecting something—what someone else is saying or doing, or a situation. (Note that although kudo above is also used for this, it has other functions as well; kudoni may however be seen simply as a variant of kudo). The example below is interesting as both speeches are introduced with kudoni: there is a major conflict situation as the wife is about to run back to rescue her child from the enemy-occupied village, where he was accidentally left behind (9a–b); the husband forbids her to do so, introduced by kudoni (9c); she rejects this and declares she will go anyway, also introduced by kudoni (10a).

07 Mother and child

9a. Mwiu nkongwe aijá akatukuta True woman that she.ran 9b. kuja kavili returned again 9c. nnume ntwagwe kudoni man her.husband say. thus, 9d. wako haunauke you you.shold.not.go 9e. vanakubyaa. they.will.kill.you. 105

10a. Nae kudoni She say. thus, 10b. aii kudyanga nikapele na mwanangu. [interjecti to.be.better I.should.die with my.child. on] She started running back again but her husband shouted to her, “You mustn’t go back, you’ll be killed.” “No!” she said, “I’d rather go back and die with my child.”

7.2.2.5 Doni

Doni is also somewhat rarely used; similarly, we have only five occurances in this text corpus. And on every occasion, it initiates the first round of speech: either a single speech, or a closed conversation. Unlike kudo, there are no changes of direction or opening of second or third rounds of conversations. On most occasions what we find is that it follows the speech verb kwaulila ‘to inform, tell’.

03 Hyena and Pied Crow doni following kwaulila and initiating first speech in narrative

2a. Muliduva alyo --- vakaikala pamo On.day that they.sat together 2b. --- kumwaulila doni: told.him thus, 2c. Nyaa wako namu nangu twadana vila. “friend you with me we.follow.each.other only. So one day as they were sitting together, Pied Crow told his friend, “Listen, there’s a problem with us being friends, you and me.

7.2.3 Speech verbs in speech introducers

There are many speech verbs such as ‘to ask,’ ‘think,’ ‘say,’ etc. available for use in speech introducers. However, by far the most frequently used is kwaulila, ‘to inform, tell’. A range of verb tenses is also available for use in speech introducers. This can be seen in 5.1.1 along with comments on the use of the default narrative; and in 5.1.5 for the present participle, noting that in 07 Mother and child 15a is the speech introducer quoted there; and lastly in 5.1.6 for the the -ka- narrative, noting that in 02 Lion and Hamerkop 11a is a speech introducer quoted there. In general, speech verbs are used for event-line or thematically significant speeches. Speech verbs are normally quoted with one of the kushidoni group, but they can stand on their own. In the example below the verb kumudya ‘to ask’ is used on its own as a speech introducer. This speech gives a rare example of an utterance-final vocative, nang'olo ‘elder’, and it only occurs in short speeches.

02 Lion and hamerkop speech verb without other orienter

14a. --- Kumudya Asked 14b. dashi nang'olo? “How elder?” He asked, “So, Sir, how is it?” Appendix A: Makonde texts, charted and glossed

Note: • There is no text 6 in this corpus (Appendix A). • The heavy lines indicate sentence breaks. Paragraph breaks are not marked.

A.1 Vanyama vadimembe: The horned animals

Author: Grécia Joice Joaquim Age: 42 From: Shikalanga, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1. Nangu ngulota kuvalanga nkong'o umo wavanyama. I want to tell story one of.animals. 2. [AFTER VERB] Vandípagwa vanyama vadimembe. (S) They.existed animals of.horns 3. Napanelo vanyama nang'olo kwanjanga kulalika shikukulu. vovava, wavanyama Now animals elder of.animals began to.invite feast. those.these 4a. Kuvalalika uti avalá Invited.them all those 4b. vavénavo dimembe they.who.have horns 4c. vauke they.should.go 4d. vakapite shikukulu asho. they.should.pass feast this.

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107

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 5. Mwiu uti vavénavo ni kupanganikanga akulá dimembe avalá mwanda kushikukulu. True all who.have it.is to.prepare journey to.that horns those to.feast. 6a. Napanelo [AFTER VERB] kupagwa nyama jumo (S) Now existed animal one 6b. wavanshamanga shingula whom.they.call rabbit 6c. nae have dimembe. he has.not horns 7a. Napane nae kukumbukila Now he thought 7b. kudo: saying 7c. Boo! “Hey! 8a. Kushinu [AFTER VERB] kuvele ing'oma akulá ing'umene namene (S) At.place has dance big very at.that 8b. magoma anaunguluma namene kushinu ako. drums they.beat very at.place this 9a. Ata nangu ibidí ngutende inamuna No I need I.should.make way 9b. ngupate dimembe I.should.get horns 9b. nguke kushikukulu ko. I.should.go to.feast this.” 108

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 10a. Mwiu nae shingula ni kutwala upula aulá True he rabbit it.is to.take beeswax that 10b. --- kuumbaumbanga to.arrange 10c. kutwala --- kulinamatidya mmuti amulá then to.stick on.head that 10d. nae kutwala mwanda he to.take journey 10e. kuka akulá kushikukulu. to.go there to.feast. 11a. Pawikile navakodya vavagwe akulá When.arrive and.met.them his.associates d there 11b. vavele shing'ati na pashiwanja kuvina they.being middle and dance in.field. 12a. Nae kwinjilinneu kuvina He entered.immediately to.dance 12b. kuvina shingula (S) danced rabbit 12c. mpaka kuudukila. until to.sweat. 109

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 13a. Paanjenge dimembe adilá kwanjanga mwaa wakuvina kuudukila kunyang'anyuka namene na liduva alilá When.began horns those started to.melt because to.sweat of.to.dance very and sun that 13b. dimembe kutwala kugwanga adilá horns then to.fall those 13c. kujaikanga. to.be.thrown.away. 14a. Napane nang'olo mwene ave Now elder himself being 14b. ashamíle shikukulu who.had.called feast 14c. aju kumwona this saw.him 14d. shingula dimembe dindigwanga. aijá rabbit that horns have.fallen. 15a. Nae - do He thus: 15b. boo! “Hey! 16. Wako undyanalela shipii shetu You have.discovered secret our! 17a. Umanya dashi You.know how 17b. kwida umunu (S) to.come person.being 110

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 17c. úkave dimembe? who.doesn’t.have horns?” 18a. Bai nang'olo kutwa kulamulila aju (S) So elder this then ordered 18b. kuntwala shingula aijá they.took.him rabbit that 18c. kuntanola they.killed.him 18d. kwamwaa nae andyúka ndatimbanga ashilá shikukulu for.reason he went and.spoilt that feast 18e. shikashimushu nae. which.not.belong him 19. Apa ni pamwisho wankong'o. Here it.is at.end of.story.

A.2 Ntumi namu Shengo: The lion and the hamerkop

Author: Shitungulu Jorge Carlos Age: 43 From: Ntushi, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique.

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1a. Ntumi ava nkoko Lion is animal 1b. ánamamena dinyama. who.eats meats. 2. Nae shakulya shake diva dinyama. He food his they.are meats. 111

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 3a. Napanelo muliduva nae amamena inyama yake limo Now on.day one he eating meat his 3b. [AFTER VERB] linímwikala ligwangwa (S) pang'ulo. stuck.him bone at.throat. 4a. Nang'olo pashinu --- andílaga maduva oe namene apalá Elder at.place that had.suffered days many very 4b. --- ashanga mwakulota wondering how.to.want 4c. --- kuumila ligwangwa pang'ulo apa. to.remove bone at.throat this. 5. Pashitenda nansheto amwona. doni apa While.he.is. jackal is.watching.him. doing thus here 6a. Nae kudo: He saying, 6b. ee nangu apa aijá (O) nikammandika (S) “yes I here that.one if.I.approach 6c. --- hangukamula will.he.not.grab.me 6d. kutwala --- kungumamena? then eat.me.up? 7a. Ailá apalá haiva imbinu That there will.it.not.be trap 7b. yakulota nangu kungutindinganianga of.to.want to.confuse.me I 112

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 7c. pakulota angukamule in.order.to he.should.catch.me 7d. angumamene? he.should.eat.me?” 8. Mwiu nang'olo andílaga maduva oe namene. True elder had.suffered days many very. 9a. Napanelo [AFTER VERB] kupagwa shuni jumo (S) Now existed bird one 9b. wavanshamanga shengo. of.they.call.him hamerkop. 10a. Akawike nankodya nang'olo apalá When.he.ar- and.met.him elder rived there 10b. mevo aninkunduvalila eyes they.have.reddened 10c. ligwanga pang'ulo (O) lindimwikala (S) bone at.throat has.stuck.him 10d. nae ankushanga he is.wondering 10e. mwakutan- --- hanamanya shinu. dela (O) how.to.do he.is.not.knowing not. 11a. Shengo aju akamwaulila doni: Hamerkop this he.said.to.him thus: 11b. bai nang'olo [AFTER VERB] haunapagwa mwaa (S) apa “So elder here there.does.not.exist problem 113

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 11c. wako jama! you open.mouth!” 12. Mwiu nae (S) kutwa kujama. True he then opened.mouth. 13a. Shengo kujela lundomo lwake Hamerkop stuck beak his 13b. kutwala --- kupamba ligwangwa alilá then to.grab bone that 13c. --- kusha. removed. 14a. --- Kumudya Asked 14b. dashi nang'olo? “How elder?” 15a. --- Do: thus, 15b. apa nangu nimumi. “Here I I.well.” 16. Bai nangu mwanda. “So I journey.” 17. Aya --- wena. “Yes go.” 18a. Nansheto kutwa kuumilila (S) Jackal then appeared 18b. --- kumwaulila doni: told.him thus, 18c. nang'olo yani aijá akuushidye ligwangwa “Elder, what.about that.one who.took.from.you bone 114

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 18d. aijá (O) unneka vila kulamana na kushidoni: that.one you.leaving.him only without and to.say, 18e. asante! thankyou!” 19. Wako utangola nyamani? undyoko wako “You child you.say what? you 20a. Nangu ninnambwalele aijá I I.have.thanked that.one, 20b. akalambwaladile nae (S) he.should.thank he 20c. --- atwete lundomo lwake he.who.took beak his 20d. --- kujela nkanywa mwangu to.stick in.mouth my 20e. nangu bila kunkwanga lino. I without to.scratch tooth.” 21. Aijá nangu nikaninnuma aijá. That.one I I.could.have.chewed that.one.” 22. Namwiu nkong'o (S) kutwa kumalilikila popo apa. And.true story then ended right.here here. 23a. Aju vanshema This.one they.call.him 23b. munu ákanamanya kulambwalela person who.doesn’t.know to.thank 115

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 23c. vakantenda shinu shambone. when.they.do.him thing good. 24. Mwisho wangu ni wowo au! End my it.is this.very this.one!

A.3 Litunu namu Nashove: Hyena and Pied Crow

Author: Damásio Evaristo Nalyabodya Age: 39 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1a. Litunu namu vanu ava kudyavalananga Nashove Hyena and Pied people these were.friends Crow 1b. kanji Nashove hashiwanawananga vila but Pied Crow he.was.not.going.around only 1c. kumwambambidyanga he.doubted.him 1d. Litunu anammamena Hyena he.will.eat.him 1e. mwaa Litunu anáshulula namene. because Hyena eats.meat very. 2a. Muliduva alyo --- vakaikala pamo On.day that they.sat together 2b. --- kumwaulila doni: told.him thus, 2c. Nyaa wako namu twadana vila. nangu “friend you with me we.follow.each.other only. 116

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 3a. Nakujopa namene I.fear.you very 3b. mwaa wako unáshulula namene because you you eat.meat very 3c. liduva limo unangumamena. day one you.will.eat.me.” 4a. Kuma Litunu (S) do: Went.out Hyena thus, 4b. Um ata wako unyangu ------mene. “no, not you no. you.my.friend 5a. Nangu ninkushulula mwiu I eat.meat true 5b. kanji wako (O) --- anikumamena. but you I.will.not.eat.” 6a. Aya mwiu vanavo kwadana Yes true they followed.each.other 6b. ---- kwadana. followed.each.other. 7. Kanji muliduva limo Nashove aninninga Litunu. But on.day one Pied Crow he.tests.him Hyena. 8a. --- Kulipakanga shana dimeme mumili amu Painted.himself well seasoning on.body on.this 8b. amu ndaikala pamoto apalá. this and.sat by.fire there. 9. Dimeme ditwa dikunduvalila shana do pyuu! Seasoning took became.red well thus, (ideophone)! 10a. --- Kuvatenda vanavake do: To.do.them his.children thus, 117

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 10b. Ngunyukata ndila mukanguvike “carry.me you.go.put.me road 10c. po panápita namene apalá. Litunu (S) there where.he.passes very Hyena there.” 11a. Vanavake kuntwala His.children took.him 11b. --- kumuukanavo indila went.with. him road 11c. yanapitapitanga namene Litunu (S) that.he.habitually.passes very Hyena 11d. nammika. and.put.him. 12a. Litunu aaloka kundila Hyena he.coming on.road 12b. --- kulola looked 12c --- kudo: said: 12d. Inyama abaa! “Meat (surprise)!” 13. I jo nyangu aju? (S) It.is.not that my.friend this? 14a. --- Kudo: Said: 14b. Um nyangu hanava doni. “no my.friend is.not thus.” 118

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 15a. --- Andilitika Nashove He.picked.up Pied Crow 15b. --- kunjela munkoba wake mulipeta. and.threw.him in.basket his in.rucksack. 16a. Paukile --- kumwaulila ndyagwe do: ndawika kukaja When.he.went told.her his.wife thus, and.arrived at.home 16b. Ndyangu taleka shakulya “My.wife cook food.staple 16c. imbogwa (O) namanya nimwene (S). sauce I.will.know I.myself.” 17. Ndyagwe kukandyanga shakulya. His.wife prepared.him food.staple. 18a. Litunu kujela nkono mulipeta mwake Hyena put hand in.bag his 18b. kumumya muje. pulled.him.out his.associate. 19. Nashove(O) --- kummika pashanya ugwali. Crow put.him on.top.of maize.staple. 20a. --- Kumeja ugwali took.a.bit maize.staple 20b. --- kubadula dimeme broke.off seasoning 20c. --- kulya. ate. 119

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 21a. --- Kumeja ugwali took.a.bit maize.staple 21b. --- kubadula dimeme broke.off seasoning 21c. --- kulya. ate. 22a. Patandile doni --- akamule inyama When.he.did he.should.hold meat thus 22b. napanelo --- ashapole now he.should.break.piece 22c. ee Nashove kuuluka yes Pied Crow flew 22d. kwikala pashanya ing'ande apalá sat above on.house there 22e. kudo: said: 22f. Nyangu nne dashi? “My.friend I.said how? 23. Wako namu imbodi haipali. nangu (O) You with me friendship does.not.exist. 24. Wako unkushulula namene. unyangu You you.are.eating.meat very. you.my.friend 25a. Imbodi ai itimbikangila popo apa Friendship this it.ends right.here here 120

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 25b. mwaa unyangu (S) um unkumamodya because you.my.friend no you.are.getting.worse 25c. liduva na wako (S) nangu (O) unangumamena. liduva day and you me you.will.eat.me.” day 26. Kutwala imbodi imwe kutimbikanga. Nashove namu Litunu Then friendship his ended. Pied Crow with Hyena 27. --- Kuva pamwisho. It.is (to.be) at.end.

A.4 Nnembo namu Nalubwabwa: The Elephant and the Nightjar

Author: Simão Simão Mateus Age: 52 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1. Ee nangu ngulota ngukome nkong'o wavakoko vavili Well I I.want I.should.tell story of.animals two. 2. Vakoko ava - vamena kenga Nnembo ala namu Nalubwabwa Animals these they.names like Elephant and these: Nightjar. 121

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 3a. Nnembo aju ni nkoko nkumene katika namene mumwitu uti pakati pavanyama Elephant this it.is animal big very concerning in.bush all among the.animals 3b. na Nalubwabwa ni shuni and Nightjar it.is bird 3c. wakunyambikanga namene of.being.despised very. 4a. Napanelo muliduva Nnembo aju ashinapita limo Now on.day one Elephant this he.was.passing 4b. alya mumwitu amu he.eating in.bush this. 5a. Kulya namene na shinang'olo shake Ate very and size his 5b. vila mpaka nakodya continuing and-met until 5c. - papagwa autamila mai (O) Nalubwabwa (S) where.she.was eggs Nightjar she.incubating 5d. mwaa Nalubwabwa ataila mai because Nightjar lays eggs 5e. pakuva shuni since bird. 122

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 6a. Bai Nnembo ankwida tu So Elephant he.is.coming just 6b. --- ankulya tu he.is.eating just. 7a. Nalubwabwa kudo: Nightjar say. thus, 7b. nang'olo akuno haunalote kuvandika “Sir here you.should.not approach 7c. nangu (S) akune ndiikala I here I.have.sat 7d. nguutamila mai ala I.am.incubating eggs these.” 8a. Nnembo do: Elephant thus, 8b. wako utangola nyamani? you you.say what? 9. Wako - kenga unkoko shani? You like which? animal.person 10a. Da uti mo nang'olo - nyani mumwitu wavanyama amu ava (Question- all this leader who, word) in.bush this of.animals these 10b. i nangu? isn’t.it I? 11. Da nangu (O) - haunangwona shinu kutumbula aku? (Question- me you.don’t.see.me not bigness this? word) 12a. Wako unkuulula kumya ideya yakulota You are.managing to.take.out ‘idea’ of.to.want 123

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 12b. nangu napite apo? I I.should.not.pass here? 13. Wako unkuvanavo ding'ano mwiu? You have intelligence truly?” 14a. Nae kudo: She thus: 14b. Mene mwaa po wako ukaida nang'olo pangwikele apa “no sir because this you if.you.come where.I.have .sat here 14c. unangulivata you.will.step.on.me 14d. na unalivata mai ala and you.will.step.on eggs these 14e. kungubyangila vanavangu to.kill.all.to.me my.children.” 15a. Kudoni: Say. thus: 15b. nangu nakwigwa shinu “I I.not.hear nothing.” 16a. Mwiu nang'olo ankwida tu Truly old.one he.is.coming just, 16b. ankwida tu is.coming just. 17a. Nae (S) pagwene --- do: She when.saw thus: 17b. ee munu aju palota kunyanyula lidodo “no, person this when.he.is.about. to.lift foot 124

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 17c. lida po papa it.arriving right.here 17d. anangukanda he.will.tread.on.me 17e. nangu kudyanga ngunyeme I better I.should.leave 17f. avabyae vo vana ava he.to.kill.them these children these 17g. àvele alalá mai being those eggs.” 18. Mwiu mai (O) andipwaja nang'olo patandile doni Truly eggs he.trod.on. old.one when.he did thus, 19. Mwene (S) shii andyuluka Owner [interjection] has.flown. 20a. Bai ndyoko (S) apalá kudo: So small.one there say.thus: 20b. nang'olo lo mai undipwaja angushamba lo (O) “Sir those eggs you.trod.on which.I.referred. to those 20c. kanji hapave shinu but there.is nothing 125

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 20d. kwoda wako ni unang'olo wamwitu au uti since you it.is you.leader of.bush this all 20e. na vanyama uti uvatawala wako (S) (O) and animals all you.rule.them you, 20f. wena go. 21a. Kanji unapela But you.will.die 21b. - shaulota kupela thing.you.will die 21c. ulota kupela matuva you.are.going.to die remorse. 22a. Kudo: Say.thus: 22b. matuva shinu shani “remorse thing which 22c. uve pashi undyoko wene? you.are where child yourself?” 23a. Kupita ammingilidya Passed he.pursuing.her 23b. ndyoko kujaika small.one got.lost 23c. kutwa kuka then went. 126

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 24. Paujite na yo yakulya andilakenneu popo yene (O) When.he.re- and that eating he.suddenly.left right.there. turned his.own 25a. Kuja mpaka kwandyagwe Returned to to.his.wife 25b. kutwa kumwaulila doni: then informed.her thus: 25c. nangu (O) akulá Nalubwabwa angwaulidilé doni: “I there Nightjar she.told.me thus: 25d. undapela matuva “You.will.die remorse”. 26a. Napanelo shinu shavashema matuva ashi Now thing that.they.call remorse this 26b. nangu hangunamanya shinu I I.don’t.know not. 27. Ndyangu wako undimanya? My.wife you you.know? 28a. Nae - She, 28b. ii hashinapagwa shinu “No, doesn’t.exist not 28c. ashikutishanga vila ajo (S) she.was.threatening.you only that.one 28d. wako ikala apa you stay here 28e. ulye! you.eat! 127

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 29a. Nae --- do: He thus, 29b. gwe! Wako haunatangole davo “[interjection]! You don’t.talk like.this 29c. nangu (S) po panguvele hanguve dimongo apa I where.I.am here I.don’t.have strength. 30a. Mwiu --- andidikila apalá Truly he.bent.down there, 30b. ndyagwe --- do: his.wife thus, 30c. mene twala shakulya ashi “No take food this 30d. ulye you.eat.” 31a. Kudo: Say.thus: 31b. aa nangu (O) kulya aku hakunangunagwela shinu “Aah, I eating this is.not.pleasing.me nothing.” 32. Kumwisho nang'olo andípela kwake Nnembo At.end his old.one died. Elephant 33a. Kanji - shimpadídye nae (S) But what.killed.him he 33b. ni mwaa walilove it.is because of.word 128

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 33c. lyavashema matuva that.they.call remorse. 34. Apa ni pamwisho Here it.is at.end.

A.5 Munu wakwaka dyomba: The fisherman

Author: Shitungulu Jorge Carlos Age: 43 From: Ntushi, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1a. Andípagwa munu (S) He.was person, 1b. munu aju madengo ake kuvele kwaka dyomba person this work his was to.hunt fish. 2. Kanji munu jojo kila liduva ashivabyaa dyomba dyake aju (S) mwashuukila nnatu kubali But person that every day he.used.to.kill.them fish his three. this when.he.would. go to.sea 3a. Yomba jumo akannipe udeni (O) (IO) Fish one he.would.pay.it debt, 3b. junji aju (O) akanniele mwene na ndyagwe (S) fish this he.would.eat.it (with the.same and staple) his.wife 3c. junji aju (IO) akannipe mwene ingalava (O) other this he.would.pay. him the.owner boat. 129

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 4. Kila nae (S) kulya kwake avele lolo ala liduva madengo ake (S) Every day he food his, work was this.same this. his 5. Nae (S) kukwaka hashishalegwa kila mo mwaushwela He at.hunt he.did.not.be.absent every when of.it.was. dawning. 6. Havenavo jumapili wala jumamoshi He.did.not.have Sunday nor Saturday. 7a. Hashimanya shikukulu kwashipita He.did.not.know feast where.it.passed 7b. mwaa kona ashalegwa kuka kukwaka because if he.being.absent to.go to.hunt 7c. andipela indala he.has.died hunger. 8a. Napanelo muliduva nae àvele mwingalava limo yake Now on.day one he being in.boat his 8b. kutwala kwaloka shuni (S) then came bird 8c. naikala pashanya mulingoti apalá and.sat up.above on.mast there. 9a. Kujaa atangola Threw saying, 130

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 9b. kupata kulegwa receiving drunkenness 9c. kupata kulegwa receiving drunkenness 10a. Munu aijá kujaa ashanga Person that threw being.amazed, 10b. baa da kupata mana ake - nyamani? kulegwa aku “So receiving meaning its - what?” [question] drunkenness this 11a. Shuni me kuleka vila Bird not left continue 11b. mpaka shuni aijá kushuluka naikala po paikele munu (S) until bird that came.down and.sat there where.sat person. 12a. Kumwaulila do: Informed.him thus, 12b. da wako kila liduva ata mubali ikaida imepo (S) mwaa amu shani “So you every day even on.sea this if.comes wind reason which 12c. wako (S) Akuno haunashalegwa? you here you.are.not.absent?” 13a. Munu aijá kushidoni: Person that said: 13b. nangu (S) akuno wona ngushalegwa “I here you.see I.absent 13c. ndipela indala I.have.died hunger.” 131

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 14. Madengo ni lolo ala angu Work my it.is this.very.same 15a. Nae kudo: He said: 15b. napane unkulota upate? now you.want you.should.receive? 16a. Nae kudo: He said 16b. kupata (O) hanaita munu (S) to.receive he.not.refuses person. 17a. Do: thus: 17b. bai kamula sho shuka ashi ok hold that tail this, 17c. ukakamula na dimongo wako if.you.not.hold with strength your 17d. undyuka mubali you.have.fallen in.sea 17e. ingalava (O) leka boat leave. 18a. Munu aijá (S) mwiu akamula shuka Person that lindeed he.held tail 18b. vakauluka they.flew 18c. vakauluka they.flew 132

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 18d. na ibali shing'ati - do, ibali and sea thus, in.middle.of sea 18e. jii! [ideophone]! 19a. Vila mpaka ndashuluka pavaukile Continue until and.descended where.they. went 19b. nannangudya pashinu and.showed.him at.place. 20. Ing'ande kila shinu shindyumbala yamana House of.value, every thing was.filling. 21a. Kila sho (O) shashilambela nae (S) Everything which.was.seeking he that 21b. na kunkodya nkongwe and met.her woman. 22a. Kudo: Said: 22b. aju nkongwe wako (O) - ndyavo aju (S) this woman you - your.wife. this 23a. Vinu uti vyo vyawona apa (O) Things all that.you.see here these 133

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 23b. mauta Wako tumila nyamani (O) oil what you use. 24a. Hashinapagwe There.will.not.exist 24b. - shakulota kwangaikangila what.you.need to.worry.about 24c. na hashinapagwe and there.will.not.exist 24d. - shakulota kwaukila what.you.need to.lack.for. 25a. Kanji - shangulota But what.I.want 25b. ding'ande shimulanga uti dyodyo adi (O) houses all open, these.same those 25c. nnango au haunalote ushimule (O) door this you.must.not you.open. 26. Shonde ndikukamula madodo shikumene Favour great I.hold.you the.feet. 27a. Nae do: He thus: 27b. elo ndigwa yes I.heard. 134

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 28a. Shuni - do: Bird - thus: 28b. nangu - mwanda I - journey 28c. nkongwe wandikulakela ajo wife whom.I.leave.you this 28d. mali anikulakela ala riches that.I.leave. you these. 29a. Munu aijá aikele maduva matatu nsheshe, mwedi Person that stayed days three four, month 29b. kwanjanga kunyeta began to.fatten.up 29c. kwalala shana became.beautiful very. 30a. Liduva ali amwaulila ndyagwe do: Day this he.informing.her wife.his thus: 30b. wako tangwing'a myungulilo vyashumba ashilá you give.me keys of.room that 30c. nangu nikashimule I I.go.open. 31a. Nkongwe do: Wife.his thus: 31b. mene haunauke nashimula no don’t.go and.open 31c. mwene ashinakuleya owner was.forbidding. 135

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 32a. Nae kudo: He said: 32b. ata wako ngwing'a myungulilo not you give.me keys. 33a. Nkongwe hanakamala Wife.his is.not.be.difficult 33b. kutwala myungulilo vyo took keys those 33c. kumupa gave.him. 34. Mwiu nae paukile nashimula ing'ande ailá -- True he when.he.went and.open house that -- 35a. Shinantandi kumevo (O) kumwidile kudimba (S) First to.eyes came.to.him darkness 35b. ni it.is 35c. palipindikulila do: where.somersaults thus: 35d. pindiku nalikodya pindiku pindiku [ideophone and.he.found.himself repeated] 35e. andiikala mo mwingalava kavili amu he.has.sat in.that boat this again 35f. shanjaa! ankutambisha kavili na indawana yake [ideophone ] he.is.fishing again with hook his. 36a. Bai Nae (S) popo kwanjanga do: kukumbukila So he right.there began to.think thus: 136

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 36b. baa kumbe - shashitangola shuni ashilá Ah, at.last what.he.was.speaking bird that 36c. kupata aku ni kulegwa receiving this it.is drunkenness! 37. Apa ni pamwisho nkong'o (S). Here it.is at.end story.

A.7 Nkongwe na mwanagwe muwakati waing'ondo: Mother and child in the time of war true story

Author: Simão Simão Mateus Age: 52 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1. --- Ngulota maimyo kuvalanganga apaing'ondo. I.want to.tell story of.time.war. 2a. Maimyo ala ni ing'ondo ailá apaing'ondo itandi Story this it.is war that first of.time.war 2b. itandéke akuno ku Moshambiki yavyaka kumi. that.happened here in Mozambique of.years ten. 3a. Ing'ondo vajungu vashindauma po pa Mweda ailá apa War that white.people they.were.leaving here at Mueda here 3b. kupita passed 137

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 3c. vatenda ing'ondo they.making war 3d. vavabyanga venentete mmakaja. they.killing.them people in.villages. 4a. Napanelo muliduva vandíinjila mulikaja limo limo lya pa Mpeme Now on.day one, they.entered in.village one of at Mpeme 4b. kanji vanu vashitukutangila namene kubondi. but people they.used.to.hide very at.low.country. 5a. Bai ndege (S) kushanya kwomba So aeroplane above bombed 5b. na vamadodo vapita pai. and footsoldiers they.passing ground. lyavaikalénge 6a. Napanelo vandiwika palikaja vanu Now they.arrived at.village where.they.were. staying people 6b. vanu avalá (S) bai kutwa vana (O) kuvajanga popo pavaanjenge kutukutanga people those so then children abandoned.them right.there, when.they. began to.flee, 6c. --- kuvaleka vene (S) left.them they.themselves 6d. --- kutukuta. fled. 7a. Napanelo mama jumo auke kwatukutidíle Now mother one went where.fled 138

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 7b. kutwala kunkumbukila mwanagwe. then remembered.him child.her. 8a. Kanji vatukwite pamo na ntwagwe But they.fled and with her.husband, 8b. nae kwona dashi she saw how 8c. nangu (S) - mwanangu mene I - my.child no 8d. kudyanga koko. nikapalele to.be.better I.die there. 9a. Mwiu nkongwe akatukuta aijá True woman that she.ran 9b. kuja kavili returned again 9c. nnume kudoni ntwagwe man say. thus, her.husband 9d. wako haunauke you you.shold.not.go 9e. vanakubyaa. they.will.kill.you. 10a. Nae kudoni She say. thus, 10b. aii kudyanga nikapele na mwanangu. [interjection] to.be.better with my.child. I.should.die 139

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 11a. --- Andítukuta moja kwamoja mpaka po palikaja She.had.run one by.one until there at.village 11b. navakodya vajungu and.found.them white.people 11c. vandyúka they.had.gone 11d. vapita they.passing 11e. vaomba disemu dinji. they.firing places others. 12a. Nae kunnambela apalá She searched.for.him there 12b. akankodya mwanagwe and.found.him her.child 12c. alipidye palyukutu he.hidden in.bush 12d. kutwala kuujanavo kavili then returned.with again 12e. nakodyania na ntwagwe. and.met with husband.her. 13a. Napane maimyo ala nangu nimwona Now story this, I I.see.her 13b. nkongwe kuva nkongwe aijá wantima mwiu woman that to.be woman of.heart true 140

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 13c. akashijopa kulota dashi who.was.not.fearing how wanted 13d. apele nae (S) mwaa wamwana. she.should.die she because of.child. 14a. Nangu ndyona mwiu I I.have.seen true 14b. nkongwe avele nkongwe aju namene woman this was woman very 14c. kanji nnume avele likule ntwagwe but man was coward her.husband 14d. --- avele munu wakujopa. was person of.to.fear. 15a. Pashitenda ntwagwe aashidoni ndyagwe When.was. her.husband saying. thus doing his.wife 15b. haunauke you.must.not.go 15c. unapela you.will.die 15d. vanakubyaa they.will.kill you 15e. kanji nkongwe ata hatanene (S) but his.wife not.at.all she.did.not.consider 141

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 15f. andyuka mpaka koko akulá. she.went as.far.as that.there there. 16a. Namwiu anímwambola aijá mwanagwe And.true she.saved.him that her.child 16b. kumwidanavo brought.him.with 16c. atukuta kulyutu running to.place 16d. lyapagwíte aijá ntwagwe. where.was that her.husband.

A.8 Nang'olo Bispo: The Archbishop true story

Author: Shitungulu Jorge Carlos Age: 43 From: Ntushi, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1a. Nangu ngulota shinu kuvalanganga I I.want to.tell thing 1b. shangugwéne mumwaka elfu mbili na saba. that.I.saw in.year thousand two and seven. 2a. Nang'olo bispo kwida akuno Luis Simão Old.one bishop came here, Luis Simão 142

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 2b. wetu palimashi kutwala kunnalika apa (S) we of.Limashi then invited.him here 2c. pakulota aide aalaliye libuku lya Bibiliya in.order.to he.should.come book of Bible he.should.bless 2d. lyatutumila ambi apa mushimakonde. that.we.use now here in.Makonde. 3a. Napanelo liduva vaaleke mundege vila lyavaleke So day they.had.come in.aeroplane only that.they.came, 3b. mpaka ndagwilila mushiwanja akulá. until and.landed on.airstrip there. 4a. Akawike kushiwanja --- ndavakodya shipinga akulá shavamama valiganisha When.he to.airstrip there and.found.them group of.mothers .arrived they.of.church, 4b. vanavo vandipanganikanga they they.have.prepared 4c. pakulota vantandikangile dinguvo. in.order.to they.should.spread. cloths out.for.him 143

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 5. Vatandikange dinguvo kuma kushiwanja shandege mpaka paliganisha. They.should.spread. cloths to.leave out.for. him at.airstrip of.aeroplane until at.church. 6. Nang'olo (S) pagwene andikakatala shitandi! shitendo ashilá Old.one when.saw act he.was.speechless first! that 7a. Kubaki ashanga Became he.being.amazed, 7b. nyamani shamulota (O) kutenda? what of.you.want to.do? 8a. Vakamwau-lile nae até doni: When.they.told.hi he said thus: m, 8b. um nangu hangunava shinu Nnungu. “No, I I.am.not not.at.all God. 9a. Lyutu ali (O) apagwa Nnungu (S) Place this is.being God, 9b. nangu - nimunu vila I - I.person only 9c. na shinu ashi (O) alamulidilé nyani? and thing this he.ordered.you who?” 10a. Mwiu shinu ashilá hashuukíle ndatandeka True thing that was.not.going and.be.done 144

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 10b. kutwala vo vene [AFTER VERB] kuvaida dyoni (S) kavili. vapanga- niénge (O) then those same it.came.to.them shame again. who.had.prepared 11. Ashi ni shangugwene muliduva alyo. This it.is what.I.saw on.day that.

A.9 Ákalimanya namu nnembo: Ákalimanya and the elephant true story

Author: Simão Simão Mateus Age: 52 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 1a. --- Ngulota kuvalanganga maimyo I.want to.tell story 1b. atandéke mwaka na samanini. that.happened year and eighty. 2a. Mumwaka nangu nindípagwa likaja limo wasamanini au In.year I I.was village one of.eighty this 2b. lyavashema Lishee. of.they.calling Lishee. 3a. Palikaja [AFTER VERB] andípagwa nang'olo jumo (S) apalá In.village there.was old.man one that 3b. lina lyake, --- vashinshema Ákalimanya. name his they.were.calling.him Ákalimanya. 145

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 4. Ákalimanya aju shimadengo shishiva kulumbata. nae, shake Ákalimanya work his it.was.being to.hunt. this he 5a. Kila wakati --- auma na yuti yake Every time --- leaving with gun his 5b. [mwanda] kundila journey to.bush 5c. kubyaa dinyama to.kill animals 5d. --- aidanavo. coming.with. 6a. Dinyama nae ashindashulusha adi, Animals he he.used.to.sell these 6b. kwamba- apate njuluku ngidya in.order. he.should.receive money that 6c. njuluku --- avangangole vanavake aulá, money that he.should.resolve his.children 6d. kuka kushikola to.go to.school, 146

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 6e. momo --- kunshumila ndyagwe dinguvo na vinu vinji vyakwanga- ngola paing'ande also to.buy.for.her his.wife clothes and things other of.resolving in.house, 6f. dinji dyo (O) [AFTER VERB] kutumila mwene (S) paing'ande. others those to.use owner at.home. 7a. --- Andyuka He.went 7b. mpaka vyumbu kutwala kummalilikila nang'olo vyamuyuti aijá (O), avi (S) until bullets then to.finish.to.him; old.one that of.in.gun these 7c. nae, --- hashipali shagwene he --- there.was.not of.he.should see 7d. [AFTER VERB] dindímwida ding'ano (S) they.came.to.him thoughts 7e. kudyanga ndivaulile vanu “better I.should.inform people 7f. vanáma palikaja ali lya pa Lishee ali. they.living in.village this of at Lishee this. 8a. Mwiu --- akavashema vanu uti True --- he.called.them people all 147

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 8b. --- kudo said, 8c. nangu --- shipali “I thing.is 8d. shangulota that.I.want 8e. kummanyiya mmavangu. to.inform.you my.friends.” 9a. Tuvanu kuka We.people went 9b. namwigwilila Ákalimanya and.heard.him Ákalimanya 9c. alota kutwaulila nyamani. he.wants to.inform.us what. 10a. Nae do, He thus, 10b. bai nangu ngulota mmavangu uti “okay I I.want my.friends all 10c. tuungane we.should.unite 10d. tutende shetu shimo. we.should.do our.thing one. 11a. Nangu (S) madengo muningumanya kenga angu akulumbata I work my you.know.me like hunting 11b. kanji napanelo vyumbu havipali. but now ammunition it.exists.not. 148

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 12a. Kwakupata --- namanya shinu vyumbu vyadyuti avi Where.to.get I.know not ammunition of.guns these 12b. ila tuke kundila akulá only let’s.go to.bush there 12c. tukaimbe mwina. we.should.dig trap. 13a. Mwenu uti tutwalanange You all we.should.take.ourselves 13b. tukaimbe mwina. we.should dig trap. 14a. Mwina au ni lipondo lyakulota Trap this it.is hole of.going.to 14b. [AFTER VERB] vakainjila vanyama (S) if.they.should.enter animals 14c. bai tuvapate then we.should.get.them 14d. na tupate imbogwa and we.should.get stew 14e. na kula munu yakuka ndatumila paing'ande pake. and every person of.to.go and.use at.house his. 15a. Napane mwina au, mwene (S) aimbe mwina wakulota shabaa yake ing'umene Now hole this he.himself he.should.dig hole of.going.to aim his great 149

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 15b. [AFTER VERB] vakaida vanembo (S) if.they.come elephants 15c. vainjile momo mo they.should.enter in.same.place 15d. vavabyae. they.should.kill.them. 16a. Mwiu tuvanu (S) apalá tundítwala myanda True we.people there we.took journey 16b. kuka kumwitu pashinu went to.bush at.place 16c. pavashipita namene vanembo. where.they.used.to.pass very elephants. 17a. [AFTER VERB] Kwimba tuvanu (S) ishumana Dug we.people week 17b. twimba lipondo lyakulota we.digging hole of.going.to 17c. akaida nnembo (S) if.he. come elephant 17d. ainjile. he.should.enter. 18a. Bai --- tutwale So we.should.take 18b. --- tummyae we.should.kill.him 18c. --- tupate we.should receive 18d. kujavananga inyama to divide-up meat 18e. na inji yo (O) tushulushe and other that we.should.sell 150

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 18f. --- tulyangangalele mashida etu. we.should.resolve problems our. 19a. Mwiu --- tundimba mwina aulá True we.dug trap that 19b. kumalila finished 19c. kukandyanga shana prepared well 19d. kwivilila covered 19e. kutwa tuvanu kuujananga then we.people returned.all 19f. kuka kukaja. went to.house. 20a. Mwene aju atenda Owner this is.doing 20b. auka tu is.going only 20c. naonda and.check.up, 20d. hanava kwinjila nyama (S) vila vila. not.yet to.enter animal only only 21a. Muliduva tayali nakodya inembo limo On.day one ready and.find elephant 21b. indiinjila. . it.entered. 22a. Nae kuja He returned 22b. atukuta he.running 151

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 22c. kudo said, 22d. uti omba shitali ambi popa. paludeya “all at.village sound iron now here. 23a. Kwomba shitali Sounded iron, 23b. tuvanu kukodyanianga we.people met.up.all 23c. kutwa kushidoni then said. thus, 23d. tuke “we.should.go, 23e. inembo (S) tayali indiinjila mumwina watwimbile. elephant already it.entered in.trap of.we.dug. 24a. Tuvanu (mwanda) We.people journey 24b. vakongwe vákaimbile uti vanu napanelo women all who.did.not.dig, people now 24c. vaimbíle mwina who.did.dig hole 24d. kutwala kuka koko. then went there. 25a. Tukawike nankodya nnembo apalá We.when and.met.it elephant .arrived there 152

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 25b. andiinjila it.entered, 25c. mwakumila hamunapagwa shinu nnembo (O) how.to.get.out how.not.exist not elephant 25d. tuvanu tayali, --- átwete moto we.people he.who.brought fire already 25e. kunshasha. burned.it. 26a. Kukanyalanga nnembo Beat.it elephant 26b. kuwa. died. 27a. Bai tuvanu -- doni So we.people -- thus, 27b. leka tumumye nnembo. “leave we.should.pull.it.out elephant. 28a. Po tummika panda apa patumuumi- dye There we.putting.it outside here, when.we.got. it.out 28b. Ákalimanya kwanjanga matatisho makumene namene Ákalimanya started problems big very 28c. kudo said. thus, 153

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 28d. inembo ai --- yangu nangu. “elephant --- mine I. this 29. Hanapagwe wakukamula. It.should.not.be of.to.touch.” 30a. Ba wetu (S) lipondo (O) twimbile pamo da inembo ai Aa, [question we elephant hole we.dug together word] this 30b. mwaa wako utenda davo? shani reason you you.doing thus? which 31. Kudo mene! Said, “no!” 32a. [AFTER VERB] Kwinjila ugombi (S) Entered conflict 32b. mpaka tuvanu kushidoni until we.people said. thus, 32c. bai tunnakele nae (IO) inyama yo (O) “ok let’s. leave.for.him he meat that, 32d. tushukulu. let’s.drop.it. 33a. Namwiu tuvanu kuujananga And.true we.people returned.all 33b. kuka kukaja went to.home 33c. kula munu atangadika. each person complaining. 154

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 34a. Ba, da aju wetu tundyuka natenda pamo uti kwaupamo “Hey, this.one we we.went and.did together all [question in.union word] 34b. napanelo inyama yo patumidye mulipondo amu now meat that, when.we.took.out of.hole this 34c. haumidye gweka yake. he.did.not.take.out on.own his. 35a. [AFTER VERB] Tumyee tuvanu tuvoe (S) We.killed.it we.people we.many 35b. mwaa atutenda doni? shani reason he.does.us thus? which 36a. Bai kwanjangidya popo po So began then.very then, 36b. vanu vandiikala people they.sat 36c. kushidoni said. thus, 36d. tummingange “we.should.expel.him 36e. nkaja --- hanapagwe. mwetu amu village ours this --- he.should.not.exist. 37a. Vanang'olo kupakanila Old.ones agreed.together 37b. kushidoni said. thus, 155

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 37c. mene nneke “no, leave.him 37d. ila munu aju andauka mwene (S liduva linji lyo repeat) only person this he.will.leave he.himself day other that 37e. akavanavo litatisho linji if.he.has problem other 38e. wetu tunneke. we we.should.leave.him.” 38a. Mwiu tuvanu kwikala True we.people stayed 38b. nae kuntwala nnembo wake jo he took.it elephant his that 38c. kunshulushanga sold.it.all 38d. kupata dyela received money 38e. kutenda vyake. did his.things. 39a. Tuvanu kulola vila vapaludeya apalá We.people looked only of.at.village there 39b. [ndoo!] [ideophone]! 40a. Kanji shinu ashi shindyaneka do But thing this was.seen thus, 156

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 40b. mushu [AFTER VERB] vininkodya vilwele vikumene mwake mo namene (S). future his they.met.him illnesses great that very. 41a. Vanavake kuula Children.his got sick 41b. akashidoni he.said. thus, 41c. mwenu ngupwashela “you(pl) help.me 41d. tuke kushipitali let’s.go to.hospital.” 42a. Vanu do people thus, 42b. ii! kantwale jo nnembo jo “No! Go.and.get.it that elephant that 42c. na njuluku --- uvatwale vanavako waunshu- mile wo and money --- you.should.take.them your.children which.you. sold.it.for that 42d. uvaukenavo kushipitali. you.should.go.with.them to.hospital.” 43. Nadoni [AFTER VERB] indípatikana asala ing'umene kumwe (S) Ákalimanya. And.thus it.was.received fall great at.side.of Ákalimanya. 44a. Wetu (S) pashinu tundyona doni apalá We in.place that we.saw thus, 157

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 44b. mwiu Ákalimanya leka aju (O) twapukanangenavo. true Ákalimanya leave this we.should.separate.from .him. 45a. Namwiu --- tundyapukananganavo And.true we.separated.ourselves. from.him, 45b. vanu uti kutwala kumwambukanga Ákalimanya. valudeya (S) people all then abandoned Ákalimanya. of.village 46a. Napanelo nangu (O) shinu shiningunagwele namene shosho sho Now I thing it.pleased.me very that.very that, 46b. na ndilipundisha poe and I.learnt much 46c. kudo said. thus, 46d. aa tukatenda shinu pamo “ah, if.we.do thing together 46e. indivaikila tuvanu it.merits we.people 46f. twigwane. we.should.agree. 47a. Aijá mpaka nelo ata po paludeya hanapagwa shinu nang'olo apalá Ákalima- nya (S) That old.one until today even that he.is.not not, Ákalimanya at.village that 158

Ref Con Pre-nuclear SUBJECT VERB OBJ/COMP Adjunct 47b. anditumuka he.went.away 47c. ata pavele hangunamanya shinu nelo even I.do.not.know not where.he.is today 47d. kwali anama likaja shani? or he.living village which? 48a. Kanji ni ala maimyo But it.is this story 48b. angugwene nimwene that.I.saw I.myself 48c. na atutandile pamo mulikaja lya pa Lishee mwaka na samanini. and that.we.did together in.village of at Lishee year of eighty.

Appendix B: Makonde texts, free translations

Note: there is no text 6 in this corpus.

B.1 Vanyama vadimembe: The horned animals

Author: Grécia Joice Joaquim Age: 42 From: Shikalanga, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation:

HA1 I want to tell you a tale about animals. HA2 Once there were animals with horns. HA3 Now the leader of those horned animals sent out invitations to a party. HA4 He invited every animal that had horns to come to this party. HA5 And indeed all those horned animals began to get ready to go to the party. HA6 Now there was once an animal called Rabbit, who doesn’t have any horns. HA7 And so Rabbit thought, “Hey! HA8 Over there they’re having a great dance; listen to those drums beating over there. HA9 What I need to do is find a way to get myself some horns, so I can go to the party too.” HA10 And so Rabbit took some beeswax, made himself some horns and stuck them on his head; then off he went to the party. HA11 When Rabbit turned up at the party, he found everyone out in the clearing dancing away. HA12 So Rabbit joined straight in with the dancing; he danced until he sweated. HA13 But when he began to sweat, the horns he’d made started to melt, because of all the dancing and the hot sun. And so the horns fell off, ruined. HA14 Then the leader of the horned animals—the one who was giving the party—saw Rabbit dancing away without any horns. HA15 And he said, “Hey, what’s this? HA16 You’ve discovered our secret! HA17 How in the world can someone without horns have gotten in here?” HA18 So the leader gave the order and Rabbit was taken away and killed; because he’d come and spoilt the party, which he had no right to come to. HA19 And this is the end of the tale.

B.2 Ntumi namu Shengo: The lion and the hamerkop

Author: Shitungulu Jorge Carlos Age: 43 From: Ntushi, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique.

Free English translation:

LH1 Lion is an animal that eats meat. LH2 That’s just what he eats—meat. LH3 Now one day, while he was eating his meat, a bone got stuck in his throat.

159

160

LH4 Old Lion was there in awful pain for many days, at a complete loss as to how to get the bone out of his throat. LH5 While he was like this Jackal was watching him. LH6 Jackal said to himself, “The thing is, if I go near Lion, surely he’s going to catch me and eat me up? LH7 Isn’t this just a trap to fool me, so that he can catch me and eat me up?” LH8 So old Lion carried on for days in awful suffering. LH9 Now, there once was a bird called Hamerkop; LH10 well, Hamerkop turned up there and found Lion in a dreadful state—his eyes red with pain, the bone stuck in his throat, and at a complete loss. He had no idea what to do. LH11 Hamerkop said to him, “Well, sir, this isn’t much of a problem—just open your mouth!” LH12 And Lion did open his mouth. LH13 Hamerkop stuck his beak in, grabbed hold of the bone, and pulled it out! LH14 He asked, “So, sir, how is it?” LH15 “Well, I feel fine,” Lion replied. LH16 “So then, I’ll be off,” said Hamerkop. LH17 “Ok, goodbye.” LH18 But Jackal came up and said, “Sir, you’ve haven’t even thanked Hamerkop, who took that bone out for you—you left him without a single word of thanks!” LH19 Lion replied, “You pipsqueak, what are you on about? LH20 You think I should have thanked him? It’s he that should have thanked me, for letting him stick his beak into my mouth without me sinking my teeth into him. LH21 I could have crunched him up!” LH22 And indeed my tale ends here: LH23 Lion, you see, is like someone who has no idea how to be grateful, when he is done a good turn. LH24 And this is the end of my tale!

B.3 Litunu namu Nashove: Hyena and Pied Crow

Author: Damásio Evaristo Nalyabodya Age: 39 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation:

PC1 Hyena and Pied Crow were great friends, but Pied Crow was not happy in their friendship as he didn’t trust him; he thought that one day, since he was such a carnivore, Hyena would eat him up. PC2 So one day, as they were sitting together, Pied Crow told his friend, “Listen, there’s a problem with us being friends, you and me. PC3 I’m very worried that because you’re such a carnivore that one day you’re going to eat me.” PC4 “No, absolutely not, no way, you’re my friend,” Hyena replied. PC5 “I’m a carnivore, that’s true, but I’m not going to eat you.” PC6 And so indeed they carried on being friends. 161

PC7 But one day Crow decided to test Hyena. PC8 He took some seasoning49 and painted himself well with it all over, and went all covered in seasoning and sat by the fire. PC9 The seasoning turned a bright red all over. PC10 Pied Crow then told his children, “Carry me to the road that Hyena often passes along and put me down there.” PC11 His children did so; they carried him to the road that Hyena always passed along and put him down there. PC12 When Hyena was coming back from his farm, he stared in surprise and exclaimed, “My goodness! Meat! PC13 But isn’t this my friend?” PC14 Then he said, “Definitely not, my friend doesn’t look like this.” PC15 He picked Pied Crow up and tossed him into his leather rucksack. PC16 When he got home, he told his wife, “Get some food50 ready for me, wife—but as for the meat sauce, I’ll deal with that.” PC17 So his wife got some food ready for him. PC18 Hyena put his hand in his bag and pulled his friend out. PC19 He put Crow on top of the maize porridge. PC20 Then he took a bit of the maize porridge, broke off some seasoning, and ate it. PC21 He took some more, and ate it too. PC22 But then, just as he took hold of Pied Crow and was about to break off a piece of meat, Pied Crow suddenly flew up and perched up on top of the house. He said, “Didn’t I say so, Hyena? PC23 This is the end of our friendship. PC24 Your problem is that you’re such a meat-eater. PC25 And right here is where we stop being friends, because you’re getting worse and worse— and one of these days you’ll end up by eating me!” PC26 And so from then on, Pied Crow stopped being friends with Hyena. PC27 The end.

B.4 Nnembo namu Nalubwabwa: The Elephant and the Nightjar

Author: Simão Simão Mateus Age: 52 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation:

EN1 Now I want to tell you a story about two animals. EN2 These were their names: Elephant and Nightjar.

49The local seasoning dimeme turns bright red when it’s cooked. 50Makonde does not have a general word for all food: shakulya refers to the carbohydrate staple (usually maize or cassava stiff porridge), and imbogwa refers to whatever protein is eaten with the staple (beans, meat, dried fish, leaves etc). Maize porridge is ugwali, and meat is inyama. The general terms shakulya and imbogwa are used in PC16 and 17, and the specific ugwali and inyama are used in PC19-22. 162

EN3 The Elephant is a huge animal, the biggest of all the animals of the bush—and Nightjar is a bird, of no significance at all. EN4 Now one day Elephant was going along in the bush, eating. EN5 A person his size eats an enormous amount; so Elephant goes on eating away until he comes to the place where Nightjar is sitting on her eggs—since Nightjar’s a bird, she lays eggs. EN6 So Elephant keeps on coming, and keeps on eating. EN7 Nightjar said, “Oh sir, please don’t come just here; I’m sitting here on my eggs.” EN8 “What’s that you say?” said Elephant, EN9 “Just who do you think you are? EN10 Who do you think is the greatest of all the animals in the bush, if it isn’t me? EN11 Look at me, can’t you see the size I am? EN12 Do you really imagine you can give me orders about where I’m allowed to go? EN13 Are you stupid or what?” EN14 She said, “Oh no, sir, it’s just that if you come here where I’m sitting, you’ll step on me and on my eggs too—and kill all my little children!” EN15 “I’m not listening to a word of this,” he said. EN16 And indeed old Elephant keeps on getting nearer and nearer. EN17 So when the bird saw this she said to herself, “Uh oh, when he gets here he’s going to lift his foot and tread right on me; I’d better move. But he’ll kill my children—these eggs.” EN18 And indeed old Elephant lifted up his foot and trod on the eggs. EN19 But the bird had already flown off. EN20 So little Nightjar piped up a little way off, “Sir, you’ve trodden on those eggs which I told you about. But what can I do? You’re the boss of the whole bush and you rule over all the animals; go your way. EN21 But you should know that when you die, you’ll die of remorse.” EN22 He said, “Remorse? What’s that? Where are you hiding, pipsqueak?” EN23 And he began to hunt out the little bird, but she flew off and disappeared. EN24 Elephant turned back towards home; he stopped eating right then and there. EN25 He got back to his wife and told her, “That Nightjar told me I was going to die of remorse. EN26 So what is this thing, remorse? I don’t know anything about it. EN27 Do you know what it is, wife?” EN28 “No,” she said, “it’s all nonsense; she was just making empty threats. Now you sit down here and have something to eat.” EN29 “You watch out,” he replied, “you don’t know what you’re talking about—I feel all weak.” EN30 He sat with bent head; and his wife said to him, “Go on, just take this food and have something to eat.” EN31 He said, “Don’t bother me; I just don’t feel at all like eating.” EN32 And in the end old Elephant died. EN33 But what it was that killed him was that word ‘remorse’. EN34 This is the end.

B.5 Munu wakwaka dyomba: The fisherman

Author: Shitungulu Jorge Carlos Age: 43 From: Ntushi, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation: 163

F1 Once upon a time there was a man whose job it was to go fishing. F2 This fisherman went fishing every day, but all he would catch were three fish. F3 With one fish he would pay his debts, another fish he and his wife would eat, and the third he used to pay the owner of the boat. F4 So his daily work—and his daily food—were always the same. F5 Not a day dawned when he failed to go fishing. F6 He didn’t take Saturday off nor Sunday either. F7 He had no time to go to celebrations, because the moment he didn’t go out fishing, he’d die of hunger. F8 Then one day he was in his boat, when a bird came and settled above him up on the mast. F9 It kept repeating, “Get lucky, get drunk; get lucky, get drunk.” F10 Well the fisherman sat there perplexed, and said, “What in the world does, ‘get lucky, get drunk’ mean?” F11 The bird didn’t stop repeating this, until it came down and settled beside the fisherman. F12 “Now why do you come out to sea every day?” it asked him. “Even when it’s blowing a gale, you’re still out here.” F13 “If I’m not here, I’ll die of hunger,” replied the fisherman. F14 “This is how I get my living.” F15 The bird said, “So, would you like to get lucky?” F16 “No one turns down a bit of luck,” he replied. F17 “Okay then, hold onto my tail; but if you do not hold on tight, you’ll fall into the sea. Now let’s leave the boat.” F18 And so the fisherman held onto the bird’s tail; and they flew and they flew, until there was nothing but sea all around them. F19 They kept flying until they finally alighted, and the bird showed the fisherman what was there. F20 There was a beautiful house filled with everything imaginable. F21 Everything he could possibly want was there—there was even a woman. F22 The bird said, “This is your wife here, this woman. F23 Everything that you see here is yours—oil and what have you—it’s all for you to use. F24 You will have nothing in the world to worry about, and no lack of anything you might need. F25 But I need to tell you one thing: all these rooms are yours to open, but this one door you mustn’t open. F26 I beg you please to remember this.” F27 The fisherman said, “Yes, indeed!” F28 “Well I need to go,” said the bird, “but I’m leaving this wife for you, and I’m leaving all these good things for you.” F29 Time went by—a few days, a month; then, the fisherman began to fill out and look good. F30 But one day he said to his wife, “Come on, just give me the keys to that room. I’m going to open it.” F31 “No!” she replied, “No, don’t open that door—remember that the bird said it was forbidden.” F32 “Nonsense,” he insisted, “just give me the keys.” F33 His wife didn’t want to cause problems, so she got the keys and gave them to him. F34 But indeed, when he went and opened the door to that room… 164

F35 Suddenly he was plunged into darkness and found himself rolling and somersaulting, tossed over and over, until—there he found himself sitting down back in his boat, sitting there again at his fishing line. F36 Well, he sat there and began to think, “Now I get what the bird was saying: that getting lucky is getting drunk!” F37 And that’s the end of the story.

B.7 Nkongwe na mwanagwe muwakati waing'ondo: Mother and child51 in time of war

Author: Simão Simão Mateus Age: 52 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation:

MC1 I want to tell a story about something that happened during the war. MC2 This story took place at the time of the first war here in Mozambique—the ten-year war.52 MC3 During that war, the Portuguese would make sorties from right here in Mueda, going out to fight and kill people in the villages. MC4 Now one day, they went into one of the Mpeme district villages; people used to go and hide in the low country,53 however. MC5 So an aeroplane went overhead dropping bombs, and the infantry went over the ground below. MC6 Then they came to a village where there were still people; the villagers began to flee and abandoned their children right there—the villagers left them behind and fled. MC7 But one mother, after fleeing, stopped and remembered her child. MC8 She had fled with her husband, but now she thought, “What about my child? It’s better for me to go and die there with him.” MC9 So she started running back again but her husband shouted to her, “You mustn’t go back; you’ll be killed!” MC10 “No!” she said, “I’d rather go back and die with my child.” MC11 She dashed back as fast as she could to the village, where she found that the Portuguese had moved on and were firing somewhere else. MC12 She searched for her child and found him hidden in a bush; then she went back with him and met her husband. MC13 Now in this story, that woman showed herself to be truly courageous, since she was not afraid to die on behalf of her child. MC14 I realized that indeed that woman was very brave, unlike her fearful husband—what a coward! MC15 While the wife was doing this, the husband was just saying, “Don’t go, it’s too dangerous, you’ll be killed”. She paid no attention, though she went all the way back. MC16 And indeed she rescued her child, and ran back carrying him to the place where her husband still was.

51There is no indication in the Makonde story whether the child was a boy or a girl, so for the purposes of this story we have assumed it was a boy. When asked, the narrator didn’t himself know. 52This was the war of independence from the Portuguese. The second war was the civil war. 53The Makondes live on a plateau; the land below the escarpment of the plateau is known as the ‘low country’. 165

B.8 Nang'olo Bispo: The Archbishop true story

Author: Shitungulu Jorge Carlos Age: 43 From: Ntushi, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation:

A1 I want to tell you about something that I myself saw in 2007. A2 At the invitation of those of us here in Limashi, the Archbishop Luis Simão came to dedicate the Makonde Bible, which we’re now using here. A3 So they came by plane and after a long journey, they landed over there on the airstrip. A4 When he landed there on the airstrip, he was met by a group of church women who had prepared cloths to lay out on the ground.54 A5 They were to lay out the cloths out on the ground, all the way from the airstrip to the church. A6 When the Archbishop saw what they were doing, he stood there speechless. A7 Then he said, very taken aback, “What is that you’re doing?” A8 When they told him, he said, “No, don’t treat me like God. A9 Only God should be treated like that; I’m just an ordinary person. Now who told you to do this?” A10 The cloths were not in fact laid out, and instead the women who’d been getting ready to do so, were deeply embarrassed. A11 This is what I saw on that day.

B.9 Ákalimanya namu nnembo: Ákalimanya and the elephant true story

Author: Simão Simão Mateus Age: 52 From: Mpeme, Mueda District, Cabo Delgado, Mozambique

Free English translation:

Ák1 I want to tell you a story that took place in 1980. Ák2 In 1980, I was in a village called Lishee. Ák3 In that village there was an old man called Ákalimanya. Ák4 Now Ákalimanya was a hunter by trade. Ák5 He was always going off into the bush with his gun to kill animals and bring them back with him. Ák6 He used to sell these animals in order to get some money—money for him to spend on sending his children to school, and also for buying clothes for his wife and other household necessities; and some of the animals he himself would eat at home. Ák7 So the old man carried on doing this until one day his ammunition ran out; he couldn’t think what to do. Then, he got the idea of letting the other villagers there in Lishee know about it. Ák8 And so he called all the people there, and told them, “There’s something I want to tell you all, my friends.”

54This was for the Archbishop to walk on. 166

Ák9 So we went to hear what it was that Ákalimanya wanted to tell us about. Ák10 “Ok,” he said, “I’d like, my friends, for all of us to act together in this. Ák11 You know that I’m a hunter by trade, but my ammunition has run out. Ák12 I don’t know where to get more ammunition for my guns; instead, I’d like us all to go into the bush and dig a trap there. Ák13 Let’s all go together and dig a trap, everyone. Ák14 This trap will be a hole that animals are going to fall into, and then we’ll get them. We’ll get our meat stew, and everyone will get some meat to take home with him.” Ák15 Now the great point about digging a trap like this was that elephants would come and fall into it and be killed. Ák16 And so that is what we did: we went into the bush to a place where elephants often used to pass. Ák17 We spent a week digging, making a hole that an elephant would fall into if it went past. Ák18 This was so we could catch one, kill it, get it (the body) out, divide up the meat, and then some of the meat we’d sell so that we could deal with our various issues. Ák19 And indeed we dug that trap until we finished it; we made it well, and covered it over. Then we all went back home. Ák20 Ákalimanya himself kept going back to check on it, but no prey had fallen into it yet, and so it went on. Ák21 But one day, finally, he found an elephant had fallen in. Ák22 He ran back to the village announcing, “Sound the gong, everyone, right now!” Ák23 So the gong was sounded, and we all met up, crying, “Let’s go; the elephant is already there in that trap we dug.” Ák24 So we all set off—women, everyone, those who’d dug the trap, those who hadn’t dug—we all went. Ák25 When we got there, we found the elephant fallen in the hole; there was no way for it to get out. But we were all ready; someone grabbed some fire and set fire to the elephant. Ák26 We beat the elephant until it was dead. Ák27 So we said, “Let’s just get the elephant out.” Ák28 But as soon as we got it out and were putting it down outside the trap, Ákalimanya started causing all sorts of problems. He said, “This elephant is mine. Ák29 No one else is to touch it.” Ák30 “What! Didn’t we dig the hole for this elephant? What are you behaving like this for?” Ák31 But Ákalimanya said, “No way.” Ák32 So there was a real conflict, until we all said, “Ok, let’s drop it and just leave this meat for him.” Ák33 And that’s what we did; we all went home everyone grumbling. Ák34 “Hey, didn’t we all go and all work together? And as for that meat—when we took it out of the hole, he didn’t do it on his own, did he? Ák35 Didn’t we all go and kill it—why is he treating us like this?” Ák36 So then people began to discuss it, saying, “We ought to expel him from our village; he shouldn’t live here any more.” Ák37 But the elders got together and said, “No, leave him alone; one of these days he’ll decide to go of his own accord. When he gets into another difficulty, we won’t help him.” Ák38 And so we did nothing, while he took that elephant of his and sold it, and did his own thing with the money he got. Ák39 The rest of us in the village just kept quiet and watched. Ák40 But as it turned out, later on he had a problem with serious illness. 167

Ák41 His children got sick, and he was saying, “Please help me; let’s go to the hospital.” Ák42 But the people refused, saying, “No! Go and get that elephant of yours with the money you sold it for; you should be able to take your children to hospital yourself.” Ák43 And so it was that Ákalimanya’s great downfall came about. Ák44 And we villagers realized that indeed we needed to cut ourselves off from Ákalimanya. Ák45 And indeed we did cut him off; all of the people in the village abandoned Ákalimanya. Ák46 Now all this was very good for me and I learnt a great deal from it, such as, well, if we do something together it’s important that we should be in agreement with each other. Ák47 And to this very day, old Ákalimanya is no longer in that village; he went away and I have no idea where he is today, not even which village he’s living in. Ák48 But this is a true story: I saw it myself, and took a part in it, in the village of Lishee in 1980. References

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