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Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991

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Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991 Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ian Thomas Lanzillotti Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Professor Nicholas Breyfogle, Advisor Professor Theodora Dragostinova Professor David Hoffmann Professor Scott Levi Copyright by Ian Thomas Lanzillotti 2014 Abstract The Caucasus mountain region in southern Russia has witnessed many of post- Soviet Eurasia’s most violent inter-communal conflicts. From Abkhazia to Chechnya, the region fractured ferociously and neighboring communities took up arms against each other in the name of ethnicity and religion. In the midst of some of the worst conflict in Europe since 1945, the semiautonomous, multiethnic Kabardino-Balkar Republic in the North Caucasus remained a relative oasis of peace. This is not to say there were no tensions—there is no love lost between Kabardians, Balkars, and Russians, Kabardino- Balkaria’s principal communities. But, why did these communities, despite the agitation of ethno-political entrepreneurs, not resort to force to solve their grievances, while many neighboring ones did? What institutions and practices have facilitated this peace? What role have state officials and state structures played in, on the one hand, producing inter- communal conflict, and, on the other hand, mediating and defusing such conflict? And why has land played such a crucial rule in inter-communal relations in the region over the longue durée? More than enhancing our knowledge of a poorly-understood yet strategically important region, the questions I ask of Kabardino-Balkaria are windows on larger issues of enduring global relevance. What processes affect peace and stability in regions of ethno-confessional diversity? What role do states play in forging and manipulating ethnic, national, and religious affilitations? What are the dynamics of ii governance in multiethnic and multiconfessional states? When and why do group identity categories, such as ethnicity and religion, matter? This dissertation explores the themes of inter- and intra-communal relations, the expansion and evolution of imperial rule and governance, and the causes of peace and violence. I explore these themes particularly through the socioeconomic relations that developed around land use and ownership in central Caucasia, a region of extraordinary ethno-confessional and social diversity. In order to explore the deep roots of contemporary issues of governance, inter-communal relations, nationalism, and conflict in the Caucasus region, this study examines these issues over the longue durée, from the extension of Russian rule in the late eighteenth century through the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This periodization of over two centuries allows for a comparative exploration of these themes over different regimes: the pre-colonial Kabardian princely confederation, the tsarist state, the Soviet Union, and post-Soviet Russia. My dissertation offers three broad conclusions to these questions. First, it argues that peace has prevailed in Kabardino-Balkaria because Kabardians, Balkars and Russians were interdependent stakeholders in a system of inter-communal relations, each occupying their own economic niche. Each group benefited from this system and had a stake in its preservation. Second, my research shows that the Kabardian majority has worked to ensure the continued inclusion of ethnic minorities in this system. Third, I demonstrate that imperial conquest and governance had both destructive and creative effects on inter-communal relations, by weakening some relationships, strengthening others, and, through colonization and resettlement, creating new ones. Finally, I argue iii that the category of ethnicity had little intrinsic importance on an everyday level for the diverse peoples of this region. Indeed, for much of the period examined in this study, class or estate categories and confessional affiliations usually had far greater meaning in society than ethnic or national ones. But ethnic and national cateogiries could become important political tools and, often, catalysts for conflict in the hands of elites of various stripes. iv Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents for their love and encouragement. v Acknowledgments This dissertation would not have been possible without the overwhelming dedication, wisdom, hospitality, and support of so many wonderful people and organizations. My expression of thanks here cannot begin to convey the rush of emotions and overwhelming sense of gratitude that I experience as I think back on the journey that led to this study. The Ohio State University, particularly the faculty and graduate students of the Department of History, provided the most nurturing environment for my intellectual and professional growth, mental stamina, and emotional health during my six years as a doctoral student. First and foremost, my deepest thanks go to Nicholas Breyfogle, a model advisor and great friend, for his endless patience, deep dedication to his students, empathy for the personal side of graduate student life, and uncanny ability to neatly unpack my often muddled thoughts during countless office visits. I have benefitted from the knowledge of so many great scholars at Ohio State. I owe a particular debt of gratitude to the other members of my committee—Theodora Dragostinova, David Hoffmann, and Scott Levi—for their time and valuable insights. This project has benefited from their help in countless ways. Many thanks also go to Greg Anderson, Alice Conklin, Jane Hathaway, Clayton Howard, Robin Judd, Dodie McDow, Chris Otter, and Jennifer Siegel. My warmest wishes and thanks go out to William Newby, Liz Kimble, Mark Sokolsky, Alice Rush-Rhodes, Hannah Ewing, Mark Soderstrom, John vi Johnson, George Lywood, and Brian Whitacre—I could not have made it through these past six years without your comradery and friendship in Columbus. I will miss you all. Finally, thanks to Jim Bach for demystifying the university bureaucracy, sharing my love for British punk, and the great work you do on behalf of all the history graduate students. I would also like to convey my thanks to the people who helped foster my interest in history, Russia, the Russian language, and the Caucasus before I came to Ohio State. From my years as an undergraduate at the University of South Florida, my thanks go to Golfo Alexopoulos, William Cummings, Irena Nemchonok, Oksana Lutsyshyna, Victor Peppard, and Jack Tunstall. From my time at Indiana University, my thanks go to William Fierman, Edward Lazzerini, Hiroaki Kuromiya, and Padraic Kenny. I am especially grateful to Julie Fairbanks for connecting me to the world of Circassians and the northwest Caucasus. Finally, I am grateful to Edna Andrews at Duke University for helping me perfect my Russian over two wonderful summers in St. Petersburg. I was privileged to have met so many hospitable and kind people during my research and language study trips to Russia. From St. Petersburg, I would like to especially thank Victoria Banionyte, Sofia Kodzova, and Danil Rodionov for their friendship. The following friends and colleagues helped me professionally and personally during my long stay in Moscow: Irina Babich, Vladimir Bobrovnikov, Anastasia Ganich, Asiiat Gigieva, Aleksei Lysov, Tamara Lysova, Zaur Notok, Elena Shaulova, Anton Shishkin, Liubov’ Solov’eva, Konstantin Tatsis, Alim Zhgulov, and, Ruslan Zhigunov. My thanks go to the staff at the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology at the Russian vii Academy of Sciences for welcoming me into their circle of Caucasianists. I am grateful to the archivists and staff at GARF, RGASPI, and RGANI. I have such fond memories of my time in Kabardino-Balkaria and the North Caucasus generally. Most importantly, my deepest thanks go to my gracious hosts and close friends: the Shomakhovs in Islamei and the Zhigunovs in Vol’nyi Aul, and particularly Azamat and Saladin for their companionship and wisdom. You gave me a home away from home and took me in as part of your families. Sufian Zhemukhov has been a great mentor, colleague, and friend, and he has taught me so much about Circassian culture and identity. Ella Maremukhova, a great friend and language teacher, introduced me to the beauty and complexities of adygabza. I thank the Baikulovs and Natoks in Adygeia and the Torshkhoevs of Karabulak, Ingushetia, for their hospitality. I am grateful for the support and wisdom of Timur Aloev, Barasbi Bgazhnokov, Madina Khakuasheva, and Osman Zhansitov at the Institute for Humanities Studies in Nalchik. I also thank Galina Kalmykova for her friendship, hospitality, and good cheer. I am grateful to Martin Emkuzhev, my guide to the mountains, for his generosity and for taking me to Khasaut and the mountain pastures. This project would not have been possible without the support of the archivists and staff at TsGAKBR and TsDNIKBR in Nalchik—I am particularly grateful to Elena Shagapsoeva for her archival assistance. I could not have conducted the research for this dissertation without generous financial support from Fulbright-Hays, the American Philosophical Society, the Mershon Center for International Security Studies, the Ohio State University Office of International Affairs, and the Allan and Helga Wildman scholarship fund. viii Most of all, I am grateful to the people whom I love the most: to
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