Islam in the North Caucasus: a People Divided Yavus Akhmadov
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Russia the Ingush-Ossetian Conflict in the Prigorodnyi Region
Russia Page 1 of 32 RUSSIA THE INGUSH-OSSETIAN CONFLICT IN THE PRIGORODNYI REGION Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch New York · Washington · London · Brussels Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Number: 96-75960 ISBN: 1-56432-165-7 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on a trip to the Republic of Ingushetiya, hereafter Ingushetiya, and the Republic of North Ossetia- Alaniya, hereafter North Ossetia, both states of the Russian Federation, from August 11-19, 1994. Until 1994, North Ossetia was the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), a part of the former Soviet Union. Until 1992, Ingushetiya was part of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), and was also part of the former Soviet Union. Human Rights/Helsinki representatives visited Vladikavkaz, Kartsa, Chermen, Tarskoye, Kurtat, Dachnoye, and Maiskii in North Ossetia and Nazran and Gaziyurt in Ingushetiya. Jeri Laber and Rachel Denber edited the report, and Shira Robinson provided production assistance for its publication. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki thanks both North Ossetian and Ingush authorities as well as officials from the Russian Temporary Administration (now the Temporary State Committee) for their cooperation with the mission participants. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki would like to express our appreciation to all those who read the report and commented on it, including Prof. John Collarusso of McMaster University. We would also like to thank the members of the Russian human rights group Memorial, who provided generous assistance and advice. In 1994 Memorial published an excellent report on the conflict in the Prigorodnyi region, "Two Years after the War: The Problem of the Forcibly Displaced in the Area of the Ossetian-Ingush Conflict." Finally, we would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Henry Jackson Fund, the Merck Fund and the Moriah Fund for their support. -
A Balkanist in Daghestan: Annotated Notes from the Field Victor A
A Balkanist in Daghestan: Annotated Notes from the Field Victor a. Friedman University of Chicago Introduction and Disclaimer The Republic of Daghestan has received very little attention in the West. Chenciner (1997) is the only full-length account in English based on first-hand visits mostly in the late 1980's and early 1990's. Wixman's (1980) excellent study had to be based entirely on secondary sources, and Bennigsen and Wimbush (1986:146-81 et passim), while quite useful, is basically encyclopedic and somewhat dated. Since Daghestan is still difficult to get to, potentially unstable, and only infrequently visited by Western scholars (mostly linguists), I am offering this account of my recent visit there (16-20 June 1998), modestly supplemented by some published materials. My intent is basically informative and impressionistic, and I do not attempt to give complete coverage to many topics worthy of further research. This account does, however, update some items covered in the aforementioned works and makes some observations on Daghestan with respect to language, identity, the political situation, and a comparison with the another unstable, multi-ethnic, identity construction site, i.e., Balkans, particularly Macedonia. Background Daghestan is the third most populous Republic in the Russian Federation (after Bashkortostan and Tatarstan; Osmanov 1986:24). The northern half of its current territory, consisting of the Nogai steppe and the Kizljar region settled in part by Terek Cossacks, was added in 1922, after the fall of the North Caucasian -
Russia's Peacetime Demographic Crisis
the national bureau of asian research nbr project report | may 2010 russia’s peacetime demographic crisis: Dimensions, Causes, Implications By Nicholas Eberstadt ++ The NBR Project Report provides access to current research on special topics conducted by the world’s leading experts in Asian affairs. The views expressed in these reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of other NBR research associates or institutions that support NBR. The National Bureau of Asian Research is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research institution dedicated to informing and strengthening policy. NBR conducts advanced independent research on strategic, political, economic, globalization, health, and energy issues affecting U.S. relations with Asia. Drawing upon an extensive network of the world’s leading specialists and leveraging the latest technology, NBR bridges the academic, business, and policy arenas. The institution disseminates its research through briefings, publications, conferences, Congressional testimony, and email forums, and by collaborating with leading institutions worldwide. NBR also provides exceptional internship opportunities to graduate and undergraduate students for the purpose of attracting and training the next generation of Asia specialists. NBR was started in 1989 with a major grant from the Henry M. Jackson Foundation. Funding for NBR’s research and publications comes from foundations, corporations, individuals, the U.S. government, and from NBR itself. NBR does not conduct proprietary or classified research. The organization undertakes contract work for government and private-sector organizations only when NBR can maintain the right to publish findings from such work. To download issues of the NBR publications, please visit the NBR website http://www.nbr.org. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
North Caucasus: Views from Within People’S Perspectives on Peace and Security
REPORT North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security March 2012 North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security SAFERWORLD MARCH 2012 Acknowledgements This report was written by Anna Matveeva, Honorary University Fellow, University of Exeter, with contributions from Igor Savin, Research Fellow, the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. It was edited by Craig Oliphant (Senior Advisor, Saferworld). Editorial contributions and comments were also provided by Luitgard Hammerer (Head of Europe and Central Asia, Saferworld). The report draws on participatory research conducted in five North Caucasus republics by Zhanna Khamdokhova (Kabardino-Balkaria), Igor Dulaev (North Ossetia), Musa Yusupov (Chechnya), Akhmet Yarlykapov (Dagestan), Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin (Ingushetia). The methodology for the research was developed by Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin with contributions from the Institute of Oriental Studies, Saferworld and the four researchers from the North Caucasus. For further reading, case studies from the individual republics can be accessed on the Saferworld website: www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/chechnya www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/northossetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/kabardino-balkaria www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/ingushetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/dagestan The republic chapters were translated from Russian into English by Sophia Matveeva. John Newman copy-edited the report. The research was a collaboration between Saferworld and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project is a joint initiative implemented by Conciliation Resources and Saferworld and financed under the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability. -
Russia's Dagestan: Conflict Causes
RUSSIA’S DAGESTAN: CONFLICT CAUSES Europe Report N°192 – 3 June 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. A FRAGILE INTER-ETHNIC BALANCE.................................................................... 2 A. INTER-ETHNIC COMPETITION OVER LAND AND STATE POSITIONS...............................................2 B. THE 2007 ELECTIONS .................................................................................................................4 1. Removing inter-ethnic competition from electoral politics..................................................4 2. Electoral violence and results ...............................................................................................5 III. ISLAMISM IN DAGESTAN AND CHECHEN CONNECTIONS.............................. 6 A. CHECHEN AND DAGESTANI ISLAMISTS IN THE 1990S .................................................................6 B. THE “HUNT FOR THE WAHHABIS” SINCE 1999 ...........................................................................8 C. SHARIAT JAMAAT’S GROWING INFLUENCE .................................................................................8 D. RENEWED TENSIONS WITH CHECHNYA .....................................................................................10 IV. VIOLENCE AGAINST STATE AUTHORITIES ...................................................... -
Conflicts in the North Caucasus
Central Asian Survey, (1998), 17(3), 409-441. Conflicts in the North Caucasus SVANTE E. CORNELL* Although the conflicts that have attracted most international attention in the post- cold war era have been those of the Transcaucasus, another area of both potential and actual turmoil is the North Caucasus. The first example of serious conflicts in the area, naturally, is the war in Chechnia. However, the existence of this war, and its astonishing cruelty and devastation, has been instrumental in obscuring the other grievances that exist in the area, and that have the potential to escalate into open conflict. These can be divided into two main categories, which however spill over into one another. The first type of conflicts are those among the peoples of the region; the second type is conflicts between these peoples and Russia. Doubtlessly, the main example of the unrest in the North Caucasus has been the short but bloody war between the Ingush and the Ossetians. However, this war distinguishes itself only by being the only one of the conflicts in the region that has escalated into war. Among the other known problems, three issues call for special attention: First and perhaps most pressingly, the bid for unity of the Lezgian people in Dagestan and Azerbaijan; Second, the latent problem between the Turkic Karachai and the Circasssian peoples in the two neighbour republics of Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria; and thirdly the condition of the most complex of all the North Caucasian republics: Dagestan. It seems logical in this study to start with the most well-known of these issues: the war that raged in November 1992 in the Prigorodniy raion between the Ingush and the North Ossetians. -
Ingushetia: Building Identity, Overcoming Conflict
INGUSHETIA: BUILDING IDENTITY, OVERCOMING CONFLICT Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin Introduction The Republic of Ingushetia is the smallest in terms of territory of Russia’s republics, and numbers 412,997 inhabitants. 1 It was established on 4 June 1992 as a result of the separation from the dual-nationality Checheno-Ingushetia. A large part of the republic is taken by high mountains, the highest peak is 4451m, and the remaining part has a high population density. Birth rates are high and having six or seven children is common in rural areas. All Ingushetia’s leaders came from a security background. General Ruslan Aushev became the first president, but in 2001 was removed by Moscow and replaced with Murat Zyazikov, who was elected to the presidency in controversial circumstances in May 2002. In October 2008 Zyazikov was dismissed. General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov was nominated by President Medvedev and approved as president by the People’s Assembly of Ingushetia. Ethnic Ingush oligarch in Moscow Mikhail Gutseriyev, co- owner of Russneft, and his relatives are among the richest people in Russia. There is no major industry or budget revenue source in the republic, and it is subsidised by the federal centre. Local opinions perceive the republic’s facilities and infrastructure as backward, although field observation did not confirm this. Roads and public buildings have been constructed, communication systems work and housing is of good standard. Consumer goods are on sale and people appear able to buy them. However, there are fewer municipal buildings, such as social clubs and libraries, and overwhelming dissatisfaction with medical facilities. -
Causes of War Prospects for Peace
Georgian Orthodox Church Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung CAUSES OF WAR PROS P E C TS FOR PEA C E Tbilisi, 2009 1 On December 2-3, 2008 the Holy Synod of the Georgian Orthodox Church and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung held a scientific conference on the theme: Causes of War - Prospects for Peace. The main purpose of the conference was to show the essence of the existing conflicts in Georgia and to prepare objective scientific and information basis. This book is a collection of conference reports and discussion materials that on the request of the editorial board has been presented in article format. Publishers: Metropolitan Ananya Japaridze Katia Christina Plate Bidzina Lebanidze Nato Asatiani Editorial board: Archimandrite Adam (Akhaladze), Tamaz Beradze, Rozeta Gujejiani, Roland Topchishvili, Mariam Lordkipanidze, Lela Margiani, Tariel Putkaradze, Bezhan Khorava Reviewers: Zurab Tvalchrelidze Revaz Sherozia Giorgi Cheishvili Otar Janelidze Editorial board wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Irina Bibileishvili, Merab Gvazava, Nia Gogokhia, Ekaterine Dadiani, Zviad Kvilitaia, Giorgi Cheishvili, Kakhaber Tsulaia. ISBN 2345632456 Printed by CGS ltd 2 Preface by His Holiness and Beatitude Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia ILIA II; Opening Words to the Conference 5 Preface by Katja Christina Plate, Head of the Regional Office for Political Dialogue in the South Caucasus of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung; Opening Words to the Conference 8 Abkhazia: Historical-Political and Ethnic Processes Tamaz Beradze, Konstantine Topuria, Bezhan Khorava - A -
Russia's Soft Underbelly
RUSSIA’S SOFT UNDERBELLY: THE STABILITY OF INSTABILITY IN DAGESTAN Edward W. Walker Winter 2000 Edward W. Walker is Executive Director of the Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post- Soviet Studies at UC Berkeley Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank Diahanna Lynch and Laura Henry for their research assistance; Sergei Arutiunov, Victoria E. Bonnell, George W. Breslauer, M. Steven Fish, Johanna Nichols, Ronald G. Suny, and Robert Ware for their helpful suggestions on earlier drafts; and Denise Monczewski and Alexandra Patten for their copy editing and production work. Support for the publication of this working paper comes from the National Security Education Program. A color version of this map can be found on the Internet at http://www.caspian.net/peoples.gif. 1 Introduction In the first week of August 1999, some 1,000-2,000 armed militants entered into the Republic of Dagestan from the breakaway region of Chechnya (Ichkeria) in an effort to “liberate” Dagestan from Russian occupation. Apparently comprised of a mix of Chechens, Dagestanis, and Islamic militants from Central Asia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Arab world, and possibly elsewhere, the Chechen-based insurgents were nominally directed by an organization called the United Headquarters of Daghestan Mujahadin and commanded by the Chechen guerilla “field commander,” Shamil Basaev, and his ally, a mysterious Jordanian or Saudi citizen of unknown ethnic background who goes by the name “Khattab.”1 The previous year, Basaev had been a central figure in the formation of the Congress of Peoples of Chechnya and Dagestan (CPCD), the main platform of which was the unification of Chechnya and Dagestan into a single independent Islamic state. -
Fond Duxovnoe Nasledie”, 2015.—253 Pp
Book Reviews / Iran and the Caucasus 22 (2018) 116-118 116 Timirlan Aytberov, K istorii avarcev Tersko-Sulakskogo meždureč’ja, Ma- khachkala: “Fond Duxovnoe Nasledie”, 2015.—253 pp. The current book is a popular scholarly contribution dealing with the his- tory of the Avars in the Terek-Sulak Interfluve. The topic is extremely sen- sitive in Dagestan, as the Terek-Sulak interfluve is one of the few places that have the potential of conflict in the eastern part of the Caucasus: at least three ethnic groups—the Kumyks, Avars, and Chechens—seek to have this area recognised as their historical ethnic territory. Aytberov’s book, being an Avar perspective, is supported by a few hitherto unknown written sources to a wider audience. The book consists of an Introduction, three chapters, an Appendix, and an Epilogue. In the Introduction, the author describes three North Cauca- sian research schools engaged with the study of the Terek-Sulak inter- fluve, namely the “Makhachkala”, the “Grozny”, and the “Tarki” school. According to Ajtberov’s classification, the latter two are represented by the Nakhs and Kumyks respectively, whereas the first one, which the au- thor himself markedly belongs to, by Avars. The objective of this book, as the author indicates, is to present his- torical documents on the history of the Avars in the Terek-Sulak Inter- fluve, which is done in Chapter I. The 38 documents, which are translated from Arabic into Russian, along with comprehensive footnotes, cover a long period of almost four centuries—from the 16th to the beginning of the 20th century. -
Russia and the Islamic Other
Russia and the Islamic Other Specifics of Integration of Islamic Population in Russian Society: Immigration and Separatism RETHINKING RUSSIA Seminar organized by The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) Oslo, 18–19 January 2007 Presentation. Dr. Prof. E.Pain What is the Russian specific character of Muslim minorities problem? Unlike West European countries the Muslim population of my country has not been formed due to influx of immigrants. More than 90% of Russia’s Muslims are representatives of indigenous population. This fact determines specific character of demands put forward by national movements in Russia. From time to time some of these movements strive for not just equal rights within the country but for the complete secession. Increase of the Muslim minority’s share in population of the European countries. • . In the last 50 years the 8% Muslim minority’s 6% share rose by more than 4% threefold and by the 2% beginning of the 21st 1956 0% century comprised 1956 2006 in France - 7,5%; France Holland - 6,2% Holland Germany - 3,6% Germany Unat.King United Kingdom- 2,5% Increase of the Muslim minority’s share in population of Russia In Russia Muslims Rates of increase of the numbers of comprise from 10% to Russians and Muslims in Russia (1959- 14% in the total 2002). Russia’s population (it 250 is from 15 to 20 million 200 people). By the end of 150 the century Muslims Russians Mus lim s may comprise up to 100 40% of Russia’s 50 population. The final result 0 1959 1970 1979 1989 2002 will depend on the pace of ethnic Russians decrease.