Conflict in Chechnya: an Overview
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Islam in the North Caucasus: a People Divided Yavus Akhmadov
Liberty University DigitalCommons@Liberty University Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 2001 Islam in the North Caucasus: A People Divided Yavus Akhmadov Stephen R. Bowers Liberty University, [email protected] Marion T. Doss, Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Akhmadov, Yavus; Bowers, Stephen R.; and Doss, Jr., Marion T., "Islam in the North Caucasus: A People Divided" (2001). Faculty Publications and Presentations. Paper 72. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/72 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at DigitalCommons@Liberty University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Liberty University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 124 Religious Brotherhoods of Chechnya collapse of state authority, (2) a lack of faith in state officials, (3) economic adversity, and (4) persistent intervention by Islamic groups from abroad. The violence that came in 1999 to Dagestan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikstan was driven by these factors and the Chechen situation is subject to the same factors. Connections with Taliban and Other Outside Groups Recognition of the fact that such an important and dynamic brotherhood can, like other Islamic movements for national liberation, pose a challenge to Western society prompts legitimate questions about their relationship with Islamic organizations outside the region. While Islam did much to provide spiritual comfort to Chechen soldiers during the 1994-96 war, it has undergone dramatic changes during the decade since the collapse of the USSR. -
Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. -
Russia the Ingush-Ossetian Conflict in the Prigorodnyi Region
Russia Page 1 of 32 RUSSIA THE INGUSH-OSSETIAN CONFLICT IN THE PRIGORODNYI REGION Human Rights Watch/Helsinki Human Rights Watch New York · Washington · London · Brussels Copyright © May 1996 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Catalogue Number: 96-75960 ISBN: 1-56432-165-7 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report is based on a trip to the Republic of Ingushetiya, hereafter Ingushetiya, and the Republic of North Ossetia- Alaniya, hereafter North Ossetia, both states of the Russian Federation, from August 11-19, 1994. Until 1994, North Ossetia was the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), a part of the former Soviet Union. Until 1992, Ingushetiya was part of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), and was also part of the former Soviet Union. Human Rights/Helsinki representatives visited Vladikavkaz, Kartsa, Chermen, Tarskoye, Kurtat, Dachnoye, and Maiskii in North Ossetia and Nazran and Gaziyurt in Ingushetiya. Jeri Laber and Rachel Denber edited the report, and Shira Robinson provided production assistance for its publication. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki thanks both North Ossetian and Ingush authorities as well as officials from the Russian Temporary Administration (now the Temporary State Committee) for their cooperation with the mission participants. Human Rights Watch/Helsinki would like to express our appreciation to all those who read the report and commented on it, including Prof. John Collarusso of McMaster University. We would also like to thank the members of the Russian human rights group Memorial, who provided generous assistance and advice. In 1994 Memorial published an excellent report on the conflict in the Prigorodnyi region, "Two Years after the War: The Problem of the Forcibly Displaced in the Area of the Ossetian-Ingush Conflict." Finally, we would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Henry Jackson Fund, the Merck Fund and the Moriah Fund for their support. -
The Russian Military Campaign in the North Caucasus: Is a Victory in Sight?
The Russian Military Campaign in the North Caucasus: Is a Victory in Sight? Pavel K. Baev Research Professor, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO) Introduction At the start of the Year 2005, propositions about a possible Russian military victory in Chechnya and a military-political victory in the struggle against terrorism in the North Caucasus would have been truly hypothetical, unless sponsored by Moscow’s propaganda machine. In mid-2006, they might still appear far-fetched – but nevertheless deserving a serious assessment, providing that the sponsorship of the abovementioned kind is not a factor. The trajectory of the conflict- generating political transformations in this region has never been straight in the last 15 years, since Chechnya proclaimed its independence in September 1991. In the last two years, perhaps starting with the Beslan tragedy, the sum total of the outcomes of continuing violent clashes and incremental political steps has amounted to a quite significant shift of momentum that has acquired a pronounced de-escalatory character. It remains uneven and uncertain, and during the first post-Beslan year it was barely distinguishable as political attention was focused on the spectacular political crises known as ‘colored revolutions’. The attack on Nalchik, Kabardino- Balkaria on 13 October 2005 marked an intersection of the Islamic guerilla and popular uprising, which could have opened new avenues for both across the region but in fact has narrowed the paths of resistance. The situation, nevertheless, remained -
Russia's Islamic Diplom
Russia's Islamic Diplom Russia's Islamic Diplomacy ed. Marlene Laruelle CAP paper no. 220, June 2019 "Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World" Initiative Russia’s Islamic Diplomacy Ed. Marlene Laruelle The Initiative “Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World” is generously funded by the Henry Luce Foundation Cover photo: Talgat Tadjuddin, Chief Mufti of Russia and head of the Central Muslim Spiritual Board of Russia, meeting with the Armenian Catholicos Karekin II and Mufti Ismail Berdiyev, President of the Karachay-Cherkessia Spiritual Board, Moscow, December 1, 2016. Credit : Artyom Korotayev, TASS/Alamy Live News HAGFW9. Table of Contents Chapter 1. Russia and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Conflicting Interactions Grigory Kosach………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2. Always Looming: The Russian Muslim Factor in Moscow's Relations with Gulf Arab States Mark N. Katz………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 1 Chapter 3. Russia and the Islamic Worlds: The Case of Shia Islam Clément Therme ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... 25 Chapter 4. A Kadyrovization of Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Autocrats in Track II Diplomacy and Other Humanitarian Activities Jean-Francois Ratelle……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 1 Chapter 5. Tatarstan's Paradiplomacy with the Islamic World Guzel Yusupova……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 7 Chapter 6. Russian Islamic Religious Authorities and Their Activities at the Regional, National, and International Levels Denis Sokolov………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 41 Chapter 7. The Economics of the Hajj: The Case of Tatarstan Azat Akhunov…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 7 Chapter 8. The Effect of the Pilgrimage to Mecca on the Socio-Political Views of Muslims in Russia’s North Caucasus Mikhail Alexseev…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5 3 Authors’ Biographies……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 9 @ 2019 Central Asia Program Chapter 1. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
North Caucasus: Views from Within People’S Perspectives on Peace and Security
REPORT North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security March 2012 North Caucasus: views from within People’s perspectives on peace and security SAFERWORLD MARCH 2012 Acknowledgements This report was written by Anna Matveeva, Honorary University Fellow, University of Exeter, with contributions from Igor Savin, Research Fellow, the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences. It was edited by Craig Oliphant (Senior Advisor, Saferworld). Editorial contributions and comments were also provided by Luitgard Hammerer (Head of Europe and Central Asia, Saferworld). The report draws on participatory research conducted in five North Caucasus republics by Zhanna Khamdokhova (Kabardino-Balkaria), Igor Dulaev (North Ossetia), Musa Yusupov (Chechnya), Akhmet Yarlykapov (Dagestan), Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin (Ingushetia). The methodology for the research was developed by Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin with contributions from the Institute of Oriental Studies, Saferworld and the four researchers from the North Caucasus. For further reading, case studies from the individual republics can be accessed on the Saferworld website: www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/chechnya www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/northossetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/kabardino-balkaria www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/ingushetia www.saferworld.org.uk/PPP/dagestan The republic chapters were translated from Russian into English by Sophia Matveeva. John Newman copy-edited the report. The research was a collaboration between Saferworld and the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project The People’s Peacemaking Perspectives project is a joint initiative implemented by Conciliation Resources and Saferworld and financed under the European Commission’s Instrument for Stability. -
Conflicts in the North Caucasus
Central Asian Survey, (1998), 17(3), 409-441. Conflicts in the North Caucasus SVANTE E. CORNELL* Although the conflicts that have attracted most international attention in the post- cold war era have been those of the Transcaucasus, another area of both potential and actual turmoil is the North Caucasus. The first example of serious conflicts in the area, naturally, is the war in Chechnia. However, the existence of this war, and its astonishing cruelty and devastation, has been instrumental in obscuring the other grievances that exist in the area, and that have the potential to escalate into open conflict. These can be divided into two main categories, which however spill over into one another. The first type of conflicts are those among the peoples of the region; the second type is conflicts between these peoples and Russia. Doubtlessly, the main example of the unrest in the North Caucasus has been the short but bloody war between the Ingush and the Ossetians. However, this war distinguishes itself only by being the only one of the conflicts in the region that has escalated into war. Among the other known problems, three issues call for special attention: First and perhaps most pressingly, the bid for unity of the Lezgian people in Dagestan and Azerbaijan; Second, the latent problem between the Turkic Karachai and the Circasssian peoples in the two neighbour republics of Karachaevo-Cherkessia and Kabardino-Balkaria; and thirdly the condition of the most complex of all the North Caucasian republics: Dagestan. It seems logical in this study to start with the most well-known of these issues: the war that raged in November 1992 in the Prigorodniy raion between the Ingush and the North Ossetians. -
Ingushetia: Building Identity, Overcoming Conflict
INGUSHETIA: BUILDING IDENTITY, OVERCOMING CONFLICT Anna Matveeva and Igor Savin Introduction The Republic of Ingushetia is the smallest in terms of territory of Russia’s republics, and numbers 412,997 inhabitants. 1 It was established on 4 June 1992 as a result of the separation from the dual-nationality Checheno-Ingushetia. A large part of the republic is taken by high mountains, the highest peak is 4451m, and the remaining part has a high population density. Birth rates are high and having six or seven children is common in rural areas. All Ingushetia’s leaders came from a security background. General Ruslan Aushev became the first president, but in 2001 was removed by Moscow and replaced with Murat Zyazikov, who was elected to the presidency in controversial circumstances in May 2002. In October 2008 Zyazikov was dismissed. General Yunus-Bek Yevkurov was nominated by President Medvedev and approved as president by the People’s Assembly of Ingushetia. Ethnic Ingush oligarch in Moscow Mikhail Gutseriyev, co- owner of Russneft, and his relatives are among the richest people in Russia. There is no major industry or budget revenue source in the republic, and it is subsidised by the federal centre. Local opinions perceive the republic’s facilities and infrastructure as backward, although field observation did not confirm this. Roads and public buildings have been constructed, communication systems work and housing is of good standard. Consumer goods are on sale and people appear able to buy them. However, there are fewer municipal buildings, such as social clubs and libraries, and overwhelming dissatisfaction with medical facilities. -
Draft—August 1995
“RUSSIA’S TINDERBOX” Conflict in the North Caucasus And its Implications for The Future of the Russian Federation Fiona Hill September 1995 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Background to the Report Introduction Executive Summary Section I The Structural Legacy of the USSR Section II The Crisis of National and Regional Leadership in the North Caucasus Section III The Failure of Russia’s Regional Policy Section IV Territorial Disputes in the North Caucasus Section V Chechnya Appendix 1 The Refugee Crisis in the North Caucasus Appendix 2 The Islamic Factor in the North Caucasus Bibliography Selected Works in English for Additional Reading on the North Caucasus PREFACE Background to the Report In the Summer of 1993, the Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project began an inquiry into the conflicts in Russia’s North Caucasus region, as part of a broader study of post-Soviet ethno- political conflicts. In the course of this inquiry, it became apparent that there were practically no contemporary English-language studies of the North Caucasus. Although the new Transcaucasian states of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan were beginning to be studied more closely as a consequence of their new status as independent states after 1991, information on the Russian North Caucasus region was only available from news wires and the occasional flying visits of Western correspondents. This was in spite of the prevalence of violent conflict in the Caucasus as a whole, the involvement of North Caucasian groups in these conflicts, and Chechnya’s 1991 declaration of independence from the Russian Federation. By 1993, Azerbaijan and Armenia had been in a de facto state of war over Nagorno- Karabakh for almost five years; an armed conflict had flared between Georgia and South Ossetia sending a wave of refugees into North Ossetia in the North Caucasus; North Caucasian mercenaries were fighting on the side of Abkhazia in its war with Georgia; and a violent conflict had erupted within the North Caucasus itself between Ossetians and Ingush. -
Causes of War Prospects for Peace
Georgian Orthodox Church Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung CAUSES OF WAR PROS P E C TS FOR PEA C E Tbilisi, 2009 1 On December 2-3, 2008 the Holy Synod of the Georgian Orthodox Church and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung held a scientific conference on the theme: Causes of War - Prospects for Peace. The main purpose of the conference was to show the essence of the existing conflicts in Georgia and to prepare objective scientific and information basis. This book is a collection of conference reports and discussion materials that on the request of the editorial board has been presented in article format. Publishers: Metropolitan Ananya Japaridze Katia Christina Plate Bidzina Lebanidze Nato Asatiani Editorial board: Archimandrite Adam (Akhaladze), Tamaz Beradze, Rozeta Gujejiani, Roland Topchishvili, Mariam Lordkipanidze, Lela Margiani, Tariel Putkaradze, Bezhan Khorava Reviewers: Zurab Tvalchrelidze Revaz Sherozia Giorgi Cheishvili Otar Janelidze Editorial board wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Irina Bibileishvili, Merab Gvazava, Nia Gogokhia, Ekaterine Dadiani, Zviad Kvilitaia, Giorgi Cheishvili, Kakhaber Tsulaia. ISBN 2345632456 Printed by CGS ltd 2 Preface by His Holiness and Beatitude Catholicos-Patriarch of All Georgia ILIA II; Opening Words to the Conference 5 Preface by Katja Christina Plate, Head of the Regional Office for Political Dialogue in the South Caucasus of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung; Opening Words to the Conference 8 Abkhazia: Historical-Political and Ethnic Processes Tamaz Beradze, Konstantine Topuria, Bezhan Khorava - A -
Democracy and Institutional Design in Russia
Democracy and Institutional Design in Russia EUGENE HUSKEY he stunning political comeback of Boris Yeltsin serves as a reminder of the T vital role of the individual in politics. A disengaged and irresolute president through much of his first term, Yeltsin revived himself in time to capture the sup- port of the nation in the 1996 presidential elections. These elections also high- lighted the many informal sources of power in Russia that lie beyond the consti- tution. One of the most influential of these was the media. Through a careful manipulation of the tone and content of campaign coverage, Yeltsin’s backers managed to portray the contest between candidates as a referendum on good ver- sus evil. Personality, informal politics, and circumstance—these are the forces that come to mind during periods of political transition. But a country’s institutional arrangements also shape its development, often in profound though less obvious ways. Put simply, Russia’s particular pattern of institutions and rules has favored certain political outcomes over others.1 The decision to adopt an unusual variant of semi-presidentialism, for example, has had fateful consequences for the sta- bility and efficacy of the new regime.2 This article examines the impact of semi- presidentialism on Russia’s post-communist transition as well as the ways in which the logic of semi-presidentialism has adapted to the distinct circumstances and culture of Russian politics.3 The Origins of Semi-Presidentialism in Russia, 1989-1991 At the end of the 1980s, faced with broad-based resistance to reform within the Communist Party apparatus, Mikhail Gorbachev sought alternative institutional arrangements that would at once enhance regime legitimacy and offer the leader an additional base outside of the party.4 Invoking a variant of the Leninist slogan “All Power to the Soviets,”5 Gorbachev settled upon a reinvigoration of the mori- bund legislature.