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Colophon in collaboration with New World Summit New World Academy Reader #5: [email protected] Stateless Stateless www.newworldsummit.eu

Editors: New World Academy Renée In der Maur and Jonas Staal in Research, Development, Democracy dialogue with Dilar Dirik and Realization Team: Şeyma Bayram (BAK), Younes Associate Editor: Bouadi (NWS), Vincent W. J. van Şeyma Bayram Gerven Oei (NWS), Maria Hlavajova (BAK), Robert Kluijver (NWS), Paul Design: Kuipers (NWS), Renée In der Maur Remco van Bladel, Amsterdam (NWS), Rens van Meegen (NWS), in collaboration with Niek van der Meer (BAK), Arjan van Corine van der Wal Meeuwen (BAK), Kasper Oostergetel (NWS), Sjoerd Oudman (NWS), Ga- Lithography and Printing: briëlle Provaas (NWS), Rob Schröder Drukkerij Raddraaier, Amsterdam (NWS), and Jonas Staal (NWS)

ISBN: 978-90-77288-22-1 Cover and Chapter Images: The cover image depicts members of The texts in this reader are published neighborhood councils and coopera- according to individual agreements tives presenting themselves as can- with the authors and/or publishers; didates for the position of Co-Chair New World Academy Reader #5: no part of this publication may be of the People’s Council for the city of reproduced in any manner without Qamişlo, situated in the Cizîre can- permission of the publisher. ton, Rojava. This and all other images in the reader are part of a 2014 photo © 2015 the artists, authors, BAK, and series by Jonas Staal, titled Anatomy New World Academy of a — Rojava.

Published by: NWA #5 has been made financially BAK, basis voor actuele kunst possible by the DOEN Foundation, Postbus 19288 Amsterdam and is additionally sup- NL–3501 DG Utrecht ported through BAK’s partnership T +31 (0)30 2316125 with the Centraal Museum, Utrecht, [email protected] on the project Future Vocabularies- www.bakonline.org Future Collections. Table of Contents

9 Maria Hlavajova 131 Foreword 159 Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and 15 Renée In der Maur and Joost Jongerden Jonas Staal Reassembling the Political: Introduction The PKK and the Project of 27 Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal 195 Interviewed Living Without Approval by Pınar Öğünç No. This is a Genuine 57 Havin Güneşer Revolution Feminicide 211 73 Zîlan Diyar Revolutionary Education: The Whole World is Two Academies in Rojava Talking about Us, Kurdish Women 223 Hito Steyerl Kobanê Is Not Falling 83 Gönül Kaya Why ? 231 Jonas Staal Re-Constructing Theater of the Stateless the Sciences Towards a Communal and 247 Kajal Ahmed Free Life Bird (excerpt)

97 Abdullah Öcalan (excerpts)

111 The Meaning of Confederalism

Foreword

Maria Hlavajova Entrance to a training camp of the autonomous people’s armies of Rojava, the People’s Defense Units (YPG)(YPJ), near and the Women’s border Defense between Units Southern () and the autonomous canton of Cizîre in Western Kurdistan (). 10–11 ------

- have , however, this , however, was prompted by the commits to the continuous (re) is an alterna Academy New World ). NWA The decision to institute NWA fifth iteration unfolds throughout 2015 as a nomadic throughout plat fifth iteration unfolds to the space rethink betweenyearning art and the political, could be into both their relationship and to how en inquire come we have to than how visioned and enacted differently of advanced financial the regime . it under know in a seem workings, subject to this regime’s are If our lives inescapableingly squeeze between powerless and politicless itself power asthat markets an all- in a world encompassing one, NWA negotiation of this reality in spite totalizing of such claims. the learning curriculum of which was set was up with the open- of which curriculum the learning source advocates of the international Parties; and Pirate the session titled of Creating a The Art , developed in National pourcollaboration Libérationwith Mouvement la the Liberation of for National [the Movement de l’Azawad sessions of NWA previous Unlike Azawad]. and practice,and takes learning for place at various form in Utrecht, and internationally. venues the Netherlands, less accompanies Democracy reader the fifth editionNew of ( Academy World tive educational invites that stateless platform organiza politicaltions invested in the progressive to project share with artists of art and students on the role their views and in sociopoliticalculture Established movements. in 2013 by artist Jonas Staal in collaboration with BAK, basis voor actuele in Utrecht, kunst to sessions date four of NWA with the , organized Culture a People’s taken place: Towards of of the National Democratic Movement workers cultural Collectivethe Philippines; Struggle of Refugees: Lost. In Amsterdam-based with the ., realized Between. Together Leaderless Politics Here; Are , We collective of refugees Brought to life together with the Kurdish Women’s Move Women’s together to life Brought Kurdish the with it both the ways and ment — with its conceptual vocabulary of concrete the midst in enacts State struggles — this them Here, the vision of a society instituted otherwise by the over democracy in Kobanê. In doing so, the reader aims to Kurdish-led resistance — and the Kurdish Women’s Move- create insights into how our own version of democracy is ment in particular — stands out as a critical case of power up for contest and that such battles, no matter how far they and politics coming together, if one understands politics as may be, are shared by us all. the ability to think propositions and power as the ability to I would like to take this opportunity to express my meaningfully implement them. The democratic experiment sincere gratitude to all collaborators in this undertaking in the autonomous region of Rojava, , en- and the members of the Kurdish Women’s Movement for acted amid the multifarious tragedy of the ongoing Syrian sharing their knowledge with us. My thanks go to Jonas Civil War and despite the unimaginable set of hostilities Staal and his team at New World Summit, as well as my surrounding it, captured the imagination of another pos- colleagues at BAK’s home base in Utrecht. I am indebted sibility at the critical time of its battle against the self- to the Doen Foundation, Amsterdam for making the project proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. While the world possible, as well as to Centraal Museum, Utrecht, whose gasped in tremor, the Kurdish Women’s Movement fought acquisition of NWA, as part of the collaboration with BAK both literally and symbolically against the so-called state titled Future Collections (2014–2015), contributed signifi- alongside scores of armed women and men. The decisive cantly to the realization of this session. Last but not least, battle in Kobanê seems not to have been waged over the I would like to thank the cultural and educational institu- territory as such, but against the state as it embodies tions De Balie, Amsterdam and the Willem de Kooning power relations that are as patriarchal as much as they Academy, Rotterdam for hosting this fifth edition of NWA are oppressive, motivated by the ideal of living together in and its manifold nomadic itinerary. a constellation that embraces , equality, and sustainable . This effort was realized, Maria Hlavajova is artistic director of BAK, basis voor actuele kunst. moreover, while breaking through the national borders of no less than four states, demonstrating that they must be rendered meaningless in order to act out the imaginary of a commonly shared, albeit heterogeneous, world. Not letting the reality of the ongoing struggle slip from our sight, NWA takes the lived project of democratic confederalism as practiced by the Kurdish Women’s Move- ment as a critical proposal for our time. If for its learning sessions NWA gathers together artists, students, activists, and theorists from the fields of , sociology, and conflict studies, among others, to deliberate on the possi- bility of these propositions for the ideal of democracy, then this publication offers a number of critical texts from which to begin to articulate one’s own position towards the battle Introduction

Reneé In der Maur and Jonas Staal Portraits of women revolutionaries in the House of Women (Mala Jin) in Qamişlo. Thediscrimination. or House violence (domestic) facing of region Womenthe from women providesto protection support, and conflict mediation, social and juridical 16–17 - - - - -

The historic base of the Kurdish Women’s Movement Movement Women’s The historic base of the Kurdish tan Workers’ Party (PKK), organization the Marxist-Leninist tan Workers’ to struggle against wage armed in 1978 that was founded Kurdish of an independent in favor the Turkish state. The PKK came into existence as a response to the in particular in the region, by the of long oppression and politi denied the cultural which government, Turkish the key Öcalan, citizens. Abdullah cal rights of its Kurdish supported and leader of the movement, founder women’s the outset,emancipation from that women claiming The Kurdish Women’s Movement encompassesa variety Movement of Women’s Kurdish The interconnecteddifferent, social and political organizations, political parties, , wings, non- armed other and parliamentary of region action active in the larger groups, Syria, Kurdistan. Situated the territories across of , diaspora around Kurdish large and in the and Iran, Iraq, the liberation towards these strive organizations the world, state peoples from Kurd The Kurdish the oppression. of translat in role a key has played Movement ish Women’s resistancetheir ing against state a towards oppression fundamental critique of the model of the nation-state itself, as construct a patriarchal in regard they which service of the global capitalist a central doctrine. critique This forms the Revolution; part as became the Rojava of what known in of a region that in 2012 declared revolution Kurdistan, as the northern Syria, called Western Rojava, or the Within language. in the Kurdish means “West” Rojava Movement plays a Women’s the Kurdish Revolution, Rojava political in creating a new leading role model of stateless democracy: practice a separated of democracy the from construct of the state. tobring attempt is an This reader revo this textstogether tofrom understand key and learn practice itslutionary and of democracy impact on the fields of education, and art. culture, in the Kurdis of women role can in the prominent be found 18–19 - - - - -

- - It is this particular being imple model that is currently improbable than ever. While in prison, Öcalan published in prison, While published Öcalan ever. than improbable mented in Rojava. As in 2012, when the so-called the As in 2012, when mented in Rojava. Arab war the , causing through a civil swept Spring in the PKK-influenced living to ignite in Syria, the Kurds northern part took of the country au to their chance declare while Assad their regions was fightingrebelstonomy over Afrîn, in the south. cantons In the three of Rojava — Cizîre, about two-thirds the size a territory and Kobanê — covering million 4.6 of Belgium, with a population of approximately that declared government revolutionary people, the Kurdish new writingsnew he took in which the critique of toits consequen- full movement set forthby the women’s ce. The concept nation-state, of the is an exten he claims, in by men of women The enslavement sion of patriarchy. small state,” as of the family — “man’s the microstructure construct of the Öcalan calls replicated it — is in the larger nation-state, whose unity myths of cultural and territorial belonging global blind its capitalist subjects to the larger condition the state in which is implicated. Öcalan terms the nation-state of capital,” in line with the and a “colony movement, decides to the idea of an inde reject women’s In its place, he proposes the modpendent state altogether. the from a model derived confederalism,” el of “democratic whose Bookchin, American ecologist Murray anarchist and studied Öcalan works during his time in prison. The Kurds, democratic autonomy demand with should Öcalan claims, out the state, and unite instead on the basis of principles by councils and coop of decentralized self-government equality and of gender principles eratives, ( without the state), models and confederalist of co-existence and cooperation. create the This would ecology” society render that would space a new “social for and its against its enemy — patriarchy, internal resilient of global capitalism. forces enemy — the external

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When in 1999 Öcalan was captured and placed in 1999 When in iso During the early nineties, its early During the militaryPKK reached the lated imprisonment by the Turkish state, the PKK entered lated by the Turkish imprisonment into retaliation a crisis. Due to the severe of the Turkish state an independent for the claim seemed more army, velopments, the creation of the first autonomous women’s autonomouswomen’s the creation of the first velopments, political several and social women’s units in 1993, guerilla in women’s organizations, and the first of military It was during these years conflict that the 1999. liberation a specificwomen’s struggle formulated women’s by the writings Inspired of Öcalan, the women’s . constructedmovement a society an idea and model for ideology was this It concept of basedpower. on a different later shift, that opened the space up the movement’s for Kurdish an independent for abandonedwhich the claim state of a new model of democracy. in favor tions. At the same time of the growth of the PKK, of the timetions. the same the role of the growth At also becameof women as did not male fighters challanged, support accept as Thus, with explicit them equals. always started movement to organize the women’s Öcalan, from fighting both tendencies patriarchal itself autonomously, This led to, de among other outside and within the party. of the southeastern part of the country. This period saw of the southeastern part of the country. the visibility in increase a and importancesharp of women participated as progressively they within the movement both and political in administrative and as guerillas posi peak in a bloody war against Turkey, gaining control over over gaining control peak in a bloody against Turkey, war substantial inhabited areas parts Kurdish of the mainly were the first “colonized class” in history and concluding history in “colonizedclass” first the were society free a truly that definition by has the to include important an also played Women liberation of women. PKK, as of the co- such years foundational during the role as their struggle one Cansız, who explained Sakine founder social denial, primitive chauvinistic impression, “against and nationalist approaches.” 20–21 - - - - - Reassembling the Political:Reassembling The PKK and the Project how decentralised, how societies self-organised with deal perspective of the Kurdish Women’s Movement.openThe Women’s perspective Kurdish of the ism situations that stretch beyond their locality that in a way a statistcentralised from different solution. is profoundly The Social text of the inde is the foundational Contract pendent cantons peoples written of Rojava, by the different outlining the ideological of the pillars and region, the of revolution. Ahmet Joost and Jongerden’s Hamdi Akkaya article, of Radical of the Democracy , discusses transformation the movement guerrilla avant-garde hierarchical a PKK from , Approval Living Dirik, Dilar with Without ing interview to ancient movement Kurdish of the history the traces Mesopotamia colonial and its rule separation through movement. the rise women’s of the for as the foundation speechthe during Feminicide, delivered Güneşer’s Havin discusses the rise in 2014, in Rome Conference Women’s of the years within the Movement Women’s of the Kurdish in and the manner PKK in Turkey struggle of the armed confronted and patriarchy the movement which article The within the liberationmovement. Diyar’s Zîlan critiques Women about Us, Kurdish is Talking World Whole guerrilla of female framing the international media’s text, Why Kaya’s Gönül Revolution. Rojava in the fighters Re-Constructing a Com Jineology? the Sciences Towards munal and Free of developing the project Life, explains Revolution science at the heart of the Rojava a women’s lost in the course of a of knowledge the retrieval through text by PKK founder of colonization.long history The key Öcalan, DemocraticAbdullah Confederalism the , explains new paradigm of politics became that and power central and ecologist Anarchist Murray Revolution. to the Rojava of libertarian who developed the theory Bookchin, com Öcalan based of democraticmunalism on which the theory discusses in The Meaning of Confederalconfederalism, -

- - explores the explores Academy reader of New World This fifth Since 2012, the principles of The Social Contract have yond the existing dominant structures of the patriarchal of the patriarchal the existing dominant structures yond capitalist state. of the practicefoundations of stateless in democracy of politics, science, and art the governance, from terms are fighting the Assad regime and the Islamic State fightingregime and the Islamic are the Assad of the Kurdish Revolution, the Rojava Within and Iraq. Syria has continued Movement to build its autonomous Women’s cooperatives,councils, and militia. It has also set up its own jineologyacademies where is further developed: a science that takesof women as its starting point colonized classes to research be and histories redefine academic in order been implemented to a maximum, while in the meantime, People’s of Rojava — the armies the autonomous people’s Units (YPJ) — Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense tion of practice, or, as activist Dilar Dirik puts it, a “cultural as activist Dirik puts it, Dilar a “cultural tion of practice, or, is, how idea of what power the very in which revolution,” it is practiced its lead and distributed, is subverted. Taking embodies a Rojava Movement, Women’s the Kurdish from redefinition of the ideals of autonomy right and the to self- of a statelessdetermination in a project democracy. ciples of co-existence, association, free anti-capitalism, and is thus a revolu Revolution The Rojava diversity. cultural Öcalan’s concept of democratic confederalism would be would concept democratic of confederalism Öcalan’s peoples of the different with put to practice.fully Together The Social wrote they Contract,region guarantees which a secular politicalof the each autonomy for full system; cantons; the minimization and centralized rule of three local agency for maximum councilscooperatives; and the implementation of quotas of 40 a minimum guaranteeing politicalpercent participation and men; by both women and a commoncommitment a new “social todeveloping model rejects the of power of the This structure ecology.” and instead basesprin itselfnation-stateon the as unifier, 22–23 ------make a world. make through the region, aiding us with with us aiding region, the through

, as well as the Centraal Museum and its director Edwin Museum, as asEdwin the Centraal and its well director Last but certainly not least, to want thank Maria we beginning of our collaboration, Maria Hlava the very At jova asked: “What if democracy was not a show?” Having asked: jova Move Women’s Kurdish reader with the at this fifth arrived ment, can that we finally titled feel we Stateless Democracy, it means this question. If democracy is not a show, answer to take have that we its practice limitations the beyond of the capitalist nation-state. Stateless democracy proposes a concrete aesthetic that does and ethical engagement not of a better autonomy the promise but claims await future, It does not outsource and now. practice in the here through come, but dedi that might never its to demand a future the New World Summit, World New the could so understand that we translations endless day- the to-day Revolu political Rojava of the struggle cultural and tion.Their hospitality exceptional, was especially care and asin timesthe communities these, when such of Rojava further the thank crises.We severe such through living are Fed the Kurdish Foundation, Women’s International Free eration Kurdish platform and the web The Netherlands, in Questionsupport all of their this reader. for developing in team particular and her at BAK — in Hlavajova Arjan van and Marieke Bayram, Şeyma Meer, der Niek van Meeuwen, Acade commitment their ongoing to New World Kuik — for my contributedJacobs having for to making this publication possible. financially Movement Women’s on the Kurdish progressive towards an academy that strives are As we as artistic world the and art in practices,cultural making is our challenge toit exists is not enough: that doesBut not happen in isolation. In order to make political this possible, need we coalitions with progressive art but also institutions. with progressive movements, New with such is privileged worked to have Academy World partners, collaborators, and friends. ------, we would like to like would , we Academy On behalf of New World sentative of the Kurdish Women’s Movement, Dilar Dirik, Dirik, Dilar Movement, Women’s of the Kurdish sentative who has patience endless with us, explaining displayed goals, and political intricacies of the Kurdish history, the movement. Our gratitude is also due to the representatives Hassan Democratic Union PartySheruan (PYD), Rojava’s of and welcomed us in Rojava and Amina Osse, who warmly representativesguided us and other of our organization, thank all the contributors to this reader: Kurdish revo thank all the contributors to this reader: Kurdish artists,lutionaries, solidary academics, who and writers together of a stateless propose new imaginary a radical to in particular wish thank academic repre We democracy. est nation a state, without of the bird: the figure through a nomadic species, whose destiny is shaped struggle, by and exile. travel, , is an attempt to answer Steyerl’s question on the role role the on question less, is an attempt to Steyerl’s answer of art at the heart of politicalthrough struggle interviews educators, that he conducted musicians, and several with artists An excerpt part Revolution. that are of the Rojava the final document of poem forms Bird Ahmed’s of Kajal The poem of and struggle allegorizes the fate this reader. to as the larg people, often referred who are the Kurdish lation to his own politics of anarchist libertarian-. lation to politics libertarian-socialism. own his of anarchist diaristic account, Revolutionary Education:Janet Biehl’s Two , describesAcademies in Rojava intimate her experiences set Rojava, in educationalwith the and political revolution life-long collaborationagainst own her with Bookchin. Hito witness account in Pîrsus Kobanê is not (Suruç), Steyerl’s of art the question of the role , raises times in the Falling Theater of the State essay, Jonas Staal’s of emergency. modelled on Marxist-Leninist theory tomodelled diver ethnically an theory on Marxist-Leninist radical,sified gender-equal, for aiming politicalmovement David with interview grass-roots Öğünç’s Pınar democracy. RevolutionGenuine is a describes, This titled No. Graeber, in re region to the Rojava travelling experiences Graeber’s cates our shared present to the creation of a new world. Renée In der Maur is research and program coordinator of New World Summit. Jonas Staal is a Rotterdam-based artist and founder of the New World Summit and New World Academy (with BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, Utrecht), whose works include interventions in public space, exhibitions, lectures, and publications that interrogate the relationship between art, democracy, ideology, politics, and propaganda. Living Without Approval

Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal Special forces of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) look out over their training camp situated near Qamişlo. 28–29

- - - - : You are an academic researcher but also an an academicresearcher are : You : One could startby deconstructingthe off activist of the Kurdish Women’s Movement. exactly How Women’s activistthe Kurdish of describeyou bothof this movement, would the nature geographically and organizationally? hence women ties. on their identity The focus as Kurdish to related this multiple on the violence directly draws the point reference of That is why identity. marginalized been that has always Movement Women’s the Kurdish for Jonas Staal Jonas Dilar Dirik or — is incompatibletion with movement because liberation. I agree, nationalism has women’s that in one premises primitive feudal, patriarchal, many to the passing boil of down on the genes or another way domination, tomale bloodline pass and reproducing on as a what is perceived to another one generation from assump gendered to that the extremely Add “nation.” family tions that accompany affect nationalism, which life, labor relations, the knowledge, , culture, and education, that it is a very and it becomes evident Move Women’s masculinized concept. Kurdish The of because is namedment as such the multiple layers of women that Kurdish violence and structural oppression because precisely are Kurdish experienced they have and because are women. they been separated historically people have The Kurdish Syria, and Iran. Iraq, Turkey, states: different four over suffered have women these states, of In each Kurdish and socioeconomic ethnic from discrimination, only not women because of the as patriarchal but also suffered these have states.foundations of time, they the same At own communi within their from oppression suffered words “Kurdish,” “women,” and “movement.” Many Many and “movement.” “women,” “Kurdish,” words people think that a national cause — a national libera 30–31 - Do you see a universal dimension to dimension struggle the see Do you a universal Terms such as “Kurds,” “Arabs” — these are open are “Arabs” — these as “Kurds,” such Terms JS: of the Kurds? the Kurdish Women’s Movement is active where it needs where is active Movement Women’s Kurdish the its of Part restrictions. geographic without tobe active, region: to in the women alsoaim is different to mobilize women, Persian women, Arab women, Turkish mobilize Middle the first and so 2013, on. In women, Afghan was initiated Kurdish the by Conference Women’s East or Amed in Kurdish, in Diyarbakır Movement Women’s call the Kurds the region a city Turkey, in southeastern across from Women Kurdistan. meaning northern Bakur, invited to Pakistan, were North Africa from the region, Women’s The Kurdish . to cross-regional build that women’s sure is an idea: an idea to make Movement boundaries and is regarded have doesliberation not as the fundamentalinstead as a principle, condition for understanding resistance, and justice. liberation, of one’s ment. Not only have the Kurds expressed their solidarity expressed the Kurds ment. have only Not stateless other in the struggles and support many for and resistance oppression extreme but their own world, the appeals to colonizedpeople and oppressed all over DD: for contestation. about what for argued people Many have The geography? In my Is it the language? Kurd. a makes women people and in particular Kurdish Kurdish eyes, peoples many of oppression embody the multi-layered . of been subjected forms to various who have other many by is shared the Kurds of So the oppression with the exceptional dealt have peoples, but the Kurds but four one, their peoples not marginalization of by apart those Iraqi-Kurdistan, in from states. The Kurds, here had little to no international support — I refer have to the Kurdish leftist, the mainly wing of radical ------The word “movement” makes it clear that this is not that this is not it clear makes “movement” The word The one organization — it is everywhere. one party, just most important part this mobilization of is itsgrassroots theoreticalelement, but it also components: has strong cre on Kurdish Alevis in 1937–1938. in Alevis cre on Kurdish tant Kurdish women in the mountains women or in the prisons. tant Kurdish of the founder of daughter the adopted Sabiha Gökçen, Atatürk, is exemplary Mustafa Kemal , the Turkish this of contradiction. being for is praised she Although who she is also the Turkey, in pilot female first the during the massa called Tunceli) (now bombedDersîm lence and rape as systematic tools of war against mili against tools war of as lence and rape systematic serving of the same type of education as Turks when when the same type of education of serving as Turks they chose to subscribe not to national the dominant state debased the the Turkish a result, As doctrine. ist and combining sexism by women Kurdish of struggle racism, used claiming are as prostitutes by that women vio used sexualized the movement. It also proactively In Turkey, for example, just as in the other countries, countries, as in the other just example, for In Turkey, move feminist from excluded often are women Kurdish on essentially was founded ments. Turkish Republic: the secular nationalist Turkish model the of having despite one nation, So, one language. one flag, Turkish women, Turkish victories for many achieved still subscribedfeminists to the nationalist dogma the of are reality that there the state, accept does which not women people Kurdish as the region well. in non-Turkish and unde as backward portrayed consistently were pression on all fronts. on all pression there are different hierarchical mechanisms, different different mechanisms, hierarchical different are there ourselves with to live in order and oppression, of layers as women ourselves liberate cannot we way, in a genuine and class op economic, ethnic, without also challenging 32–33 - - - - divided bor divided 1 ’ proposed spheres of influ of proposed spheres governments’ ence in the Middle East. The agreement was made in anticipation the Triple of the Ottoman of defeat Entente’s I. War during World Kurdistan was initially divided between these two. In the In the these initially was two. between divided Kurdistan began the Ottoman when Empire century, twentieth early fighting were tocollapse governments the European and Agreement the Sykes–Picot army, Atatürk’s tially clear space for this new state. The Kurds played an an played state. this new tially space clear for The Kurds this is something they and in the genocide, role active promised were to come Kurds to with. The terms have the by later struck rights state, in this new but were same oppression. ders along colonialist interests. Some of these borders these Some of borders interests. along colonialist ders blatantly thus illustrating with rulers, drawn literally were the imposition the arbitrary imagined constructs like of fluid and nation-state, more the violate and deny which on the ground. realities organic that imposition the forced This is colonialism: borders of or identities on the realities, loyalties, the reflect do not non-lo other (or based but are on western solely ground, because way, insidious Itcal) was done in a very interests. they that made to believe were those in the region living out regions. carved these rule newly would themselves giving by that operates colonialism of This is an example to somebody elsecolonial will colonize the who power a distance, it will appear as if the From people proxy. by themselves. determining people are the Middle East of collapse of the decline and eventual following In 1923, was founded. Republic the Turkish the Ottoman Empire, this new to found being developed were plans When Genocide took place the Armenian to essen republic, The Sykes–Picot Agreement, signed on 16 Agreement, The Sykes–Picot was an undisclosed agreement 1916, May the United of the governments between with support of Kingdom and France, mappedRussia, which out the respective 1. - - - What is the foundation of colonialism the re in the foundation What is There have historically been different systems systems historically been different have There JS: the critique of the state inform did this how gion and Movement? Women’s in the Kurdish man and Persian ; in the seventeenth century, century, in the seventeenth empires; man and Persian mer hierarchies and elites. I will henceforth focus on the on and elites. focus I will henceforth hierarchies mer people live. Mesopotamia the Kurdish of region where which state current the establishment borders, of Before the Otto were there old, years less than a hundred are DD: world in an almost universal sense. The ways in which in which sense. ways The universal almost an in world the claimed communities all continents across have instance, for cause, as own their resistanceKobanê of that this struggle character the universal demonstrates can take. Indeed, European colonialists forced the concept of the the of the concept colonialists forced Indeed, European nation-state upon the Middle East, but the notion also resonated with certain it as who saw elites in the region an opportunity with for breaking by to assert their power sharing the same hierarchical premises of subjugation, of premises the same hierarchical sharing nation-state prior to the current domination, and power nation-state the modern of The concept is still system. old. In the years hundred a few only it’s new; relatively sorts different used toMiddle East, be there empires, the nation-state in the sense of but not regimes, of as lived groups and ethnic religious people various of such: in and social orders hierarchies with different together, is rather dominant system current place. The world’s unity basedprimarily one collectivity, on people forming established through and restricted monopoly, through the nation-state, by determined borders and the terms to the rise capitalism in parallel of emerged and having institutionalization formal patriarchy. of and the stronger, 34–35 - these states, notable most the beingone chemical the Saddam on Hussein attack in 1988 by weapons ordered within people lives lost their Halabja, 5,000 during which hours. a short few the Iranian during also parties active were Kurdish Many wanted to be They part the revolu of 1979. of Revolution tion, which was initially vanguarded by leftist student student leftist by tion, initially was vanguarded which Pahlavi. that opposedgroups Reza Mohammed the Shah a he issued took Khomeini over, Ayatollah when But to that made it permissible Kurds the against fatwa the like the expectations Thus, kill them. the Kurds, of during hijacked expectations oppositions, were other of the revolution. multiethnic. stateThe Iranian extremely is nonetheless consist of and they huge, are in Iran The “minorities” Kurdish, Azeri, people — the of millions Ahwaz, several This is why groups. among other peoples, and Baluch peoples these all of different deny simply cannot Iran in the same at least not languages, and their different based are had. The politics on a Iran of as Turkey way did regime doctrine. The Iranian Persian chauvinist very itself but considered the identity the Kurds, deny of not regions, other in to it.superior with Kurds Compared most of better able to preserve were in Iran the Kurds heritage, and art,their culture, because state the Iranian they rights. these Rather, cultural denied them never political of rights: the right to politically Kurds deprived and the right to politicalorganize representation. Iran ethnic political different of prisoners executes regularly another suffer Women Kurds. many including groups, due to the theocratic the of oppression nature of layer Republic. Islamic - - - - - What was the position of the Kurds in other in other What was the position of the Kurds In countries like Iraq and Syria, both ruled by ruled by both and Syria, Iraq In countries like JS: states, and Iran? Syria, Iraq, like ing that in order to be literate and educated, Kurds had to and educated, be literate ing that in order Kurds committed by were massacres Several to Arabic. learn less by taking away their rights to citizenship, forbid their rights to taking citizenship, less by away all political activism. and repressing ding their language, with resettled were inhabited Kurds historically Areas by taught, was not language mean Arabs. The Kurdish tion in place. These states did not deny the Kurds in the tion in place. These the Kurds states deny did not nonethe them oppressed but they as Turkey, same way DD: ture and Kurdistan from its history books. its This occurred history from and Kurdistan ture with the state warfare, psychological hand in hand with in fact are that the Kurds Kurds, no are alleging that there It and when a politics was denial, of Turks.” “mountain met inevitably it, were up against rose they the Kurds measures. with harsh The Turkish Republic wanted to wipe identity out the Republic of The Turkish cul to Kurdish all references and thus removed the Kurds The creation of the Turkish state to copy an attempt was Turkish the of creation The this was Yet secular the model of republic. the French secularism idea, the true sense in the of not as Alevis, subjected were in the region and Yezidis Christians, to assimilation, the discrimination, by massacre and state. national identity The Sunni-Muslim was Turkish of the secularistpredominant, pretentions in spite of This nationalist modernity conception of the republic. fascist oppressive, and backwardness the real exposes state. This alleged modernity the Turkish foundations of historical cleansing, ethnic on blood:was built systemic assimilation. and forced denial, Ba’ahtist regimes, there was an active politics was an active Arabiza of there regimes, Ba’ahtist 36–37 - - - - - at a very conflict-ridden time in Turkey. In 1980, four 1980, In Turkey. conflict-ridden in time a very at beganthe PKK a military its armed struggle, before years tried had to and wipe left out the in Turkey coup d’état oppositional many other The PKK experienced groups. resistance to related the guerilla against ups and downs, Union, the col Soviet the of the fall army, the Turkish ings in the first place? Could we have a nation-state, a we have Could place? first in the ings based on capitalism inherently concept and patriarchy, as liberated? In the Middle ourselves and still think of East, absolutely no state independent. is truly China, the are they governments: and European Russia, the US, the international controlling order. ones hierarchically lapse of many leftist liberation movements, and Öcalan’s and Öcalan’s movements, liberation leftist lapse many of the by organized 1999, on 15 February Kenya in capture NationalIntelligence in collabora Organization Turkish tion with the United States’ Intelligence Agency. Central course the late during the It of nine in this context was ties that the PKK began to the deconstruct theoretically Movement, Women’s state, in part fueled the Kurdish by come to the state the conclusion having is inherently incompatible with democracy. Statelessness to to to denial, oppression, you exposes genocide. In a nation-state recognition oriented system, the state for and reserved are power of and the monopoly But the point is that of protection. form some this offers be system the statelessof the from results the suffering ing based on the nation-state gain you When paradigm. instantly not are problems your on power, the monopoly a state society Having mean that your solved. is does not or that it will society, a just will have that you liberated, be an ethical society. the accept we Should systemic: is more The question that causes the statist of these suffer premises system ------

This idea also contributed to of the the creation This systemic denial of political denial systemic This rights hascreated Indeed, the PKK started an inde out with the aim of Most, if not all, of the Kurdish parties in the four the Kurdish of all, Most, if not the base for a strong Kurdish nationalist movement. Kurdish the base a strong for ent state.ent JS: JS: Marxist-Leninist Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Kurdistan Workers’ Marxist-Leninist led to which in 1978, Öcalan Abdullah by founded the necessity struggle against the of waging armed At the Kurds. of repression government’s Turkish its changed a certain leadership stage, the PKK’s an independ the goalideas concerning of achieving DD: nation-statependent as to a reaction state violence and assimilation, It denial, emerged and oppression. systemic ism: you cannot claim this without taking claim cannot you intoism: considera at the that are relations power tion unequal the radical that mean this does not Yet this conflict.foundations of state would nationalism is the solution or that a Kurdish self-determination. genuine toward road the pave This kind of nationalism often emerges in colonial con nationalism emerges often This kind of from state different nationalism is very However, texts. a nationalanti-colonial that claim identity in movements I genocide. of to the face in assertorder existence their or Iranian, thoseam critical who place Turkish, towards national as Kurdish on the same level Arab large-scale systemic violence. large-scale systemic DD: oppression this state.ish suffer we The idea was that stateless, becauseprecisely are and so if we — the we people“largest without a state” — have a state of our such encounter longer no our people would own, regions startedregions Kurd an independent with the aim of 38–39 - - - - - 1984 and its element began to take full force, began to element force, take full its and grassroots 1984 areas — people rural and the villages people from many littlewith to education — joined no The the struggle. socioeconomic back different people of from presence eration have been adopted in order to transform women’s women’s to transform been adopted in order have eration cause. an elitist ideal to a grassroots from liberation with backlash, a major In 2004 the PKK experienced talking peopleactually many the organi about of the end zation. at the same time This was major interna when the PKK began. against Furthermore, tional offensives grounds exposed many class divisions at the early stage at the early class divisions exposed many grounds back to due their different the movement. Moreover, of the villages were the people who came from grounds, to as men. equals reluctant women tomore accept back. While in a big step pushed were women As a result, ideologicalthe beginning the mobilization and was very its intensified, ideological the war theoretical, when and to second often pushed educational place. were elements began to actually cut their hair very that time, women At masculine:short to appear to the idea was more copy capable. equally were that they to prove in order men Öcalan, women from with encouragement In the nineties, discrimination ranks who experienced within their own been supportive began Öcalan to mobilize. has always and has liberation contributed significantly women’s of to the theoretical justifications the autonomous around within the PKK. Because women of organization this, of he has also opposition. faced The nineties saw however, but in Movement, Women’s the initiationthe Kurdish of has gained more much the movement ten years, the last as have class divisions Contradictions such strength. lib women’s been tackled towards approaches new and - - - - - When I first met Fadile Yıldırım, an activist of the Fadile met I first When In national liberation movements, there is always the is always there In national movements, liberation Kurdish Women’s Movement, at the first New World New at the first Movement, Women’s Kurdish of the said that the struggle Summit in 2012, she On one hand, is twofold. Movement Women’s Kurdish state and its re it is a struggle against the Turkish pression of Kurdish culture and history; on the other and history; on the other culture Kurdish of pression the itselfhand, it is a struggle within the PKK for fighters asto men. equal of women acknowledgment JS: danger that women’s rights will be compromised fol women’s that danger eration. When the PKK started When eration. in war to its guerilla wage lowing liberation. Women were part of the PKK from the part the PKK from of were Women liberation. lowing the late Sakine like founders, beginning. its Some of key The PKK started women. out in university Cansız, were exposed to socialist ideas; people were where circles lib women’s of easily accepted the concept circles such DD: cy from the state from is alsocy a disassociation patriarchy. from This shift away from desiring a state a desiring from an acknowl was away shift This one’s the state that edgement represent actually cannot be in will always power on monopoly that the interests, want they people can who do whatever a few of the hands specifically becausewith you, state the is implicated in the North including international agreements, several the PKK beganThat is why Organization. Treaty Atlantic to understand the importance top-down rejecting of It concluded that and governance. toapproaches power needed tothere be political that could serve structures that would structures the people, of the empowerment internalize that they a degree politicize to such them Movement Women’s the Kurdish of The work democracy. older is much process.was pivotal in that Patriarchy than the nation-state, but nation-states its adopted have the disassociation is why mechanisms. That democra of 40–41 ------Öcalan declared the ideal of democratic confederal the ideal of Öcalan declared as being inherently anti-democratic,as beinginherently to due the embodies it relations patriarchal and its complic ity in the structures of global capital. In Öcalan’s ityglobal of capital. structures in the In Öcalan’s to the politicalprison writings, alternative he refers is essentially which confederalism,” as “democratic without the state, of democracy a form and based communalinstead structures, on self-governance, politicaland gender-equal representation. did How he articulated when respond movement the Kurdish proposal?this radical eralism has people. begun to resonate with many eralism The PKK and affiliated organizations managed to intro through democratic confederalism duce of the concept com autonomous organizations, council movements, In other schools in Turkey. munities, and alternative models self-organization — central to of the idea of words, used to communicate confederalism — were democratic to same concept the masses. active Through that very to the state that an alternative was showed they practice, DD: while still in prison. at that time As I said, in 2005, ism nation- the Kurdish for the strife rejected he had already comprising people of millions who state. a movement For anticipated state, demo of an independent concept this difficult to grasp. initially was very cratic confederalism a of with the idea the grassroots reach It to is difficult accused without the state. have many democracy In fact, Öcalan on abandoning the cause “,” of because within the understand only they independence the state. of important It is very framework to bear in realities and of peoconsciousness mind the different and however, years, ple within the movement. In recent democratic confed the notion of practice, active through - - - - You have described how the Kurdish Women’s Women’s described have Kurdish the how You JS: Movement and Abdullah Öcalan critiqued Öcalan and Abdullah the stateMovement ing about the Kurdish Women’s Movement, not least not Movement, ing about Women’s the Kurdish Statebecause the Islamic against its Iraq of resilience of (ISIS). and Syria gardless of the forms such cooperating institutions such forms might the of gardless due movement. Today, all part one large are of they take, mobilization, is talk whole world the massive this to Ever since, the women’s movement has restructured has restructured movement the women’s since, Ever its body main is itself organizations. Now, to new create (KJK). The aim Communities Kurdistan of the Women’s than a single, organization, rather an umbrella to form is of branch the women’s This could include party. decisive or a women’s , a a women’s particular party, possibilities. to name but a few Re Europe, in council cles around Osman Öcalan. The morale of the women’s the women’s of Öcalan. morale The Osman around cles at this time becauseof the severely suffered movement like behave just should women that Kurdish perception movement women’s the be clear, To wives. “normal” was the oppose the problem assuch; marriage doesn’t Öcalan tried that Osman the women’s to undermine way and thus their that their militancy, saying by movement “normal.” was not liberation, Osman Öcalan’s stance was perceived as an explicit stance as an explicit was perceived Öcalan’s Osman broke women Many movement. attackon the women’s the PKK, the cir and some in men married from away rillas are not allowed to marry or have sexual relationships sexual or have to marry allowed not rillas are due to their militancy. Öcalan’s brother, Osman Öcalan,caused Osman in split a major brother, Öcalan’s taking by a feudal-nationalistic One line. the movement to be want to able was “We slogans Öcalan’s Osman of because too,” and the gue the PKK, in marry the cadres 42–43 ------The model of democratic confederalism has The model re democratic of confederalism Rojava is the Kurdish word for “West,” referring to referring “West,” for word is the Kurdish Rojava cently found its full implications its full found in the northern partcently of Syria, in the so-called led by Revolution, Rojava what the explain Could you revolutionaries. Kurdish is? Revolution Rojava JS: importance of women’s liberation. What is explicit in explicit is What liberation. importance women’s of work thoughts of is the idea Öcalan’s and Bookchin both DD: the so-called by gered 2012, of but Spring uprisings Arab go back the movement of the origins and background ing “despite of” what is happening around you — in other of” other you — in around is happening what ing “despite the is not Bookchin But practice. to through act words, thoughts; Öcalan’s who shaped thinker foundational only Imma and Foucault Michel he references in his writings, others. many among nuel Wallerstein, many of work on the is built confederalism Democratic to but it is customized the particularities the of thinkers, the It considers that takes place in Kurdistan. oppression to the state — for to build an alternative how question of the international the people — independent of and by while also taking into account the specific oppres order, the insistence is This is why the region. of regimes sive autonomy, and regional governments on regional always is confederalism though the model democratic of even has region Each region. Kurdish the entire proposed for it, while adhering all the for best what works to discover and radical ecology, equality, gender to the principles of democrat of the pillars These are democracy. grassroots that stand dispute. beyond ic confederalism West Kurdistan, or if we look at the present geopolitical look at the present or if we Kurdistan, West a large part the northern it is knows Syria, which of map, trig was Revolution The Rojava population Kurds. of ------At what level is democratic confederalism a po is democratic confederalism what level At Öcalan reads a lot in prison. It was there that he in prison. It was there a lot Öcalan reads litical its blueprint, inspirations? and what are JS: ish quest for alternatives to state. the alternatives just for This was not quest ish but also the ecology of nature, an ecology of in terms and non-centralized, diversified, the foundation of life: link to questions which egalitarian power of structures education, politics, co-existence, and the economy, of ized structures of power, reminiscent of the early Soviets the early of reminiscent power, of ized structures libertarian-socialistand the 1936 in Revolution Spanish concepts, Catalonia. Öcalan recognized that Bookchin’s resonated with the Kurd ecology,” as “social of that such DD: tions of democratic confederalism, but one can put it to tionsconfederalism, democratic of but also in autonomous regions, only not directly practice to lead the way have political You in existing structures. practice. through tive. Gender equality on all levels is one of the founda is one of equality on all levels Gender tive. ing autonomy in spite of the state, of in spite ing autonomy but also to democra despite in Turkey, example, For structures. tize existing established the movement the Kurdish state repression, political idea that each co-presidency: the principle of representa a male and female have organization should You need to cooperate people inter with all who are You because democratic of the concept ested in democracy, establish by yourself to liberate just not is confederalism in fact possible. Essentially, this boils down to teaching boilsthis down possible. Essentially, fact in politics — topolitics practicing over through radically comeand practice. theory the separation between encountered, among others, the work of the American of work the among others, encountered, who Bookchin, ecologist and radical Murray anarchist self- “communalism”: of the concept had developed without the state,administration central of in rejection 44–45 ------ing the rebels was just a microcosm of all the interna of a microcosm was just ing the rebels Due to in the region. invested tional that were interests in top and their interests membership NATO Turkey’s were the Kurds autonomy, Assad and Kurdish pling both to invited the so-callednot Conference II Peace Geneva was supposedly which intended 2014, in January on Syria Syria.to really find a solutionfor the in If this had conflict parties toto bring different been attempt a genuine been a no-brainer to a find would have gether solution, it the popula of percent up 10–15 who make that the Kurds, be should in the war, actors as key tion emerged and who Leyla Şaylemez, and Sakine and latter the Cansız, being a Şaylemez, Leyla it community, the Kurdish the PKK. of For co-founder by attempt desperate a were murders that the clear was to show negotiation power, Kurds’ the to weaken Turkey in Europe. even to Kurds a blow couldserve that they enemies: several faced Revolution the Rojava Meanwhile, jihad emerging and then of Assad, regimewas it the first Front, or al-Nusra as al-Nusra the Jabhat such groups, ist supported the by and funded explicitly an organization state of the autonomous structures to undermine Turkish organiza the resistance. that followed After the Kurdish tion that calls itself ISIS. to had that they 2012, fact the despite of end the Towards started have Kurds found to the forces, fight these jihadist autonomous councils and administrations andtheir own In the region. alliances partiesbuilt with all over from its declared Rojava of the Revolution 2013, November state. within the operated autonomy: it no longer difficult, as the whole increasingly The situation grew Europe, into was being dragged the war:world the US, Iran… Turkey, Gulf, statesRussia, the Arab the Persian of fight Assad It became a second of something . - - - - Then, on 9 January 2013, three female Kurdish activists Kurdish female three 2013, January on 9 Then, killed assassination-style Fidan Doğan, were in Paris: ernment announced that they would start would announced that they ernment peace negotia to the pressure. tions had to respond PKK: they with the drew from the Kurdish areas in the northern part areas the of the Kurdish from drew took to their chance take over: and the Kurds country, at once and the northern cities, seized control of they the institutionsreplaced with their the Assad regime of Revolution 2012, the Rojava July On 19 system. new own because only not it angry, was very Turkey was declared. in Syria, but even the Kurds alongside has a long border is ideologically Revolution so becausemore the Rojava gov moment, the Turkish that exact to the PKK.linked At The Assad regime engaged in heavy clashes with the with clashes in heavy engaged The Assad regime in areas main opposition the group, Army, Syrian Free with the regime a result, As Damascus and Aleppo. like position would not necessarily provide them with better them necessarilyposition provide not would and western manipulated by were as they alternatives, self- their own by driven who were actors non-western than a true rather Assad of in the fall serving interests or aiding the liberation democracy in a Syrian investment fighters radical and more the people. more of As a result, supported Today forces. and importedwere foreign by as part them ISIS. of know we much further. The Kurds had opposed had regime Syrian the Kurds The further. much the Qamişlo was there in 2004, time. a long Already for killed several regime Assad’s during which massacre, the Assad Under in an uprising. activists involved Kurdish and they had no rights to citizenship the Kurds regime, ways, In many to speak their language. allowed not were opposition, the Arab than their situation worse was much took uprising in part naturally and so they in the general the op that however, soon realized, 2012. The Kurds 46–47 - - - - - That is to say that the revolutionary conditions That is to the revolutionary that say Exactly. It self-sustained was a completely ef Exactly. JS: resistance and to of the Kurdish strengthen tures sophisticated?become more even that made it possible for the Rojava Revolution to Revolution that made it possiblethe Rojava for also partly to due were of the the denial develop struc cell-like the forced which international order, eral self-reliance proved successful over the course of the course of over successful proved self-reliance eral Rojava of especially as the fightingforces the revolution, than relying rather themselves by handled their defense abroad. or instructions from on weapons had support, to have been great have it would Of course, leftist movements the right places — from from but only no was that there the fact Yet and parties, example. for outside support also nurtured the politicization the of But on their own. people, who learned to do everything high. very the costswere and sacrifice the Rojava Revolution even happenedin persisted and even Revolution Rojava the these obstacles. of spite obstacles Such account actually had it has been for so successful, Rojava in part why for undemocratic with very been co-optedforce, wider a by becomerevolution. a genuine have not it might interests, DD: The revolu anywhere. no support was from fort — there so and embargoes, war this tion of in spite had to work people solutions. had to come with creative up The Peo Units Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense ple’s even Rojava, of armed forces self-organized the (YPJ), tanks! often regime had to build their own The Syrian certain that used in Rojava, to say grow cannot products experimentation,but through people learned that many and have in Rojava well very vegetables grow actually since created sustainable This gen projects. agricultural - - - - - ize the Rojava Revolution, because wanted to be they Revolution, the the Rojava ize that It in the region. is remarkable force dominant Kurdish sentative, did not receive a visa to the United Kingdom, all receive sentative, did not because outside political of this, On top all of of interests. economic political and on embargoes several are there of Government Regional the Kurdish even In 2014, Rojava. to in an attempt marginal collaborated with Turkey Iraq After this, jihadist attacks on Rojava only intensified. only There attacks jihadist this, on Rojava After hospitals. jihadis being reports of treated in Turkish were could massacres several then, listened Had the world the the co-president of Salih Muslim, been avoided. have main political the Democratic Union Party party Rojava, of to the US times five to travel denied visas was four, (PYD), state-sponsored of the threat in theto explain terrorism repre TEV-DEM a prominent Mohammed, Sinem region. proval.” This is the general stance confeder is the general democratic This of proval.” this is what it is all about:alism, and move together to work you. no matterhappening around what is forward lution was: “Well, if you don’t invite us to Geneva II, to this us to Geneva invite don’t if you lution “Well, was: announce our cantons; we major international conference, ap without your with or independence our full claim we The independent cantons of the autonomous region of The independent were modelled after democratic confederalism, Rojava, II convention announced at the same time that the Geneva Revo Rojava the of the response took basically, place. So, invited. The so-called The invited. the by opposition hand-picked was meant is not Assad. This that wantedof rid to get powers had to Assad — Assad as be an apology toppled — but for own an opposition construct one’s simply one cannot for to similar many the conference, of The results interests. at all reflect not did international major decisions, other people it certainly and the Syrian the will of aim did not solution.at a democratic 48–49 ------istrative body of Rojava is not separate from : civil separate from is not Rojava body of istrative to reshape tries to do, revolution that is what the Rojava into issue. a collective governance organ is also autonomously movement The women’s of Star, the coordinating of body Yekîtiya ized in the form Star decides women’s on is a part. Yekîtiya the YPJ which of democratic confederalism, a secular politics model of democratic confederalism, of principles the upholds equality, gender guarantees that socialof communalist, that meaning collectivist practice, reduced to that a minimum, and are powers centralized uphold components, local communities, grassroots the cantons Ro The three of politicalmaximum agency. affiliated, but they and Kobanê — are Cizîre, java — Afrîn, the princi of One autonomously. their affairs organize understand will region its each ples is that best. realities while Kurds, inhabitedis mostly by example, for Kobanê, population. multiethnic hasCizîre a very canton has ministry one hasEach each 22 ministries; then deputies. is Kurdish, and two minister If the minister and one Arab by one be must filled deputy chairs the two has them to be at least one of a woman. Assyrian — and man. and one one woman canton by Each is chaired called to TEV- the cantons is a social movement Parallel Their task a Democratic Society. for DEM, the Movement is to link the administration and the people, to guarantee in all matters. a leading role assume that the grassroots re were canton which the In spite of administrations, geo several to as address necessarygarded measures political during this transitional moment, threats Rojava councils — neighborhood by is essentially run councils, and city peoplevillage councils, make councils — where committeesdecisions together and form to implement these decisions. It is important admin that the to know ------How is democratic confederalism practiced is democratic in confederalism How In every revolution, however tragic, there seems there tragic, however revolution, every In The Rojava administration is founded on The Social is founded administration The Rojava What is unique about the Rojava Revolution is that it is that Revolution about the Rojava unique What is JS: JS: Rojava today? to benecessity the of a situation creation the for in collectively is to left nothing lose:there which total a you. that is oppressing structure with the break tively written by all peoples inhabiting the region: Kurds, all peoples written inhabiting by Kurds, tively the region: Arme Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Arabs, It contains and Chechens. nians, the of pillars the model DD: tive mobilizationtive be cannot treated the in isolation from military ISIS. victories against nant system and its attacks. the resistance That is why nant system That people many for to grasp. was so difficult in Kobanê to the last people continue down right would to resist philosophy and collec life — this a different bullet, all for cause they knew the costs of their revolution, the costs of the costs their revolution, of cause knew they domi establishing oppressive the something in spite of java, there were the autonomous councils created by the autonomous the councils by created were there java, people were many which for example, for PKK in Turkey, be scared, not were imprisoned. The people Rojava of proval. This is in fact the legacy of the Kurdish movement movement the Kurdish of the legacy in fact This is proval. philosophically affiliated with the PKK. It is something themselves, will tell you this revolution of that the actors those Rojava’s who appropriate to for accept but it is hard Ro Before ends. their own resistance ISIS for against DD: Contract, also referred to as the Charter. It was collec to as the Charter. alsoContract, referred already had a solid ideologicalalready base. on the It was built self-, of confederalism, ideas democratic of not independence: true autonomy, self-governance, the state, without ap through living but in the sense of 50–51 - - - vidualistic actions that may appear radical because appear radical actionsvidualistic that may they has been feminism radical is how which shocking, are In spite of this, however, democratic confederalism and and confederalism democratic however, this, of spite In continued to de have autonomy democratic its aim of particularly flourish, and is canton, in velop which Cizîre area, situated in the eastern-most and safest the largest the university, an alternative ago, long Not part Rojava. of Social founded was of Sciences, Mesopotamia Academy assumptions dominant There, the ongoing war. despite and as knowledge such concepts around and methods the One of reinvigorated. and challenged science are do is that if you learned in the process peoplethings have armed struggle, establish to parallel your not something is in Rojava The social will crumble. revolution everything the fight. for also a guarantee you establish It means that willing that people are structures create you something, they that a perspective because represent to protect they need. desperately is understood as need radicalism of often the idea Very opposed toing something very what is happening at the moment. you around My understanding what of in the case constitutes feminism or radical radicalism, recognized now are is that women issue, the Kurdish of that men; alongside life capable running as of equally an army; an autonomous even organization, have they actively that they in schools; teachers are that they participate is no longer in the economy; that patriarchy has liberation become seen that women’s as the norm; to the that seeks change a revolution aim of a cherished the where in a region this And all of mentality society. of could girl beto a married off that a twelve-year-old fact man used to be tolerated. seventy-year-old society ISIS or change indi through defeat do not You - - - - The intensity of the war — especially in Kobanê, which has which in Kobanê, The intensity the war — especially of forced ISIS — has against the fight of been at the forefront down. aspects the political of many to be project slowed cent quota was recently introducedcent quota so in these was recently regions in one women of presence an overwhelming as to avoid do not that men committee. sure This is also to make certainavoid aspects political of as in the and social life, must committees, men in which case family-related of also take part responsibility. and assume ples become accepted and internalized across society, to ples become society, across accepted and internalized to be want understand a society that if we dif in which must we then peacefully, together people can live ferent truly If we this society and equally. collectively all govern need we to set in place then quotasappreciate women, recognized in their fully are that women to guarantee quotaspotential. no longer It might be are that one day are there example, for needed. goes ways: And this both so dominate, a 40 per women where areas many now Certain as quotas such operational mechanisms and but these bureaucratic, co-presidencies might seem very is that true change to help guarantee mechanisms are is struggle, the real social The real work, implemented. advocated that these princi liberation widely to ensure ing and instituting democracy. Many cooperatives have have cooperatives Many ing and instituting democracy. integration of the systemic tobeen guarantee founded women’s Autonomous in politics economy. and women councils on people’s to the general parallel councils exist neighborhood from to canton the all levels, to the unconditionally the power have They level. councils. people’s affairs, in matters such as, for example, who should be should be who example, for as, such matters in affairs, a certainco-president of canton. Itis also the body that to as liberation understandcentral women’s pushes 52–53 - - - - At the end of the day, the geopolitical order of the day, the end At It is very interesting indeed interesting to see nobody wants It how is very The Rojava Revolution, in Kobanê for example, is very is very example, for in Kobanê Revolution, The Rojava JS: as ISIS, a product of imperialist product a politics radical, and as ISIS, totalizingpatriarchal, state cru policies — but more cantons of operate face in the Rojava how cially — in a geopolitical able to that is not through think order of liberating of democracy, premises the radical the state. of structure the from democracy seems more afraid of a democracy that is capable afraid seems more itself outsideof organizing of the state — critiquing the idea of order — than that very and undermining so-called terrorism. often reduced to a fight that is only about self-defense, asoften reduced about to fight that is only a self-defense, is indeed which a major about only toppling ISIS, if it were the system genocide. But or else face issue people would and its structure that is being implemented in Rojava, mentality — that ISIS and the inter frustrates really is what peated warnings from the Kurds. from peated warnings DD: DD: also in this is self-defense In a sense, alike. national order existence. setting your of of the terms a philosophical way, The terrorists. and ISIS all calls PKK, the PYD, Turkey the Kurds, one for sensitive “terror” is a very word because been criminalized as our communities have that these “terror it is clear two so long. But for terrorists because already the same to Turkey, not are systems” ist or support funding instance, receive for not did the PYD, while ISIS did. At Turkey, from approval or at least silent years two has for the same time, the international order re ISIS despite of blind to the threat willfully remained to acknowledge the cantons, despite it now being very being very it now despite the cantons, to acknowledge ------? What have they seen in the concept of the of seen concept in the they ? What have What you are describing seems to eve are What you have JS: torything do with defining in practice a genuine This is apparent democratic and cultural revolution. cantons organize that the Rojava the way in not only their opponents, such confront they how themselves, reaucratic policies, refugees in Rojava continue to starve. in Rojava refugees policies, reaucratic For instance,For the United Nations on state- only focuses states statesactors: aid, support, will receive receive will not states acknowledgement. This is why will receive humanitarianmuch the people in Rojava, aid reached as states,because acknowledged the cantons not are applies there. no longer regime though the Syrian even land. Because bu these of absurd it is a no man’s Legally, tion is not only an alternative in opposition to ISIS, but is in opposition an alternative totion only ISIS, is not also opposition an and that region the policies of against generally. more the global of order the mechanisms state that appeals to them? The mechanisms of domina of The mechanisms state that appeals to them? in this perpetuates tion that the state effectively very of ISIS is a product is what.world — that ways, In many the exploiting actively live, we in which order the world conditions, while at the same timeexisting being a result Revolu conditions. the Rojava these why That is of very thermore, one has to ask why they call themselves the call themselves they has to why ask one thermore, StateIslamic The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria is in many ways just just ways State is in many The Islamic Syria and Iraq of at large. in the world is happening what of an extension finds its attacks femicide, Its on women, systematic Fur Movement. Women’s its in the Kurdish nemesis lenge society truly — collectively — attackinglenge by roots the politicizing and empowering and radically oppression of communities. grassroots perceived in recent times. On the contrary, you chal you times. in recent contrary, On the perceived clear to everyone that the Kurds in Syria are the strongest opponents of ISIS. What would be a better way of sup- porting the resistance than acknowledging its admin- istration? There is no challenging the system. Even the ideology with which women are battling ISIS is labeled as terrorist. To acknowledge Rojava would mean to confront NATO-member Turkey, to hold several Gulf countries accountable, to admit that Western foreign policy has failed, to expose the global arms trade. All that would cause a dramatic chaos.

JS: So, what you are saying is that when you ac- knowledge Rojava, you have to go through a similar process of confronting one’s own internal oppressive structures, as those leading the Rojava revolution have done themselves in order to arrive at the model of democratic confederalism.

DD: Why on earth would ISIS emerge to begin with? Why did states exploit the genuine desire for social change in Arab countries? Why did states promote new to take their place in these governments? Why did they support sectarianism? Why are so many young people in Europe joining ISIS? Why is the Rojava alternative, which looks like a potential perspective for the region, so marginalized?

The answer lies in the fact that the global system is in- herently flawed. That is why Rojava will continue to fight the system.

Dilar Dirik is a Kurdish activist and a PhD student at the University of Cambridge, Cambridge. This is an edited version of the interview that took place on 22 October 2014 at De Balie in Amsterdam. It was revis- ited by Dirik and Staal via e-mail in February 2015. A classroom at the Women’s Academy in Rimelan, where portraits of martyrs and revolutionaries are displayed in the background. The slogan sembola jinên şoreşger, which translates to “symbols of women warriors,” hangs below portraits of revolutionaries Fidan Doğan, Clara Zetkin, Sakine Cansız, , and Leyla Şaylemez. Also visible are the portraits of martyrs Zîlan (Zeynep Kınacı) and (Sema Yüce). Havin Güneşer Feminicide 58–59 - - - - - Dear Friends, Dear It would be unfair to claim that the depth of understand to depth that the It be would claim unfair I suppose beginnings are very importantI suppose beginnings very are everything for about was a striking uniqueness it. there The found Yet I first of all would like to say that I am indeed very happy to I am indeed that very to say would like all of I first all in discussing struggle amongst you the be here women’s Kurdish but specifically the in general of women times.especiallystruggle never such during I personally mo history-making such go through I would thought that ers of the PKK came from all different walks of life — dif all different of the PKK came from ers its formed ethnicities,women and beliefs, different ferent and urban on. This combination early of rural group core a tremendous students, gave mostyouth, of whom were to dynamism movement. this young a combination Such chauvinism, dogmatism.also for did not allow , rejected were nationalism, male domination and in general a good the movement base the onset and gave uponfrom itself. towhich develop question was as profound ing and analysis of the women’s ments in my own lifetime. We are indeed witnessing are the lifetime. We own my ments in Kurdistan. the I thank West in Kobanê, history making of an opportunity. such for organizers but especially political for The movements. and everyone political and the basis values moral principles that form it the abilitygive to transform movement given of any freedom can One put the Kurdish itself. and transcend Abdullah its and main strategist and leader, movement Indeed, the Kurdistan Workers’ Öcalan, in this category. Party (PKK) revolu came after to just the tremendous life formation began in group Early tionizing1968. effects of founded1978. in was the PKK and finally, the early up being Thus, it did not end an organization that can totally be to considered the within the old-left nor reside categories.new-left 60–61 -

- -

- - In the nineties, there was a huge influx of women in in women was a huge influx of In the nineties, there While at the beginning, the women’s struggle within within struggle the beginning,While at the women’s the beginning from forces joined the guerilla Women in the face of the horrendous torture was to she the horrendous of which the face in cepted the regeneration of these roles and there were also were and there of thesecepted roles the regeneration the severity of who rejected Thus, realizing them. women established the organization the problem, the Union of the The founda in 1987. of Kurdistan (YJWK) Women Patriotic of intent declaration to first tion the very was of this union organization. targetand separate women’s a unique This compelled of a new forces. the formation the guerilla the very In 1993, forces. organization within the guerilla women This meant that formed. unitswere all-women first subjected, paved the way for women to play a major role role a major to play women subjected, for the way paved to come. days in the of the old left, it the borders not transcend the PKK did is here role could also not be contained Öcalan’s by them. important, both as a strategist as and political the leader movement. the enslave ignore did not He of the Kurdish freedom. struggle for and desire nor their of women ment Despite some male members negative reactions from Öcalan openedof the organization, up political, social, cultural, ideological, organizational space for women. stood He by this. strongly because tribal struc in feudal faced sexism they of the of increasing in the face felt they as as the fury tures well bycolonialist and exploitative against Kurds oppression the came tolife of all walks People from Republic. the Turkish coming together and join wage a common struggle. Yet not on its enough was own movement ing a revolutionary the attitudesto overcome colonialist and inherited from began especially to emerge, structures. Problems feudal an attempt was at there women; towards in the approach forces amongst the guerilla traditional roles regenerating those who acand party women were structures. There - - - - - The resistance in and struggle of the PKK members However there was a military coup in Turkey in 1980. in 1980. was a military there coup in Turkey However the notorious prison — amidst the resist Diyarbakır them and especially mem ance of women that of the founding Cansız — soonber of the PKK Sakine became an almost aspirations of Kurdish mythological The freedom narrative. and more women, people but especially that of Kurdish resistance struggle and her relentless specificallyCansız’s tured. Soon the renewed obedience Soontured. of society the renewed was re- installed — or so thought. they dous torture. Many more hundreds of thousands of peopledous torture. hundreds more Many in schools and sports gathered were stadiums tor and The freedom movement was still very young and yet and yet young was still very movement The freedom consider that the PKK was we when organized not fully military It was one of the harshest coups 1978. in founded killed. Thousands of peopleof all times. were were Many into horren prisons, and put through thrown arrested, back then. In doing so, we would be magical a would giving we so, doing In back at then. tribute to On the the past happened what years. 40 over solid was a of the view footing, there although contrary, developed to thus freedom and the enslavement women’s of the participation it did asextent that a result of women dialectical as the approach and Öcalan’s numbers in larger strategist. main importantmovement’s Another is factor was There question itself. the complexity of the Kurdish question, and or solutionno easy answer to the Kurdish tothe status way it did not give around that formed quo between 1945 of Conference an easy solution. The Yalta the Unitedthe and States exasperated the situation terrible and policies of their denial already of deception; for no room was all elimination. Thus there of dominant that assimilated or venues forms the before down shut into the system were movements PKK. led This, I believe, and to to quest the true freedom ideologies. and movements see different the disguise over 62–63 - - - Öcalan determined that the enslavement of women of women that the enslavement Öcalan determined Without analyzing the process through which woman woman which the process through analyzing Without away from real capitalist thus and from away modernity. canOne the define 1993 periodof to 2003 as a transition periodtried that to establish to an alternative capitalist theoretical material, the past The available modernity. and feminism, movements, other of various experiences to of PKK itself experience led the movement the very constituted the very enslavement that women’s conclude as as all social well basis enslavements all subsequent of Thus, the PKK beganproblems. todisassociate the from stance.classical Marxist-Leninist It also began to differ that it beganin the way to view the state apparatus — an and exploitation of power instrument that is not necessary its continuation the Lastly, for life. of and natural also violence was changed and perception of revolutionary as self-defense. framed had been the last perpetuated throughout levels on three the ideological was First, there construction years. 5,000 of the seizure and lastly, the use then, of force; of slavery; the to was quick make Öcalan women. the economy from enslave connection between of woman’s the deep extent ment of other sections of society. The enslavement of men of men The enslavement sections of other ment of society. women’s However, of women. comes after the enslavement class-based from and ways in some differs enslavement national enslavement. Its legitimization is attained through combined and intenserepression, with lies that refined is used biological as difference on emotions.play Woman’s she doesjustificationwork is enslavement. All the her for work.” taken granted and deemed unworthy “woman’s for can one not properly not only was socially overpowered, understand the fundamental characteristics of the conse ment and the intentional masking of this fact with the rise intentional and the ment of this fact masking and statist As women of hierarchical within society. power the enslave the path is paved for habituatedare to slavery, ------As 1998 approached, women laid down the principles of down laid women approached, As 1998 these all of attempts overcome did not entirely However, Later, in 1995, the Union of Free Women of Kurdistan Women the Union of Free 1995, in Later, the ideology of women’s liberation; in order to liberation; implement in order the ideology women’s of Party Workers’ the Kurdistan Women’s formed they them, and widened their organizational they 2000, By (PJKK). Party Women’s the Free struggle perspectives, founding One of the most important of this era achievements (PJA). Social Contract.” of the “Women’s was the declaration just the Not of patriarchy. the old limits and framework was in organization, but the entire movement, women’s the PKK was no longer Although of an alternative. search the old-left organization it had started out as, it was also unable to come up with a solution that completely broke tion upon men. dom struggle becamedom struggle radicalized. It began more discuss break culturally and psychologically, toing how mentally, to this Parallel notions dominant of modernity. from away effort, also of sought a project transforming the movement bestowed women educa this end, To the male mentality. ing the dominant male. From thereon, the women’s free the women’s thereon, male. From ing the dominant (YAJK) was formed. From then on, political then and societal From was formed. (YAJK) was taken or in the work the women among only up not ganization, time, the same but by society work At at large. international solidarityfor also began. It these is during began that Öcalan talkingyears about a new concept: kill lutionary changes in how women were perceived within within perceived were women in how changes lutionary particularly men. among society, Kurdish mations. since It second was the the heroic breakthrough prisons it led and to revo resistance in Turkish of women fighters would no longer be under the direct command direct the no longer would under be fighters be own their would and able to make guerrillas of male decisions, implementation and plans, of those This plans. significant women and self-confidence gave development ideological,led to enormous political, and social transfor 64–65 ------In order to beIn order able to stop the perpetuation of capital and But unambiguously clarifying the status clarifying is unambiguously of women But to accomplish this are religionism, gender discrimination, gender toreligionism, accomplish are this and scientism as a positivist ideological Without . with politicalmilitary and alone, oppression , maintaining modernity will be impossible. While capital mon wisdom. But how do we now work towards this? towards work now do we mon wisdom. how But we accumulation,power of hierarchy, and the reproduction need a democratic, ecological, to towards create structures this, the disman achieve To society. and gender-liberated The is an absolute necessity. and hierarchy tling of power social democratic of system modernity is democratic con ism uses religionism to control society’s cognizance, it uses to ism uses society’s control religionism nationalism to a phenome classes and citizenship, control capitalism.hasnon that around risen objective The of gen hope discrimination any der of change. is to women deny ideologyfor sexist functionway to The most is by effective and by rendering relations the male in power entrapping impotent constantwoman through positivist Through rape. scientism, capitalism the academic and neutralizes world but no choice have that they its it convinces them ; to concessions, integrate for into and in return the system, this integration is assured. important one aspectonly more Far of this issue. is the the resolution toquestion the words, of liberation; in other exceeds the importanceproblem and analyz of revealing ing it. quarter During the last of the twentieth century, managed tofeminism disclose, to a certain extent, the movement freedom the Kurdish truth about But women. tookand Öcalan it a step further and based their analysis a drew They and politicalof society society.” on “moral and and freedom between and morals relationship freedom expand politics. that would to structures develop In order defined as the collective were morals of freedom, our area conscience of society and politics defined to be its com - - - - - 1 - Liberating Life: Woman’s Liberating Life: Woman’s Capitalismand the nation-state the dominant represent A main objective of capitalist modernity’s ideologicalA main objective of capitalist modernity’s

male in its most institutionalized Capitalist form. society is the continuation and culmination of all the old exploitative societies. It against is indeed society a continuous warfare capitalism and the nation- put it succinctly, To and woman. state the monopoly of the tyrannical are and exploitative male. It to is enough and see look the world a re all around formed into nationalism,formed the divinity the nation-state. of The ultimate goal is to of its ideological ensure warfare its monopolyon thought. Its main weapons with which hegemony is tohegemony obliterate the historical social and facts its concerning conception and essence. This is because the capitalist economic and societal is not a social form and historical necessity; a is a construct, it through forged been and philosophycomplex process. have trans Religion newed increase in the violence, exploitation, and suppres This is happening in the so-called only sion not of women. the world. countries, but all over World Third ers, is clamped and the hand.” betweeners, the sword ploitation of peoples. The social was subjugation of woman out. carried ever counter-revolution the vilest points Öcalan wielded in state of war out that “the sword of and the hand The symbols of hegemony. are family the man within the lay to its lower its upper layers from classed society, entire quent male-dominantquent social also but to what culture build understandingin its place. Without masculinity how was the institution one cannot analyze socially formed, the of nation-state, will not be able to accurately and therefore related culture to statehood.war and define the power This needis something we to emphasize because is what this the colonization and and ex feminicide for way paved the

ing, 2013), p. 29. p. 2013), ing, (London: Transmedia Publish (London: Transmedia Revolution 1. Abdullah Öcalan, 66–67 - - - - -

If the woman’s enslavement has been perpetuated enslavement If the woman’s Economy, Industrialism, Ecology Industrialism, Economy, Intellectual Duties and Education Duties Intellectual taking Other decisions of society. whole the concern that the professionals, sections society — the of elderly, youth, so too, organized are masses,pious craftworkers — they, and structures formations and hierarchical that power cannot be perpetuated, as attempt any is stopped through mechanisms. such construction levels — the of ideologicalon three slavery, economy of the from and the seizure the use of force, be must areas thesewith three dealt her — then ment from life and the environment. life from ment after ideology and vio force, The economy is the third and all of society women which through lence, were literally intoentrapped Economy dependence. and forced however, order, In the women’s means “house-holding.” simultaneously as well. of can trace we the enslavement look we When at history, This devel the whole of society. and, subsequently, women ideological;foremost indeed, and hierar was first opment by the priest.” is a profound means “rule literally There chy need to of the colonization expose the history of women, economic, social, political, and intel and with it, women’s lectual of the colonization. mean the exposure This would The more of humanity the whole of society. history for tied to down capital were science and knowledge and the began they to the more target moral monopoly of power, Civilization establishedand political society. a monopoly thus detachingon both science and knowledge, from them society meant detach and especially This in turn women. - - - - - Thus, the women’s freedom movement went through through went movement freedom Thus, the women’s tization of society, and to create the ethics and aesthetics tization of society, from themselves organizing thus are Women life. of free of decision-making. take They the local in all forms level and are on their own themselves all decisions regarding when levels the local to level all different from represented en’s organization. In September of 2014, the women’s the women’s organization. In September of 2014, en’s and transformation another through organization went has in the meantime changed its to name accordingly KJK. to was needed equally in order This transformation deal with the needs of societyand comprehensively and institutions, of required sothe formation as to continue democra of the male mentality, with the transformation several restructuring periods. There was a need for a periods. a a need was restructuring for There several that transcended organization party structures women’s confederal and flexible comprehensive and was a more Council High Women’s the In 2005, organization. women’s action As a result, (KJB) was founded. and organizational tookrestructuring of place to the formation implement basedthe new paradigm on democracy and ecological Council was High Women’s The freedom. and women’s established to become coordination the point between units, socialthe self-defense the Women’s organizations, wom Party young and the of Kurdistan (PAJK), Freedom pating to in decision-making be in order able to decide on and indirectly. directly them matters that concern tory. Thus, majority and the elite rules decide on funda tory. the on Democratic autonomy, mental on our behalf. issues organized woman’s democracy with hand, is radical other participation and decision-making placed at the forefront, with all sections of society partici and directly organizing and democratic autonomy. This system is not is system This democraticand autonomy. federalism toalternative state-formation, to but alternative the state. developed after the Roman present-day Our participa than is representative which rather democracy, this accumulation was neither for the merchant nor for impose a more right-wing system on the world population the market — it was for the family. We must return it to its and in particular on women. The chaos has focused on the rightful place. Middle East and within it, on Kobanê, in West Kurdistan. But for capitalist economists, only work that is produc- The plight there has a double meaning: it is a struggle for tive and visible is measured in monetary terms. We see the the Kurds and a struggle for women and freedom at large. link between women’s invisible work and capital accumu- We need to see beyond the clouds. This also presents an lation when we examine what role housework plays in opportunity for democratic forces to emerge as the win- capitalism. Those who want to appropriate domestic work ners out of this chaos. That which has been constructed without establishing wage relations must do so by means by the human hand can also be demolished by the human of structural and direct violence. Indeed, this structural and hand. The enslavement of women is neither a of nature direct violence characterizes all exploitative relationships, nor is it destiny. whether between and nature, industry and peas- I would like to commemorate the three revolutionary ants, or capital cities and colonies. This is one of the reasons women who were murdered in Paris: Sakine Cansız, Fidan why Öcalan considers the man-woman relationship to be Doğan, and Leyla Şaylemez. Moreover, I wish to honor colonial at its very core, and woman as the very first colony. the brave young women who are, as we speak, fighting to stop the spread of fascism. They cannot be left alone. Self-Defense They are the Mujeres Libres of 1937 Spain. Listen to them; they are singing a beautiful freedom song, make their This is an issue of utmost importance. As violence com- voices be heard. bined with ideological and economical offensives against the women led to obtaining results. Today violence is under Havin Güneşer is a journalist and spokesperson for the International the monopoly of state. It has the exclusive right to it. Over “Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan.” This is an edited transcript of the speech she delivered at the Women’s Con- the last 5,000 years, women were not easy to oppress; it ference on 8 October 2014 in Rome. It is published here with permis- meant they were burnt as witches, or buried alive for being sion of the author. born a woman, beaten with or without excuses; and the list can go on and on. But the important thing is that they should no longer leave themselves at the mercy of others; no matter who they are. In times of chaos, such as what we are currently going through, the possibility of change seems more palpable than ever. Capitalism is experiencing a systemic crisis and is trying to overcome this by changing and transforming itself. This transformation does not necessarily mean that it will be a progressive one. On the contrary, reactionary forces all over the world, in different forms, are trying to

Posters of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ) on the streets of Qamişlo. Zîlan Diyar Zîlan Women Kurdish Us, Talking is about World Whole The 74–75 -

- And I wonder about them. I am surprised at how they they at how about surprised I am them. And I wonder past is no one-half missing. or If there of us are Now, ing in the 1930s, saying “You cannot catch And me alive.” “You saying ing in the 1930s, her neither the voice of Berîtan, who surrendered there’s The whole world is talking about us, Kurdish women. It talking is women. world whole The about Kurdish us, has become to a common come phenomenon news across in magazines, and news fighters aboutpapers, women news sites, and social filled media are outlets. Televisions, take They of praise. photoswith words of these women’s our them, glances. hopeful,determined, To and radiant rooted began tradition recently to only a reality is that they women’s The with everything. impressed are They know. details and the long braids, naturalness, of their laughter, extending to hands those like struggling feel lives young some who even are There of despair. waters in the dark wearing are that the women by the clothes so inspired are to want startthat they is world The trend! a new fashion that who fight amazedmen against the by these women and won to black, want of the Middle East paint the colors can laugh they how get their courage from, they where der so sincerely. I of us before. noticed knew never us so they late, at how came they to how bewonder so late in hearing the voices of the borders who expanded women valiant of the many I do not want patience, hope, and beauty. belief, courage, to just did not match. complain too our eras Perhaps much. to to say now words those only a few who are I just have beginning to notice us, that is all. a sound, an up- like one feels environment, in your future The that gets lost hole of the universe. in the black surge and beautyexcitement of today can be by only measured and their ability it to this day able to those carry who were (Zeynep of Zîlan it further to In the cry the future. to carry of is the breath Kınacı), who detonated in 1996, herself upris Dersîm in the cliffs off the herself Besê, who threw 76–77 - - - - Our calendar did not run parallel to the world’s calen to parallel the world’s run did not Our calendar I in 1997. of Cirav on a cold up spring morning I wake who was murdered in 1998 and whose bones were thrown whose and thrown 1998 in bones were murdered was who and whose couldinto not be memorial a mass toler grave, rior who is newer than me has arrived, that I have become that I have than me has arrived, rior who is newer guerrilla a little old. I later find out that I had a fifth-year code her only name, the time, I knew of me. At in front Zinarîn. Had the white it not been for strings hair in her you sometimes smile away, her carried sorrow or the way been able to not have would understand had been that she she has of the pains unaware I am years. five for a guerrilla for quest experienced, the sacrificesshe has made in her is writing about curious what she truth. I am going crazy, notebookin her of a takes shadow as the she under refuge ated the state. by focused deep into the gazes were These women’s dar. distance,far fast. their steps and were tobring In order impatientlya single left not they bridge closer, the future us apartbehind. reali the These two from kept reasons the did not know the world ties That is why the world. of in the mountains — thewomen and tens, hundreds, then it’s Now same time the them — in later thousands of frame. time to to set combine calendars, clocks. It is time to tell storiesthat swung between life and dream these women’s tales fairy as that sound happy moments their like reality, to be loss has which in proven our most as the ways well is the perfect Now truth. for egregious teacher in our quest the past to from time to I was able to what entrust carry our I will carry calendar, to join the world’s In order this day. past to present. the past my May be present. your night, of the previous the frost moist from the nylon, throw from of me, different faceoff of me and I front see in a It is as had those only if the sun of the swarthy warriors. smile, radiated hands, her asmildly if her on this face; I am happy that a war described elegance and nobility. ------rilla fighter of the PKK who died in 1995. Thosesurprised fighter1995. rilla of the PKK who died in the YPG do not know at Americans and Canadians joining international in the PKK, a German (Ronahî), Wolf Andrea ary woman in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) whose in the Kurdistan Workers’ woman ary stone “The says grave with love in girl of the sea who fell guer the mountains,” (Mizgin), a Turkish Hüsne Akgül and lusioned state by the protests, would after the Gezi Park had if they join the mountains, the answer know would revolution a Turkish (Amara), Doğruak Ceren Ekin known gist who chose to in the mountains fight and who often behind. left the daughter she longing for with us her shared who was killed Fırat, News by ISIS Deniz a Fırat journalist from truth for to learned search 2014, in August in Mêxmûr fighterwho died guerrilla and a journalist Gurbetelli Ersöz, who set herself (Serhildan), Yüce Sema in 1997. in clashes whispered the 1992, prison in Turkish in a in protest on fire who Soran), Wali Hussein (Viyan secrets of the fire to Leyla in 2006 attentionself-immolated to draw to the situation Those Öcalan. about who todayof Abdullah why wonder girl who was disil a Turkish Scarf,” with the Red the “Girl lious Zarîfe, who also fought in the Dersîm uprising. In the in the Dersîm who also fought lious Zarîfe, who child while poses with her fighter, smile of the YPJ a Çolak, psycholo a rifle, is the hopeMeryem of carrying rendering to ISIS, in order to cover her retreating comrades comrades retreating toher cover in order to ISIS, rendering women, the hearts In of the Yezidi this October. in Kobanê is who take flag, black with the against the men up arms who woman Yezidi of Binevs a Agal, the homesickness crossing in the 1980s, from joined the guerilla of Ayşe In the words continents to country. to her return Assembly, the co-president People’s of the Kobanê Efendî, the ode is hidden of the rebel homeland,” “I will die in my body nor her weapon to the enemy when she threw herself herself threw body she when weapon toher nor enemy the YPJ mountainoff the reason why It is the 1992. in cliffs fighter Mîrxan Arîn mademountain a through wind blow a desert sur than detonated town she rather when herself tree. The feelings that she felt in the short life that I shared These women could not catch up with our time because with her, I later read in Zinarîn’s diary after her martyrdom. they rushed towards the fire like butterflies. But they have I am in autumn 1997. A day on which the weary feet been living on for three generations. Three generations of autumn try to drag us towards winter. A day in which grow up with their stories, carry their names, listen to the sorrow does not conquer Haftanin, but our hearts. I learn burning songs dedicated to them. They pick up the rifles about Zinarîn’s martyrdom months later. I’m still vulner- that these women left behind and take off to Sengal, Kob- able to the pain of loss. As I wander around with unchained anê, Botan, Serhat. They leave to bring light to the world rage, Meryem Çolak reads on my face how my soul boils that the men with the black flag want to darken. And their with pain. As I stopped talking to anyone upon news of names are Zinarîn, Berîtan, Zîlan, Meryem, Sorxwîn, Arjîn, Zinarîn’s death, she asks “Are you mad at us?” and answers Amara, Viyan, Sara… the question herself: “Don’t be angry at us, be angry at the enemy.” From that day on, my immunity towards loss Zîlan Diyar is a Kurdish woman guerrilla fighter. This is an edited version increases. A few months later, I learn that Meryem Çolak, of the text that first appeared in Kurdish Question on 23 December 2014, reprinted here with the permission of the publisher. while heading towards Metîna in order to exit the opera- tion field with a group of women on her side, was killed in a tank ambush. I learn from witnesses of the moment that she spent her last energy to speak — not to send greetings to her daughter, but to entrust her companions with her weapon, cartridge belt, and codes. It is 1999. I am in the Zagros Mountains that did not permit Alexander’s army passage, but where the guerrilla managed to open paths. We are halfway through a long journey that would last a month. With me is the 22-year- old Özgür Kaya (Sorxwîn). Our Sorxwîn, who allows the mountain conditions to rule over her body, but who will not allow her child’s heart to submit to the of war. A commander, a companion, a woman, and a child. Each one of her identities adds a different beauty to her. The best part of the one-month-long arduous journey is her cheering us on to keep marching. Of course it was this child called Sorxwîn who invented children’s games to give us strength. Mischievously laughing, she says, “This is nothing. I can carry a BKC with 400 bullets on my back, so I will climb this hill in four hours without a break.”

Raperîn Derik leads a class of local women organizers of Yekîtiya Star in Dêrîk. Gönül Kaya Gönül Life Free and Communal a Towards Sciences the Re-Constructing Why Jineology? 84–85

------Jineology is described as the “creation of a women’s par of a women’s Jineology is described as the “creation tion from the patriarchal system (1996); the development of the development (1996); system patriarchal the tion from liberation ideology (beginning party in 1998); for women’s and the construction of a democraticmation social (1999); a democratic, of ecological,system within the framework and gender-egalitarian societal paradigm (2000–ongoing). councils, academies, and coop The creation of women’s The Kurdish Women’s Movement evaluates jineology evaluates as Movement Women’s Kurdish The an important step in its intellectual, ongoing ideological- political mobilization and spanning struggle self-defense to introduce, like albeit I would years. 30 approximately Kurd the which of jineology, main principles the briefly, movements women’s to offers Movement Women’s ish the world. around It rep women. of Kurdish struggle by the freedom adigm” the perspective a new phaseresents of the Kurdish from and developed within emerged which Movement, Women’s on, it 1987 national liberation struggle. From the Kurdish organization began with specific autonomous and women’s important this development, many After works. changes occurred in Kurdistan, have which and transformations also its determined societal one hand, On the struggle. advanced its specific Movement and Women’s the Kurdish hand, and on the other autonomous internally, organization it transmitted of its findings with all areas shared and thus societal uprisings against struggle. The peoples’ the colo nization of Kurdistan started (Serhildan), which after 1989, soci the viewpoint of Kurdish From led by women. were this was the beginning a national of resistanceety, phase the In this regard, character. with a new women-focused advanced its theoretical movement and practical women’s such as intellect, culture, in fields work politics, society, stages key with the following aiding itsand self-defense, (1993); army development: of the women’s formation the the establishment and practice emancipa for of the theory 86–87 ------is derived from the the from is derived In the history of humanity, woman is evaluated as is evaluated the woman of humanity, In the history Upon examination closer of the stages of the patriarchal The term jineology means “women’s science.”Jin is the jineologyThe term means “women’s individuals, societies, of individuals, peoples and carriers not are that to the stateor heirs power need and to own their develop socialfree sciences — that these sciences couldbe called “thesociology proposed He of freedom.” this sociology that because be could in turn of freedom basedon jineology, and democratic com equal, that aim at a free, movements tion that man is subject and woman is object — Mr. Subject tion is object — Mr. is subject and woman that man object,vs. Object, Mrs. master state vs. subject slave sub ject vs. society object. This logic hasof power made both and societywomen believe in this distinction of oppres ropean language group and in the Middle East, the words in the Middle East, and the words group ropean language often mean “woman” — are jin, zin, or zen — all of which and vitality. life with synonymous that attained organism first knowledge aboutown self. her and socialityLife coalesced on the basis po and of moral society, Natural litical at its center. principles, with woman and politicalwith its moral was built by women. values, bond between and life. is an unbreakable women There an important represents The woman part of social nature body is oftenwith her woman and meaning. This is why symbolizes life life, associated represents woman with life: science is this reason, jineology as For a women’s woman. to as the science of life. also referred beginningsystem, civilization, it is clear with Sumerian established have positionsthat rulers their power initially in thought. The distinction between and object subject in established first social example, was for structures, by the sciences.modern This fiction imposed on society the no comes from jin comes from Moreover, logos term Greek [knowledge]. Indo-Eu In the means “life.” jiyan, which term the Kurdish munal society jineology. need a strong for have logy and “woman” for word Kurdish ------At this point,At propose we jineology as a necessary As you all know from history, rulers and power holders es holders and power rulers history, from all know As you sentative The Sociology Öcalan in his 2003 work Abdullah of Freedom and all . In it, that women Öcalan expressed tive system of science liberated from sexism. Jineology sexism. tive system of science liberated was from repre people’s articulatedconcretely Kurdish first by the strategy towards overcoming the prevailing, dominant dominant the prevailing, overcoming strategy towards system of the field of science and constructing an alterna ing of sexism and nationalism; develop ing of sexism the unrestrained especially weapon technology the for of technology, ment control of society the destruction of nature and individuals; urbanization, cancerous and anti- energy, fueled by nuclear ecological of social and issues knots industrialism; Gordian individualization; the rise extreme problems; demographic of sexist policies and practices and rights against women; on paper. exist that only and tions of these scienceshas led to devastating na for results as demonstrated and human beings in general, society, ture, by the normalization of militarism and violence; the deepen oped a critique of the prevailing scientificoped field. a critique of the prevailing tablish in thought. first their systems extension As an of the system, the field of socialpatriarchal class- sciences — male, specific, created.character — was This field and in sexist divorcedparts were up into that different broken was in turn The implementation of isolated interpreta each other. from eratives were achieved in this context. this in achieved were eratives motto the Under the wom liberation liberation is the of society,” “Women’s focused on ideological, movement philosophical, and en’s the unity of intellectual between the frame work. Within in a transformation towards and practice, it worked theory It society. and and consciousnessthe thinking of women to as: Who is woman? questionswas seeking such answers has How go? does she Where does come from? she Where and in what until lived live today?she women should How devel movement the women’s kind of society? In this way, 88–89 Many feminist researchers have done important have researchers to feminist work Many between women and men. For example, based example, For between their on men. and women ability act birth, to purely women that give claimed it is time,the same due to At the emotionality.” on “based physical attributes is alleged it of men, violence is that These statementsnature. their partof supposed are to scientific by beexperiments.conceptsthis In and proven while men made to the passive role, are play women way, ascribedare Subjugation an active are and violence role. portrayed as belonging to of humanity the nature and are presented as insurmountable is exploited Science facts. for it are the system that propel of this purpose and the pillars thus strengthened. point and societal out the links between knowledge sexism have work, they With their perspectives. different from century the seventeenth science, from that modern shown has subscribedonward, to and a masculine language demonstrated that the have These researchers structure. between subject and object, in the relationship problem as founded on the wasthe basisbasisknowledge, of scientific start. metaphorsof sexist the very from example, they For science of modern in the thought of much how shown have Bacon, who is considered to be one of the pioneers Francis attitude a sexist science, displays of modern and language. between and Bacon nature considered the relationship tothe human spirit as one of domination. liked use He as metaphors and marriage family the patriarchal and he the perspectiveengaged of Bacon, in witch-hunting. From is power,” the quote “knowledge who is responsible for The relationship is female. reason is male while nature between abstracted he discarded which and nature, reason conquest, be could only one of mastery, as soulless matter, and seduction. consisted And so his utopia Atlantis of New and science the knowledge who make of men, of an island basis of their power. - -

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The social sciences in general cover up the fact that that up the fact cover The social sciences in general Today, woman also represents an entity also in whose represents woman name Today, Knowledge structures require free discussions. if free But require structures Knowledge women are a social reality. The prevailing understanding The prevailing a social are reality. women belongs all that which toof science does women, reveal not and their In describing women starting history. with her the dominant understanding of science in society, role statutesdetermines on the biological differences clusion of ethics, has been pushed indefinitely, especially in clusion of ethics, has been indefinitely, pushed science has of modern age. deep The sexist nature today’s extent. irresolvable more toened these an even problems damental spheres of power. Within this constant Within reproduc damental of power. spheres tion of hostile ideologies and women and policies towards economics,society religion, of politics, in the areas society, The a major role. the sciences play philosophy, technology, together with the ex and power, link between knowledge many policies beingmany made. are These policies not de are signed will. Because to her or to liberate woman strengthen killed suppressed, more of these policies, is even woman past that obscures her and present. way in a soft or hard fun of rows in the first and science are knowledge Today, ful interpretationful of historical society. ity, women, nature, and society, there is a need for a new is a need a for there and society, nature, women, ity, investigation, The interpretation, and awareness. renewal, of the existingprinciples, hypotheses, social and results sciences must be discussed and critically reexamined. must be separated information from and incorrect Correct importance It is of great a truth reach that we each other. we look at the relationship between knowledge and power, power, and between lookwe knowledge relationship at the this is difficult to detect.questioning the regard, of In this Likewise, is crucial. structures power-centered patriarchal, of human an epistemology in favor to wish follow if we sors and the oppressed. It used mythology, philosophy, and and philosophy, Itthe oppressed. and usedsors mythology, this purpose. science has of sexism The paradigm for been in this sense.built 90–91 ------It is necessary to scientifically express the existence to the of It is necessary scientificallyexpress Jineology in a proposal intervention radical of presents began to Movement construct Women’s The Kurdish has never appeared as pressing before. A corresponding corresponding A appeared before. as pressing has never systems of alternative the development and organization inescapable. is and structures analy system extensive An mographics, feminine ethics and aesthetics. feminine mographics, with all its dimensions as as well towomen comprehen knowl and systematically any criticizesively and interpret and nature, society, toedge relating history, structures Because leads the woman a generally. more the universe social and historical existence that has its origins in nature, radical and a requires existence female the definition of and spirit. of knowledge change the his profound From torical spirit to colonization economic, her of the feminine social, political, emotional, and physical colonization, a sis and the overcoming of sexism are in our view important in are of sexism sis and the overcoming pos Movement Women’s goals. In this context, the Kurdish its jineology as both a solution of to paradoxes the greatest the spiritual of our agedevelopment the and a method for of women. world paradigm. In mindset patriarchal and the the patriarchal this sense, jineology is an epistemological process. Its aim and society women is to provide access direct within the controlled by the and science currently of knowledge realm the roots and towards The goal is to way the pave rulers. been have detached which identity and society, of women disci their own create should Women their truth. from interpretationsown their plines, reach and meanings, and these all of society. with share the field of jineology an It is building educational in 2011. acad women’s including and society, women for system as on topics held such regularly Discussionsemies. are and the social and economics,women sciences, women and politics, women and de women and history, women ------The Kurdish Women’s Movement rates the twenty-first rates the twenty-first Movement Women’s The Kurdish Women scientists, feminist movements, and academics scientists, movements, feminist Women tion equality all the oppressed and equality of gender for sal, to strengthen scientific the intersections.sal, to and flow strengthen and peoples. of women The ques as the century century derstanding of power. The attitude of the existing sciences derstanding of power. and all the oppressed is biased. nature, women, towards madeimportant have and contributions with their research on jineology. our work critical strengthens analyses, which has work exposed the male analysis of history. Valuable studies women’s universities, women’s are there Moreover, the around centers research departments, and women’s Itworld. is one of the main objectives of jineology to build a bridge between these important the From achievements. perspective it is important women, of to together work to field of build an alternative social sciences, to establish the disper studies, the current to overcome system of women’s changeable truth. This sexist and biased science explains and biased truth. This sexist changeable science explains art, culture, aesthetics, economy, politics, society, history, topicsand other of the social sciences accordingto its un ing to this view, history is lifeless; it has been through lived is lifeless; history ing to this view, positivism, applies which its Moreover, end. and reached un as the only fact presents to laws society, universal ized understanding of science. Positivism, too, illustrates the basis of this understanding are Realities of knowledge. of deprived are problems disconnected other, each from sought within are reasons definition,any of problems the Accord historical disregarded. roots borders, are current trolled and placed under tyranny. René Descartes, René for placedtrolled and tyranny. under soughtexample, to intuitive, empathic elements exclude a masculin This expresses scienceand philosophy. from In the modern understanding self the the modern In is of knowledge, constructed as in distinction subject a controlling from these while feminine, and the nature the i.e., the “other,” reason, is objectified. the other con For this are “others” 92–93 -

- - - To research the historical colonization re research of women To There is a need toThere as conceptualize the woman a social As women’s movements and social movements that fight social and fight that movements movements women’s As against capitalist the to have we system, and patriarchal new phase a transformation. and go through change of Questioningexistingsystem of the the influence on our and our actionsthinking be and must is crucial deepened. and transformation, change, the experience, Undoubtedly, paved the have movements processes of feminist renewal this questioning. Jineology for is in this sense a result way and continuationfemi and efforts the experiences of of sible to exploit knowledge for other ends. Together with the Together ends. other for sible knowledge to exploit and society civilization, women robbedpatriarchal of were and governmental holders and science. Power knowledge and became with the help of knowledge forces stronger science. This led to separation the radical of knowledge Jineology woman. the aims especially from society, from at restoring this link. Jineology will humanity. us to of rewrite the history quires it possible links between us tomake for restore knowledge been torn apart have each other which and freedom, from nist movements. It arises as a reality, which also includes also includes which It arisesnist movements. as a reality, itself it sets While for the goal of going one stepfeminism. of the principle is to on the trail its walk underlying further, movements. of women’s experiences existence toreal define her own according to her reality, to determine what does to not belong explain to her, ity, the specificities liberation to and of her express the “how” it is importantof womanhood. to not detach Additionally, the social and science field, from to not make knowledge the connections but instead keep the basisthem of power, between of society elements In pre- various strong. always societies, and science natural were patriarchal knowledge integral parts As long as the of ethical and political society. vital needs of society did not necessitate it, not pos it was ------This is another reason for jineology. Its goal is to not only jineology. reason for This is another For this reason, it is of great importanceit is of great this reason, For us, as wom for In all of human history, women and the oppressed have have and the oppressed women history, In all of human self from the disease essentially says: which self of , from me, what be. Tell it should me, how criticism. Tell “Practice the solution,the solution implement just pretend is, but don’t a good, For just, do.” you and beautiful knowledge like life, the existing to It overcome enough. is necessary is no longer and tosystem limits the build a new one beyond of the old. tem, tothe inadequacies decipher of this field or state what It is important look should like. an alternative to liberate one decipher the paradigm of power, but to push forward a but to forward push of power, decipher the paradigm solution. criticize the existing It to is not enough sys merely tem. What if this does not happen? In the name of an alter tem. What if this does not happen? native, the same mental patterns, methods,instruments and system could of the ruling be repeated and reproduced again, this time the oppressed. on behalf and of women en’s liberation movements, to create a mentality, i.e., a field i.e., to liberation create a mentality, movements, en’s of social and society sciences that puts women center. at the need to be able to sys We alternative the spirit of our create ity, and justice, to historicize and to out the parable lift them ity, all, systematization Above and historicizing need of power. the construction paradigm in mind. alternative of an racy have failed to create a system for their freedom, equal their freedom, to a system for create failed have racy resisted as actors for freedom and democracy. However, it However, resisted and democracy. freedom as actors for was not possible the existing dominant system. to overcome and democ of freedom is that the forces The main problem resituating of needed. is woman to It revisit is necessary and deepen the scientificdata interpretations and that physiology, been of the fields in psychology, achieved have politics, aesthetics, ethics, economics, history, , The solutionand demographics. to of women’s issue the will befreedom possible and structures with organizations the fields of towards based approach an extensive on such and science. knowledge despite there being an inherent relationship between them. lishment of a liberationist mindset, ethical and political Knowledge requires freedom, and freedom in turn requires structures, and a free society that puts women’s liberation knowledge and wisdom. The participation of woman in at its center. We believe that by developing jineology and societal life depends on her degree of freedom. Woman’s the sociology of freedom as a new , by turn- desire for knowledge and freedom is also an aspiration for ing it into the ground base of our societal struggles, it will truth. All that was substantial before the patriarchal sys- be possible to unravel the 5,000 year-old Gordian knots tem has been distorted; the stages of normal development and blind spots of history that await discovery. in the system of natural society represent what we call truth. For this reason, jineology also describes the desire Gönül Kaya is a journalist and representative of the Kurdish Women’s for these distorted truths. This effort will be combined Movement. This is an edited transcript of the speech she delivered at the conference “Jineology: Radical Thinking and Constructing from with our quest for knowledge, wisdom, and freedom. the Women’s Perspective,” held on 28 February–2 March 2014 at the Important tasks await us in the twenty-first century: University of Cologne, Cologne. It was first published in Kurdish Ques- the philosophical-theoretical and scientific framework of tion on 28 December 2014 and is reprinted here with permission of the author and publisher. women’s liberation; the historical development of women’s liberation and resistance; mutual complementary dia- logues within feminist, ecological, and democratic move- ments; renewed descriptions of all social institutions (e.g., the family) according to liberationist principles; the basic structures of free togetherness; and the construction of an alternative understanding of social science on the basis of women’s liberation. The field of a new social science for all those circles that are not part of power and the state must be built. This is the task of all anti-colonialist, anti- capitalist, and anti-power movements, individuals, and women. We refer to these alternative social sciences as the sociology of freedom. Jineology can build and develop the ground base of these social sciences. It is a in this regard. It will both construct the sociology of freedom and be part of this sociology itself. The Kurdish Women’s Movement is very keen on dis- cussing, sharing results, cooperating with, and learning from all those who fight for the freedom of women. As Kurdish women, we say, “the twenty-first century will be the century of revolution of women and peoples.” We believe that jineology will play a crucial role in the estab- Democratic Confederalism (excerpts)

Abdullah Öcalan A water tower in Qamişlo is covered with the flags of the Rojava Revolution, the People’s Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense Units (YPJ). 98–99 ------

Democratic Confederalism landscape Political Democratic confederalism is open towards other politi other is open towards Democratic confederalism the of and the Diversity Participation This kind of rule or administrationkind of rule This can be called non- a state political administration without a a democracy or state. Democratic decision-making processesbe must not admin public from confused with the processes known compositionThe contradictory of the society necessitates political with both groups vertical and horizontalforma tions. Central, regional, and localtions. regional, need groups Central, to be bal able to deal are itself, each for they, Only anced in this way. with its special concrete situation appropriate and develop social It is a natural problems. solutions far-reaching for ethnic, or national cultural, identity one’s right to express this right with the help of political associations. However, nation-needs Whether an ethical and political society. state, or democracy — democratic confederalism republic, istration. States administrate only while democracies Statesgovern. power; on founded are democracies are based on collective consensus. Office in the state is deter be though it may in partminedby decree, even legitimized by . elections. Democracies use direct state The uses as coercion a legitimate on means. rest Democracies voluntary participation. and factions.cal multicultural, It groups is flexible, anti-mo nopolistic, and consensus-oriented. Ecology and feminism of this kind of self-admin In the frame pillars. central are economyistration, will become an alternative necessary, of the society the one that increases instead and thus does them of exploiting justice to the manifold needs of the society. 100–101 ------Capitalist the centralization of the modernity enforces modernity” is meant as an of “democratic Our project not what you are but what you appear you but what to are be. you what not putative The alienation the society of existence its encour own from aginary unitary society. Democratic confederalism as a Democratic confederalism unitaryaginary society. sociological is the counterpart category and of this history on the will to well as on ethnic, as it rests fight if necessary political and cultural, diversity. ages the withdrawal from active participation, from ages the withdrawal a reaction that is often called politics. with disenchantment How societies essentially political are and value-oriented. ever, political,Economic, ideological, and military monopolies constructionsare that contradict of society the nature by do accumulation the They striving for of surplus. merely new soci create a can values.not create Nor a revolution It influence the ethical can and only political web of ety. Anything else is at the discretion of the ethics- a society. based political society. state. The political and military within the centers power society of their influence. The nation- been have deprived state substitute as a weakened left a modern of societyand defenseless behind. respect, In this legal order of the bourgeoiand public peace rule class the imply only constitutessie. Power itself state in the central and be comes one of the fundamental administrative paradigms of This puts the nation-statemodernity. in contrast to democ and . racy it. todraft modernity alternative know as we It builds as a fundamentalon democratic confederalism political paradigm. Democratic modernity roof of an ethics- is the the mistakebased As long as make we to political society. believe that societies need to be homogeneous monolithic entities it will be difficult to understand confederalism. centuries of of four is also a history history Modernity’s physical and genocidecultural of an im in the name - - -

Ethics and Political Awareness and Political Ethics Within living memory people have always formed formed people always have memory living Within The Heritage of the Society and the Accumulation the SocietyThe Heritage and the Accumulation of Knowledge Historical of The state orientates continuously central itself towards The classification of the society in categories and terms after a certain pattern is produced artificially by the capitalist monopolies. What counts in a society that is like ties, tribal councils, kingdoms, and even . Hence ties, Hence republics. tribal councils, kingdoms, and even it is important to understand seeming centralist that even The structure. organizational a confederate follow empires modelcentralist model is not an administrative wanted by Instead, of it has its in the preservation source the society. monopolies. of the power ism only results in social results eruptions.only ism loose tribes, communities of clans, or other groups with able to preserve were they qualities. In this way federal of government the internal Even autonomy. their internal methods of self-administration diverse employed empires parts,religious authori included which their different for ism in order to pursue the interests of the power monopo of the power the interests to pursue ism in order lies. the Just the opposite Not confederalism. is true for monopolies but the societyis at the center of political focus. of the society heterogeneous The structure in is Distinctcontradiction of centralism. central- to all forms Democratic confederalism rests on the historical rests experienceDemocratic confederalism of the society and its collective heritage. Itis not an arbitrary accumulates and history politicalmodern but, system rather, of the society. of the life It offspring experience. is the is open for compromises concerning state concerning compromises openis for or governmental coexistence.traditions. equal for It allows 102–103 - - - Social actors, each comprising in themselves federative Social actors, each comprising federative in themselves addressed the point already that the local is I have level Self-Defense and Confederalism Democratic ticipatory democracy. The stronger the participation, the stronger The the ticipatory democracy. is. democracy kind of this nation- While the powerful more stateit, denies and even stands contrast in to democracy, constitutesdemocratic confederalism a continuous demo cratic process. They cells of participatory the germ units, are democracy. can combine and associate into and confed new groups situation. according of the politi toerations Each given a in participatorycal units involved is essentially democracy call what we democracy is the democratic. In this way, application of democratic processes of decision-making of the local to in the framework the globalfrom level level a continuous political process. the This process will affect of the socialstructure of the society web in contrast to the homogeneity for striving of the nation-state, construct a and thus brings about the bethat can by force only realized loss of freedom. very the thinking made. decisions However, are where the level leading to these decisions needs to beglobal in line with need that even to of the fact becomeissues. We aware and urbanvillages neighborhoods confederate require of society areas All structures. need to to be self- given administration, of it need to all levels to be free participate. the nation-state is a militarilyEssentially, entity. structured Nation-states the products of of all kinds eventually are of the existing None nation- warfare. external and internal they states Invariably, has come into existence all by itself. This process is not limited of wars. to a record their have it builds on the militarization of phasefounding but, rather, of the state leadership The civil is only society. the entire ------

a Democratic Political System Political a Democratic Democratic Confederalism and Confederalism Democratic In contrast to a centralist and bureaucratic understandIn contrast to and bureaucratic a centralist tion. This, in turn, will advance the politicization of society. tion. will advance the politicization This, in turn, of society. need what we not need do is the will big theories here; We toto the social expression the lend needs by strengthening autonomy of the social and by creating actors structurally the conditions of society the organization for as a whole. all kinds where The creation of this on an operational level, of social and political communities, religious or groups, in directly themselves intellectual can tendencies express all local decision-making processes, can also be called par chical levels of the administration the nation-statechical levels of but tools as central rather and participa of social expression out politics the crisis of the state cannot be solved, since of representationthe crisis by a lack is fuelled of political or self-administration as they federalism like Terms society. democracies needcan in liberal be to found be conceived not be should conceived they as hierar Essentially, anew. ing of administration and exercise of power, confederal of power, ing of administration and exercise ism poses a type of political all self-administration where of the societygroups identities and all cultural can express in local and conventions, themselves meetings, general councils. This understanding of democracy opens the political space to all strata of the society the for and allows political and diverse In this groups. of different formation it also the political advances integration of society way, With life. as Politics a whole. becomes a part of everyday mained unsuccessful. The Middle East provides instruc provides mained East The Middle unsuccessful. tive examples. The crisis of the financial system is an inherent conse system crisisThe financial of the inherent an is all efforts of the capitalistquence nation-state. However, to neoliberals of the the nation-state change re have 104–105 ------

Democratic Confederalism Versus Hegemony for Strife Scale at a Global Democratic Confederate Structures Structures Confederate Democratic In democratic confederalism there is no room for any kind kind any for is no room there In democratic confederalism This is particularly striving. of hegemony the field of true in followed principle that is usually is a Hegemony ideology. typeby the classic civilization. of Democratic civilizations and ideologies. of ex ways hegemonic powers Any reject Although in democratic confederalism the focus is on the is on the the focus in democratic confederalism Although globally is not exclud confederalism local organizing level, needed. of national we Contrariwise, to put up a platform societiescivil to assembly op of a confederate in terms pose the United Nations as an association of nation-states we In this way of the . the leadership under might get better decisions with a view to peace, ecology, justice, and productivity in the world. can beDemocratic described confederalism as a kind of self-administration in contrast to the administration by pression that cut across the boundaries across that cut of democraticpression self- self-administration and free administration carry would The collective ad of absurdum. handling dom of expression matters of the society needs understanding, respect of dis senting of decision-making. opinions and democratic ways This is in contrast to the understanding in the of leadership capitalist deci bureaucratic arbitrary modernity where sions nation-state of diametrically opposed are character to the democratic-confederate in line with ethic leadership insti leadership foundations. In democratic confederalism tutions do not need ideological legitimization. they Hence, hegemony. need for not strive - - - This means in particular that the social of paradigm Against this background democratic confederalism democratic confederalism this background Against This militarization can be back only the with pushed confederalism does not involve a military a does monopoly not involve for confederalism the task have do only which of ensuring forces, the armed direct under are They security. and external the internal control of the democratic institutions. The society itself must be able to their duties. determine One of their tasks the society will of of the free will be the defense from The composition interventions. external and internal of the military needs to be leadership in equal determined and partsterms by both the political institutions and the groupings. confederate lies and nation-state militarism. the network Against of network strong monopolies must build up an equally we of social confederacies. can be called a system of self-defense of the society. can be of the society. called a system of self-defense be networks can with the help of confederate there Only a basis to oppose the global domination of the monopo ervation of its identity, its own political awareness, and a and a its political own awareness, of its identity, ervation process of . can talk then we Only about self-defense. help of self-defense. Societies help of self-defense. mechanism without any lose their identities,of self-defense their capability of democratic and their political decision-making, nature. of a society the self-defense is not limited toTherefore, the military It dimension alone. also presupposespres the est form of the nation-state.est form an accessory of the military of accessory an apparatus. democracies Liberal outdoby painting this even militaristic their in structures does this not keep colors. However, democraticliberal and seeking authoritarian from them solutions the highpoint at of Fascist exercise of a crisis caused itself. by the system of the nation-state. is the nature power Fascism pur is the the nation-state. However, under certain circumstances 2. Democratic confederalism is a non-state is possible as long as the nation-state social paradigm. It is not controlled by a state. At the does not interfere with central matters of self-administra- same time, democratic confederalism is the cultural tion. All such interventions would call for the self-defense organizational blueprint of a democratic nation. of civil society. 3. Democratic confederalism is based on grass- Democratic confederalism is not at war with any nation- roots participation. Its decision-making processes lie state, but it will not stand idly by at assimilation efforts. with the communities. Higher levels only serve the Revolutionary overthrow or the foundation of a new state coordination and implementation of the will of the does not create sustainable change. In the long run, freedom communities that send their delegates to the general and justice can only be accomplished within the dynamic of assemblies. For a limited space of time, they are both a democratic-confederate process. mouthpiece and executive institutions. However, the Neither total rejection nor complete recognition of the basic power of decision rests with the local grassroots state is useful for the democratic efforts of civil society. The institutions. overcoming of the state, particularly the nation-state, is a 4. In the Middle East, democracy cannot be im- long-term process. posed by the capitalist system and its imperial powers, The state will be overcome when democratic confederal- as these only damage democracy. The propagation of ism has proved its problem-solving capacities with a view is fundamental. It is the only ap- to social issues. This does not mean, however, that attacks proach that can cope with diverse ethnical groups, re- by nation-states have to be accepted. Democratic confed- ligions, and class differences. It also goes well together erations will sustain self-defense forces at all times. Demo- with the traditional confederate structure of society. cratic will not be limited to organizing them- 5. Democratic confederalism in Kurdistan is an selves within a single particular territory. They will become anti-nationalist movement as well. It aims at real- cross-border confederations when the societies concerned izing the right of self-defense of the peoples by the so desire. advancement of democracy in all parts of Kurdistan without questioning the existing political borders. Its Principles of Democratic Confederalism goal is not the foundation of a Kurdish nation-state. The movement intends to establish federal structures 1. The right to self-determination of the peoples in Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Iraq that are open for all includes the right to a state of their own. However, the Kurds and, at the same time, form an umbrella confed- foundation of a state does not increase the freedom of eration for all four parts of Kurdistan. a people. The system of the United Nations, which is based on nation-states, has remained inefficient. Mean- Abdullah Öcalan is founding member and leader of the Kurdistan while, nation-states have become serious obstacles for Workers’ Party (PKK). This is an edited selection of excerpts from Öca- lan’s book Democratic Confederalism (London: Transmedia Publishing, any social development. Democratic confederalism is 2011). It appears here with the permission of the publisher. the contrasting paradigm of oppressed peoples.

The Meaning of Confederalism , translates to “Everything for a Free Life

Murray Bookchin Her Tist Jibo Jiyanek Azad û Avakirina Civakek Demokratîk and the Foundation of a Democratic Society.” On the right is a portrait of the founder of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan. Members from neighborhood councils and cooperatives present themselves as candidatesof the city for the of position Qamişlo. of Co-Chair The slogan on of stage, the People’s Council 112–113 ------After all, such arguments often run, centralists are all re are often centralists run, arguments all, such After that in the dream democracy? face-to-face But Forget for Brecher’s like of things, arguments On the surface ture that is “democratic,” to be sure, but still largely top- to but still be largely sure, “democratic,” that is ture one locality to is assumed down as necessary prevent from Few arguments have been used more effectively beenchal to effectively used have more arguments Few case the participatoryface-to-face lenge for democracy Modern society.” in a “complex live we that the claim than too told, and toopopulation are are we large centers, con decision-makingcentrated direct at a grass to for allow presumably, our economy And is tooroots level. “global,” intricacies the to of production In unravel commerce. and transnational, social centralized often highly our present is bettersystem, it to enhance representation in the state, institutions,to of bureaucratic increase the efficiency we advised,are than to advance utopian “localist” of schemes political popular over control and economic life. power believe in “more in the sense that they “localists” ally to the people” — or at least, to their representatives. And a good the eager tosurely representative know is always (to use of those another “constituents” of his or her wishes substitutesarrogant “citizens”). for democratic any can have we world modern our “complex” toalternative nation-state! the pragmatic people, Many that kind socialists, including for often dismiss arguments good-natured as conde otherworldly — with of “” scension at best outright and derision at worst. Indeed, in the periodical I was challenged back, in 1972, some years a democratic socialist, Brecher, Root by Jeremy and Branch in Post- I expressed views the decentralist how to explain York, New Troy, Scarcity say, prevent, would dumping its untreated wastesfrom into the Hudson River, Perth their cities Amboy downstream like draw which from drinking water. compelling. seem rather A struc government centralized 114–115 ------self-sustaining communities agri crafts, in which We should not, should I believe, lose sight of what it means to We The opportunity to his or her devote of the individual On the other hand, we cannot ignore the fact that rela the fact cannot ignore hand, we On the other extremly wasteful in the literal sense of that term. Not only only Not sense wasteful term. of that literal in the extremly overorganiza for does of labor division make an excessive vation. Hence self-sustainability made for a richer self, one vation. self-sustainability Hence self, a richer made for by variegated competencies,strengthened experiences, this vision has been Alas, and assurances. lost by leftists toward with their shift environmentalistsand many today, tragic movement’s a pragmatic and the radical liberalism past. of its visionary own ignorance sound eco follow an ecological not merely live of life, way logical practices. The multitude of handbooks that teach culture, and industries serve definable networks of con and industries serve culture, communities the opportunities organized enrich federally exposed for and stimuli are and make to individuals which personalities sense rounded selfhood of rich with a more and competence. citizen in ideal of the rounded The Greek in Charles that reappeared environment — one a rounded anar by the utopian long cherished works — was Fourier’s chists and socialists century. the last of productive activity to an attenu different many over tasks a given over ideal society, ated in Fourier’s (or week work was seen as a vitalday) the division factor in overcoming in transcending between and intellectual manual activity, statuswork created, that this major division of differences that came with of experiences the wealth and in enhancing to crafts food through culti industry from movement a free tion in the form of huge and tremendous tremendous and huge bureaucracies of tion form in the in transporting of resources expenditures materials over distances;great it reduces the possibilitiesre of effectively pollution wastes, its source avoiding cycling have may that concentratedin highly industrial and population centers, soundand making materials. use of local raw or regional tively ------It is hardly necessary to explore the sound ecological to explore necessary It is hardly Decentralism and Self-Sustainability and Decentralism bility. Most environmentally that oriented people aware are bility. a massive national and international of labor division is ing industrial bureaucracies and a competitiveing industrial bureaucracies grow-or-die myopic. economy is incredibly market a certain achieving reasons for of self-sustaina measure its for multinational corporations? Are we to the eco we ignore multinational Are its for corporations? of its logical World consequences the Third of plundering interlocking economic with insanely modern life resources, whosepetroleum-rich areas ultimate products air include ignore pollutants To and petroleum-derived carcinogens? economy” of burgeon is the result that our “global the fact duced by a consciously engineered throwaway economy. economy. throwaway duced engineered a consciously by utter tens the of asideBut irrationality from of crowding millions of people into congested, indeed suffocating urban international belts, extravagant must the present-day to satisfy human division of labor necessarily in order exist Or has it been prof needs? created to extravagant provide ily exist is the acid that corrodes all visionary thinking (as thinking is the acid all visionary exist that corrodes ily of radicals to tendency witness the recent espouse “market of the market than deal with the failings socialism” rather economy as as well ). will we Doubtless to have importfor those coffee people who need a morning fix at the breakfast exotic or table metals for people who to be lasting their wares than the junk pro more want The assumption that what currently exists must necessar exists The assumption that what currently afflicting another ecologically. But conventional But conventional economic afflicting ecologically. another and political against , rang arguments to water drinking our of Perth Amboy’s the fate ing from to on a number very of petroleum, rest alleged “addiction” on rest they assumptions.problematical Most disturbingly, an unconscious acceptance of the economic status quo. 116–117 ------It is not very difficult to show — item by item — how the by item — how show — item difficult to It is not very Decentralism of Problems assuredly have been been so have vision in the advocating I have assuredly piece” not involves thirty than more “one This for years. politics a new only political a new but culture that em balism that fosters a totalbalism that fosters interlocking of economic and political wholistic basis. such on a worldwide Without life political and cultural advocated, as changes I have notions of decentralism that emphasize localist isolation and a lead may to cultural parochialism of self-sufficiency degree braces new ways of thinking and feeling, and new human and new human and feeling, of thinking new ways braces the experience we the ways including interrelationships, would and “citizenship” “politics” like Words world. natural be they meanings acquired rich by the redefined in the the present.past, for enlarged and international of labor division attenuated can be greatly by using implementing ecotech local resources, and regional nologies, consumption human resealing along rational (indeed, lines, and emphasizing quality healthful) produc means of lastingtion (instead that provides of throwaway) inventory considerable It is unfortunatelife. that the very of these possibilities, I partly which assembled and evalu Technology,” a Liberatory ated “Toward 1965 essay in my of having been written the burden from too long suffers ago to be accessible of ecologi generation to the present cally oriented people. Indeed, I also argued in that essay integration regional and the needfor to interlink resources among ecocommunities. decentralized communities For inevitablyare upon interdependent one another. pragmaticIf many people blind tothe importance are tend in the ecology toof decentralism, many movement that with “localism” — problems problems real very ignore by a glo raised than the problems no less troubling are ------Such monumentalSuch as changes the dissolution of the Food thus becomes more than a form of material nu Food becomes thus than a form more ticipatory democracy, and a localist emphasis on commu ticipatory democracy, nity be viewed as should piece — they values all of one most munitarian and ecologicalreasonable principles, it is only to supposepeople that not choose an irrespon would such sible social dispensation of the the waters as allow would Hudson to be so polluted. par Decentralism, a face-to-face racy, then, do not occur then, in a psychologicalwhere vacuum racy, the political against argued alone is changed. I structure that in a societyBrecher veering radically that was toward guided by comdecentralistic, , ists,” many of whom are either passive viewers of seem passive viewers either are ists,” of whom many landscapes devotees or of rituals, magic, “natural” ingly and pagan to that deities realize all of these) who fail (or food human activities — namely, one of the most eminently cultivation — can toecological do more foster an sensibility please) if you than all the incantations(and and spirituality, devisedmantras in the name of ecological spiritualism. nation-state and its substitution by a participatory democ tririent. The soil one tills, things one cultivates the living unite all the compostand consumes, in an one prepares ecological continuum to the spirit as as feed body, well the sensitivityto and human the nonhuman one’s sharpening us.am often I amused around world by zealous “spiritual us how to conserve, invest, eat, and buy in an “ecologically invest, to eat, how us conserve, “ecologically in an buy and basic more of the a travesty need are manner responsible” to means what it on reason — and reflect to think — yes, to to ecologically I Thus, live term. meaning of the in the full than a good more is organically hold that towould garden a good and it is source of nutrients; of husbandry form toabove in the food place all a way by oneself web directly substances cultivatingpersonally the very one consumes one what environment to one’s by returning to and live it.elicits from 118–119 - - - It is a troubling fact that neither decentralization that neither nor fact It is a troubling scaled that humanly does communitiesNor it follow system of distribution,system as cooperatives becomeentangled is, in contracts and rights” — that of “bourgeois web in the bookkeeping the exact focus on that amounts community a This to others. what it delivers for in “exchange” will receive deterioration among some occurred worker-con of the trolled enterprises that functioned like capitalistic functioned that trolled enterprises like enter them expropriated after workers the prises in Barcelona practice CNT that the anarcho-syndicalist 1936 — a in July Revolution. in the Spanish early fought in itselfPlato’s is necessarily democratic. self-sufficiency was indeedideal city designed in the Republic to be self- was meant to maintainsufficient, but its self-sufficiency a as as well a philosophicalwarrior elite. Indeed, its capacity depended upon its ability, its self-sufficiency to preserve Sparta, influence like to “corruptive” the seemingly resist that still of outside (a say, characteristic, cultures I may closedappears in many societies in the East). Similarly, decentralization that we no assurance in itself provides A decentralized society an ecologicalwill have society. A can easily co-exist rigid hierarchies. with extremely and Orientalstriking is European example a feudalism, hierar ducal, and baronial princely, which in social order based decentralized communities. on highly were chies small is not all due respect toWith Schumacher, Fritz necessarily beautiful. constitute technologies” in themselves and “appropriate against guarantees domineering societies. In fact, for centuries humanity in villages and small towns, often lived socialwith tightly organized communistic ties and even these the material But provided basis for property. of forms despotichighly imperial states. on economic Considered and property a high place in the might earn they terms, but Daly, outlook Herman of economists like “no-growth” - - - - I regret to say that there are people are in the ecology to that there say I regret can we produce the basic a means of life — and Today Much as I respectMuch the intentions of those who advocate munity functions like a single entrepreneur, with a sense munity a single entrepreneur, functions like a system of Such its resources. toward of proprietorship cooperativesonce again marks the beginnings of a market ing a kind of “collective” capitalism, one com in which ing a kind of “collective” movement who do, in fact, advocate who do, to a highly movement a return not to speak of Stone deities. Age economy, labor-intensive the ideals of localism, must give decentralism, we Clearly, and self-sustainabilitymeaning. and fuller greater good an ecological deal more — in society that is focused still on the production of high-quality useful goods. Yet too in the ecology movement others often up advocat end cally often prematurely aged its men and women with with aged and women its men cally often prematurely little political time for very life them and allowed work hard beyond the immediate confines of the community itself. ple, that if a community can produceneeds, the things it self-sustaining do so. But probably communitiesit should cannot produce need — unless all the things they it involves that histori village life of way to a back-breaking a return local self-reliance and self-sustainabilty, these concepts and self-sustainabilty, local self-reliance can I can be misleading. certainly highly with David agree of the Institute exam Local for Morris for Self-Reliance, and chauvinism. Parochialism can that lead to problems Parochialism chauvinism. and mentality as as serious the that overlooks a “global” are the peculiarities of cultures, uniqueness of ecosystems and ecoregions, scaled the need a humanly and for community a participatory that makes democracy possible.life is This that tendsin an ecology to movement today, issue no extremes. naive but rather well-meaning very swing toward tooI cannot repeat of way must find a emphatically that we and with nonhuman humans with other the world sharing a view that is often difficult of life, to attainforms in overly communities. “self-sufficient” 120–121 -

------The RiseUrbanization of the and Decline of Citizen A confederalist view involves a clear distinction a clear be view involves A confederalist What, then, is confederalism? It is above all a network of What, is confederalism? then, I have detailedI have articles many in at length booksand (par in Spain during the early sixteenth century through the through sixteenth the early in Spain during century at recent and more sectional of 1793 Parisian movement nating and administering by the the policies formulated assemblies Their function themselves. is thus a purely administrative and practical one, not a policy making one the function of representatives systems like in republican of government. tween policymaking and the coordination and execution of adopted the right of policies. is exclusively Policymaking popular community assemblies based on the practices of Administration and coordination participatory democracy. the responsibility become councils, which are of confederal ticularly ticularly and ancient from structures of confederal history ) the ship as the Comuneros such to confederations medieval modern tempts particularly at , in by the Anarchists what often Today, of the 1930s. Revolution the Spanish leads to serious misunderstandings among decentralists is in all too cases many their failure to see confed the need for at least tends toeration — which counteract of the tendency decentralized communities exclusivity to and drift toward understanding a clear lack If we parochialism. of what con prin key a forms that it means — indeed, the fact federalism to meaning agenda decentralism — the fuller ciple and gives of a libertarian municipalism can easily become vacuous at best at worst. or be parochial ends highly used for administrative councils or delegates whose members are elected popular face-to-face democratic assemblies, from neighborhoods villages, towns, and even in the various of councils cities. of these confederal large The members mandated, strictly and responsible to recallable, are the assemblies the purpose that choose for of coordi them - - - Confederalism and Interdependence Confederalism At the risk of seeming contrary, I feel obliged I feel to empha of seeming contrary, the risk At If we extol such communities extol such If we because the extent to of Decentralism and self-sustainability Decentralism a much must involve localism. of social principle broader than mere organization to with decentralization, approximations self- Together humanly scaled communities, ecotechnologies, sufficiency, is a compelling need democratic there and for and the like, communitariantruly short, of interdependence — in forms libertarianfor of confederalism. forms gimes. To be sure, without the institutional without be sure, that structures gimes. To our use and without taking of these terms cluster around cannot we hope to in combinationthem with each other, ecologically a free orientedachieve society. size that decentralization, localism, self-sufficiency, and size decentralization, that localism, self-sufficiency, each taken confederation not constitute singly — do even a ecological a rational will achieve that we guarantee society. at one time supported or another have In fact, all of them despotic and even parochial communities, re , sive and degrading caste systems in different parts caste and degrading sive of the systems in different world-caste the socialIndia to that plague of systems life day. this very which they were decentralized, self-sufficient, or small, or or small, or decentralized, self-sufficient, were they which technologies,” be would obliged we “appropriate employed also culturally were to the extent tothey which ignore stagnant and easily dominated by exogenous elites. Their but tradition-bound organic seemingly division of labor oppres the bases highly for formed have well very may they were the hard bricks that were used to most the build were that bricks hard the were they Orientalawesome What and China. in India decentralized thesefeared communities self-sufficient, the were them that ravaged almost as as the armies much them. imperial tax-gatherers that plundered 122–123 ------— that makes — that makes Confederation is thus the ensemble of decentralization, is thus the ensemble Confederation Impossible? Unless we are toImpossible? are believe that national Unless we is confederalized by placing local farms, factories, and and factories, localplacing by confederalized is farms, neededother in local enterprises municipal hands — that begins or small, to large however a community, is, when net manage in an interlinked economic its own resources nity’s problems, but citizens, irrespective of their occupa but citizens, irrespective problems, nity’s once, it will be to For necessary tran tions or workplaces. scend the traditional special workplace, interests of work, status, interest and property and create a general relations, based community on shared problems. more. interdependence — and localism, self-sufficiency, education indispensablethe is moral more This characand ter called building — what the paideia in a participatory rational active citizenship for democracy, the passive constituents that we unlike and consumers work with other communities. To force a choice between choice a force communities. with other work To system or a market on the one hand self-sufficiency either is a simplistic the other on unnecessary and of exchange ecological to think that a confederal like I would dichotomy. society one, one based be would a sharing pleasure on the in distributingthat is felt among communities according capitalisticto their needs, “cooperative” in which not one of ex quo pro in the quid communities themselves mire relationships. change the political ized property of the power reinforces (which statecentralized or a private market with economic power) to threatens under or die” economy of “grow (whose law mine the ecological stability planet) entire of the is more to to see I fail have the what viable altemative we workable, rate, any At municipalization confederated of the economy. once be no longer it will for privileged state bureaucrats “collective” even bourgeois entrepreneurs — or or grasping capitalists in so-called enterprises — all workers-controlled with their special with a commu to faced promote who are ------Confederalism as a principle of social organization Confederalism Confederalism is thus a way of perpetuating is thus a way the inter Confederalism A crucial element in giving reality to confederalism is the reality to in giving confederalism element A crucial ing way with the larger whole that makes up a balanced makes whole that with the larger ing way ecological society. the economy when itself its development fullest reaches dependence without surrendering the principle of local dependence without surrendering is of self-sufficiency a reasonable measure While control. locality is a confederalism and region, every for desirable local avoiding on the one hand and parochialism means for national and global division of laboran extravagant on the In short, a community in which it is a way can retain other. its identity while participating and roundedness in a shar tion from parochially withdrawing into themselves at the into themselves withdrawing parochially tion from of human consociation. areas of wider expense communities among exist and dependence that should of democratizing that interregions — indeed, it is a way eral networks — can decentralizationeral and localism prevent the communities compose that bodies of associa larger ism are genuine possibilities. genuine ism are as recognize we insofar Only must bethat confederation conceived as an extension of a of participatoryform administration — by of confed means ing. If one community not obliged is to count on another to satisfy important generally or others material needs common politicaland realize is that it a way goals in such to whole, exclusivityinterlinked a greater and parochial ism based on shared resources, produce, and policymakism based resources, on shared erations, the flow of power from the the bottomfrom of the flow up diminishes power erations, territorially councilwith the scope ranging of the federal localities to regions from ever-broader to from and regions territorial areas. communities of an authenticinterdependence mutual for the means for interlinking towns,villages, neighborhoods, for means the from flows thus and cities networks. into Power confederal the bottom the top instead up and in confed down, of from 124–125 ------Confederation as as Dual Confederation and — areIf the two — confederalism not seen as us believe about believe us capitalism) liberal point the of rather but eco-social a new departure for a partici by marked history vailing power to power the nation-statevailing by opportunistically run candidates state for government — or, ning “confederalist” in seemingly demo governorship for nightmarishly, more proposed) have is to Greens blur cratic states (as some U.S. the importance tension of the needfor between confedera patory evolution within societyevolution patory between and society and world. the natural writings how previous tried in my to all, I have show Above a municipal on basisconfederation has existed in sharp nation- and the tension state with the centralized generally, state tried I have to times. em of recent Confederalism, phasize, societal, not simply a unique is particularly or civic of administration. tradition It is a vibrant municipal, form that has one a centuries-long of humanity, in the affairs behind history it. tried generations to for Confederations long historical equally tendency toward a nearly countervail centralization of the nation-state. and the creation a tension the na in which being in tension with each other, tion-state has used provin a variety of intermediaries like and state in Canada cial governments in the governments United States to control,” then illusion create the of “local the concept loses of confederation all meaning. Provincial autonomy and states’ in Canada rights in the United States the or councils were than “soviets” confederal no more are popular control that existedmedium for tension in with totalitarianStalin’s state. taken soviets The Russian were who supplanted with their them by the Bolsheviks, over party or two within a year of the October To Revolution. municipalities of confederal as a counter the role weaken ------Confederalism is thus a fluid and ever-developing kind ever-developing is thus a fluid and Confederalism Confederalism, in effect, must be Confederalism, conceived as a whole: To argue that the remaking of society of remaking that the and our rela argue To ism, in fact, does not mark a closure of socialism, in fact, (as does history not mark a closure of history” have would ideologists years of recent the “end of social metabolism the identity in which of an ecological and by virtue itssociety differences through is preserved Confederal differentiation. of its potential ever-greater for pendence between and between individuals the individual and society. dependence, just as the individual in a free society free in a as just dependence, the individual grows dependence in childhood tofrom in youth, independence toonly sublate the two of interde into a conscious form volves the dialectical development of independence and the dialectical and independence of volves development articulated richly intodependence of inter a more form self — just as a market economy, cojoined with “socialism,” cojoined“socialism,” with economy, self — just as a market concept one has or whatever the good of “anarchism,” dominate the society eventually would as a whole. society, can omit the distinctionNor we between policy making the onceand administration, policy from for making slips by itshands of the people, delegates, it is devoured who become quickly bureaucrats. body that of interdependencies formed a consciously unites participatory in municipalities democracy with a system of coordination. supervised Itscrupulously in tionship with the natural world can be achieved only by can by world be only the natural tionship with achieved decentralization localism or or self-sustainabilty leaves incompleteus with an collection of solutions. Whatever omit among these presuppositionswe society a for based municipalities,on confederated a to leave would be sure, hope social we to hole in the entire fabric create. yawning it the fabric destroy eventually and grow That hole would have today. In the end, there is no substitute is a con there end, the In for today. have toscious and reconstruction other each our relationship of world. the natural 126–127 - - To run a Green for a mayor on a libertarian a mayor for a Green run municipalist To At the risk of repetition, that to this the risk let me say ignore At logic instructs that terms like “executive” make the two the make “executive” logic like instructs terms that positions to is totally interchangeable the notionof remove its context, from it, power executive it into to to reify make because category lifeless trappings of the external a mere attachwe If the city to is to the word. be seen as a whole, and its potentialities a participatory creating for democracy and to be recognized,are governments fully so provincial statethe United and in Canada States governments must beestablished seen as clearly organized small republics representation around entirely rule at best and oligarchical the at worst. for of expression the channels provide They nation-state — and constitute obstacles to the development public realm. of a genuine running in short,from program, is qualitatively different or state libertara provincial on a presumably governor point, for Greens to run mayors is fundamentally different is fundamentallypoint, to different mayors run Greens for and state provincial running from offices. One can go into detailed endless are of a mayor the powers reasons why than public purview closer controlled and under more far those of state office-holders. and provincial is to abandon sense simply fact contextuality any of and ian muncipalist program. It amountsian muncipalist to program. decontextualizing in a province the institutions in a municipality, that exist or state, placing all thereby the nation-state and in itself, of these executive positionsthree formal a purely under that because say imprecision might with equal One rubric. human beings spinal cords, both and dinosaurs have belongthat they to to the same species the same or even case,genus. In each such an institution — be a mayoral, it or selectperson — must be seen in a municipal councillor, context as just as a whole, a president, prime minister, of parliament, or member congressperson, must in turn, be seen in the state this stand context as a whole. From - - - -

- - By contrast, delegated or authoritarian of “politics” levels In describing confederalism as a whole — as a struc In describing confederalism stand the basic political nature of civic life itself, all its stand the basic political itself, life of civic nature notwithstanding.malformations to con Greens Thus, for and analytical manner — as modern formal tend in a purely pare even executive positions like a mayor with a governor executive positions with a governor a mayor even pare like misunder in representative is to of power grossly realms ied by one or a few individuals. The municipality individuals. ied by one or a few is thus the it may much however of public life, most authentic arena been distortedhave of history. the course over presuppose the abdication of municipal and citizen power The municipality be must always to or another. one degree com understood authentic To as world. this truly public ture for decentralization, participatory democracy, and and decentralization, participatory for ture democracy, localism — and as a potentiality dif an ever-greater for like I would of development, along new lines ferentiation to emphasize that concept that this same of wholeness betweenapplies to the interdependencies municipalities as The municipality, also applies to the muncipality itself. I pointed writings, out in earlier is the most immediate a that is literally the world political of the individual, arena and the intimacy family of the doorstep privacy beyond the political In that primary arena, of personal friendships. politics be sensewhere should conceived in the Hellenic the individual managing the pollsof literally or community, into person an active a mere from can be transformed a private being intocitizen, this from a public being. Given the citizen a functional renders that literally arena crucial being who can participate society, of in the future directly of human interaction that is dealing with a level are we basic itself)more (apart the family that from level than any where of governance, in representativeis expressed forms transmutedcollective into is literally embod power power tions nation-states — indeed, and fact the obscure they the twothat cannot co-exist term. the long over the environment in which issues like policy, administration, may cut across many such cities ( is a notable participation, and representation must be placed. Simply, example), to run candidates for the city council may be the a city hall in a town or city is not a capital in a province, only recourse we have, in fact, for arresting the development state, or nation-state. of increasingly authoritarian state institutions and helping to Unquestionably, there are now cities that are so large restore an institutionally decentralized democracy. that they verge on being quasi-republics in their own right. It will no doubt take a long time to physically decentral- One thinks for example of such megalopolitan areas as ize an urban entity such as New York City into authentic New York City and Los Angeles. In such cases, the minimal municipalities and ultimately communes. Such an effort program of a Green movement can demand that confed- is part of the maximum program of a Green movement. erations be established within the urban area — namely, But there is no reason why an urban entity of such a huge among neighborhoods or definable districts — not only magnitude cannot be slowly decentralized institutionally. among the urban areas themselves. In a very real sense, The distinction between physical decentralization and these highly populated, sprawling, and oversized enti- institutional decentralization must always be kept in mind. ties must ultimately be broken down institutionally into Time and again excellent proposals have been advanced authentic municipalities that are scaled to human dimen- by radicals and even city planners to localize democracy in sions and that lend themselves to participatory democracy. such huge urban entities and literally give greater power These entities are not yet fully formed state powers, either to the people, only to be cynically shot down by centralists institutionally or in reality, such as we find even in sparsely who invoke physical impediments to such an endeavor. populated American states. The mayor is not yet a gover- It confuses the arguments of advocates for decentrali- nor, with the enormous coercive powers that a governor zation to make institutional decentralization congruent has, nor is the city council a parliament or statehouse that with the physical breakup of such a large entity. There is can literally legislate the death penalty into existence, such a certain treachery on the part of centralists in making as is occurring in the United States today. these two very distinct lines of development identical or In cities that are transforming themselves into quasi- entangling them with each other. Libertarian municipalists states, there is still a good deal of leeway in which politics must always keep the distinction between institutional and can be conducted along libertarian lines. Already, the execu- physical decentralization clearly in mind, and recognize tive branches of these urban entities constitute a highly that the former is entirely achievable even while the latter precarious ground — burdened by enormous bureaucracies, may take years to attain. police powers, tax powers, and juridical systems that raise serious problems for a libertarian municipal approach. We Murray Bookchin was a libertarian socialist author and a pioneer in the must always ask ourselves in all frankness what form the ecological movement. This essay first appeared in Green Perspectives 20 on 3 November 1990. It was recently republished in the collection concrete situation takes. Where city councils and mayoral of essays by Bookchin The Next Revolution. Popular Assemblies & The offices in large cities provide an arena for battling the con- Promise of Direct Democracy (London and New York: Verso Books, centration of power in an increasingly strong state or provin- 2015) edited by Debbie Bookchin and Blair Taylor. It appears here in lightly edited form with permission of the editors. cial executive, and even worse, in regional jurisdictions that Plants in living rooms serve as commemorative objects of martyrs from the Rojava Revolution, with leafs carrying portraits forming together the foundation of what the autonomous cantons have termed their "ecology of freedom." Contract Social The 132–133 - - - -

- In pursuit of freedom, justice, dignity, and democracy justice, of freedom, dignity, In pursuit the people we, of the Autonomous the Charter, Under a political declare we system In establishing this Charter, new democratic society and social life civic justice where preserved. are 29 January 2014 January 29 Preamble the people of the Democratic of Regions Autonomous We, Arabs, of Kurds, a confederation and Kobanê, Cizîre, Afrîn, and Armenians, Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, Assyrians, establish and declare solemnly and this freely Chechens, hasbeen which drafted according to the principles Charter, of Democratic Autonomy. and led by principles of equality and environmental sustain Charter a new social the proclaims contract, based ability, upon mutual and peaceful co-existence and understanding It protects fundamentalbetween of society. hu all strands man rights and liberties right the to peoples’ reaffirms and self-determination. uniteRegions, and in the spirit of reconciliation, pluralism, democratic participation them so express that all may a society In building in public life. from freely free selves , militarism, and the interven centralism, Charter the rec tion authority of religious in public affairs, territorial integrity to and aspires maintain ognizes Syria’s domestic and international peace. administrationand civil upon founded a social contract that a transitional through mosaic reconciles the rich of Syria and destruction, to a ,phase from war, civil 134–135 - Supreme ConstitutionalSupreme Court. Councils. Municipal/Provincial 4. 5. Article 5 Article Canton of Afrîn; city, Afrîn Canton of Cizîre; city, Qamişlo Canton of Kobanê. city, Kobanê 6 Article 7 Article 8 Article 9 Article 10 Article The administrative centers of each canton of each centers The administrative are: of the in the eyes and communities persons equal are All in rights and and responsibilities.law accede which cities, towns,Syria to and villages in All this within Autonomous Cantons falling Charter form may Regions. upon founded are Cantons in the Autonomous Regions All the principle of local self-government. freely Cantons may elect their representatives and representative bodies, and do not contravene as they their rights insofar pursue may the articles of the Charter. Kurdish, Canton of the are languages of Cizîre The official communities the right to All have teach and Syriac. Arabic, and be taught in their native language. in the do interfere not shall The Autonomous Regions mestic affairs of other countries, and it shall safeguard its shall safeguard of other countries, and it mestic affairs neighboring with relations states, conflicts any resolving peacefully. -

- Legislative Assembly. Legislative Executive Councils. High Commission of Elections. 1. 2. 3. Article 2 Article Article 1 Article Article 4 Article Article 3 Article Authority resides with and emanates from the peoplewith and emanatesAuthority from resides sents all three Cantonssents of the Autonomous Regions. all three erned by a parliamentaryerned system based on principles of decentralization and pluralism. composed are The Autonomous Regions of the three an integral forming and Kobanê, Cizîre, Cantons of Afrîn, part territory. of the Syrian diverse, is ethnically and religiously The Canton of Cizîre Muslim, Armenian, Chechen, Syriac, Arab, with Kurdish, communities peacefully co-existing Yezidi and Christian, in brotherhood. elected The repre Assembly Legislative of the Autonomous Regions. It is exercised by governing by governing Regions. Itof the Autonomous is exercised councils and public institutions elected popular by vote. The people constitute the sole source of legitimacy in councils and public institutions,all governing which democratic on principles essential founded toare a society. free and democratic state, sovereign, is a free, Syria gov a) The Charter of the Autonomous Regions of Afrîn, Cizîre, Cizîre, The Charter of Afrîn, Regions of the Autonomous “the Charter”], [hereinafter and Kobanê social renewed is a contract between the peoples Regions. of the Autonomous is an integral part of the Charter. The Preamble Part I. General Principles General Part I. The Structure of Governance in the Autonomous Regions: of Governance The Structure b) c) b) a) 136–137 - -

Article 16 Article Article 17Article Article 18 19 Article 20 Article The Asayiş forces are charged with civil policing civil with functions charged are forces Asayiş The Regions. Autonomous in the If a court public body other that a provi or any considers sionfundamental conflicts of a with a provision or law statute, superior other of any with a provision or that prescribedthe procedure set was aside important in any introduced, was the provision respect when the provision be shall nullified. The Charter the rights to of the youth guarantees partici pate and political actively in public life. acts and omissions and the appropriate penaltiesUnlawful law. definedcivil by criminal and are The system of taxation fiscalregulations are and other law. defined by The Charter the fundamental as holds inviolable rights and setfreedoms out in international human rights treaties, conventions, and declarations. - - - - Article 13 Article Article 12 Article Article 11 Article Article 15 Article 14 Article There shall be a between be a separation shall of powers the legisla There Part II. BasicPart II. Principles The Autonomous Regions form an integral part form of Syria. Regions The Autonomous decentralized system of federal It a future is a model for in Syria. governance The Autonomous Regions have the right to the be have Regions Autonomous The represented symbols Such anthem. and emblems, flag, own by their belaw. shall defined in a tion to the armed forces of the shall be shall government of the central tion to forces the armed in a specialdefined by the Assembly law. Legislative nized inherent right to self-defense. Power of command Power right to self-defense. nized inherent Units is vested Defense the in in respect of the People’s Command. Its its rela Central through Body of Defense The People’s Defense Units (YPG) is the sole military Defense force The People’s Cantons, of the three with the mandate to protect and the securitydefend and its Regions of the Autonomous peoples, The threats. against both and external internal Units act in accordance Defense recog with the People’s The Autonomous Regions shall seek a frame to shall Regions The Autonomous implement of transitionalwork justice take It shall measures. steps to the legacy State of chauvinistic and discriminatory redress to of reparations victims,policies, the payment including both and communities, individuals Autonomous in the Regions. ture, executive, and judiciary. ture, 138–139 - - - - -

Personal securityPersonal in a peaceful and stable society. secondary and primary compulsory and Free education. health, adequate housing. social security, Work,

• • • Article 30 Article Article 27Article 28Article 29Article Article 26 Article human person. No one shall be subjected shall one No person. human to torture or to or punishment. treatment or degrading inhumane, cruel, to the right conditions humane have of deten Prisoners tion, which protect their inherent dignity. Prisons shall shall Prisons dignity. tion, protect inherent which their educa objective the reformation, of underlying the serve tion,and social rehabilitation of prisoners. c) lar, children shall not suffer exploitation,economic not suffer shall child children lar, torture or treatment inhuman, or degrading or cruel, labor, attaining not be before shall married and punishment, the . the right to: have persons All be executed. right to participate the inviolable have in political,Women social, economic, life. and cultural The Char of the law. in the eyes equal are and women Men realization of equalitywomen the effective ter of guarantees and mandates public institutions the elimi to towards work discrimination.nation of gender The Charter In particu the rights of the child. guarantees Every human being has an inherent right to life. No one No to right being human life. has an inherent Every within the jurisdiction shall of the Autonomous Regions - - - -

, the International on Economic, Covenant Social and Article 25 Freedom of expression and may may of information and freedom of expression Freedom Article 23 Article Article 24 Article 22Article Article 21Article Everyone has the right to libertyEveryone and security of person. of their libertydeprived persons beAll treated shall with dignityhumanity of the the inherent and with respect for Everyone has the right to express their ethnic, cultural, their ethnic, cultural, has the right to express Everyone rights.linguistic, and gender environment, has the right to in a healthy live Everyone based on ecology balance. a) b) mous Regions, public safety and order, the integrity of the public safety and order, mous Regions, the sanctity and individual, or the prevention of private life, prosecution of crime. ence and to and impart seek, and receive, information of frontiers. media any and regardless ideas through be to the security restricted regard having of the Autono sion; including freedom tosion; freedom including hold opinions without interfer a) b) has the right to of opinion and expres freedom Everyone are guaranteed. are All international rights and responsibilitiesAll pertaining political,civil, social, cultural, and economical rights The Charter incorporates Universal the Declaration Hu of man Rights, the International on Civil and Political Covenant Rights Rights recognized internationally , as as well other Cultural human rights conventions. Part III.Rights and Liberties 140–141 Article 35 Article 36 Article Article 37 38 Article 39Article 40 Article 41Article Everyone has the right to freely experience and contribute experience has to the right freely Everyone to academic, scientific, artistic, expressions and cultural or joint practice, to individual have through and creations, to and disseminate their expressions access to and enjoy, and creations. has the right to public office, vote and to for run Everyone as circumscribed law. by has the right to seek political Everyone asylum. Persons be only may deported a decision of a competent, following all where impartial, constituted and properly judicial body, beendue process rights afforded. have entitled to and are the law before equal are persons All opportunitiesequal life. in public and professional located resources, Natural both above and below ground, Extractive processes, of society. the public wealth are contractualmanagement, agreements and other licensing, be regulated by law. shall resources torelated such owned are Regions in the Autonomous buildings and land All public property. Administration and are by the Transitional The use and distribution be shall determined by law. has the right to of their the useand enjoyment Everyone of their property be deprived one shall No private property. - - - Protect the motherhood the pediatric and maternal and Protect care. the disabled, social health and Adequate for care and those with special needs. the elderly, • • Article 32 Article 31Article Article 34 Article Article 33 Article Everyone has the right to of association freedom with Everyone to the right including establishothers, join and freely civil association, politicalany trade union and/or party, assembly. the right to of association,In freedom exercising politi herents’ rights to of association freedom herents’ and expression religious, protected.is explicitly The protectionYezidi of the be may social, through guaranteed life and cultural passage Assembly. by the Legislative of laws cal, economic, and cultural expression of all communities of all cal, economic, expression and cultural is protected. to and diverse protect rich the This serves heritage of the peoples of the Autonomous Regions. is a recognized and its ad religion religion The Yezidi

a) b) Everyone has the right to freedom of worship, to practice has the right to of worship, freedom Everyone or in association individually either with religion own one’s be subjected one shall No toothers. persecution the on beliefs. of their religious grounds Everyone has the right of peaceful assembly, including the including has the right of peaceful assembly, Everyone right to peaceful protect, demonstration, and strike. tions, whether orally, in writing, in pictorial in writing, representations, tions, orally, whether way. other or in any Everyone has to the freedom obtain, and circulate Everyone receive, and toinformation communicate ideas, opinions, and emo c) 142–143 ------Quorum is met by fifty plus one (50 + 1) percent attend is met by fifty1) Quorum percent plus one (50 + The sessions of the Legislative Assembly are public un The sessions are Assembly of the Legislative 47Article 48Article No member of the Legislative Assembly may run for for run may of the Legislative Assembly member No than two consecutivemore terms. be may the Legislative Assembly of extendedThe term of in exceptional cases of one quarter (1/4) at the request Presi Office of the of the or at the request its members dent of the Council, with the consent of two-thirds (2/3) Council, with the consent of the of two-thirds (2/3) dent be extension of the Council. Such shall of the members months. than six no longer (6) for The President of the Transitional Executive Council will Executive will Council Transitional the of President The If meetingthe first Assembly. of the convene Legislative compelling dictate reasons meeting that its first cannot Executive of the Transitional be sothe President held, date another to determine Council will be within held days. (15) fifteen ants of the total. of the Legislative The oldest member meeting its the Co-Presi first will chair at which Assembly dents and ExecutiveCouncil will be elected. the of less necessity The movement otherwise. demands into Assembly Legislative closed by its session is governed of procedure. rules Legislature be the Supreme one member of shall There voters registered Council per(15,000) fifteen thousand The Legislative Region. within the Autonomous residing be must Assembly composed percent of at least forty (40) according sex of either to the electoral The represen laws. as as represen youth well tation community, of the Syriac tation in the by electoral laws. lists, is governed a) b) - Article 46 Article Article 45 Article Article 44 Article Article 43 Article Article 42Article The first meetingshall The first be held of the Assembly Legislative of the announcement following 16th day than the no later results of electionsRegions.Autonomousthe final in all will be certified results Such and announced by the High Commission of Elections. tion of the course is four (4) years. tion (4) is four of the course The Legislative Assembly in the Autonomous Region is Region in the Autonomous Assembly The Legislative elected by the people by direct, , secret and the dura Section IV. Legislative Assembly Legislative IV. Section Project Administration Self-rule The Democratic The enumeration of the rights and freedoms set of the rights and freedoms forth in The enumeration Section III is non-exhaustive. Everyone has the right to and freedom Everyone of movement to chooseAutonomous within the Regions. residence their The economical system in the provinces shall beThe economical shall directed the provinces system in granting particular, and in welfare general at providing be It shall aimed at tofunding science technology. and needsof people daily the a guaranteeing and to ensure Labor rights Monopolylaw. is prohibited by dignified life. and sustainable guaranteed. are development except uponjust compensation, of except payment of reasons for utilitypublic or social interest, according and to the forms established by law. 144–145 - - - Ratification international of and treaties agree ments. Delegate to the Executive its or Council powers toto withdraw and thereafter of its one members such powers. a stateDeclare and peace. of war of the Su the appointmentRatify of members Constitutional preme Court. budget. the general Adopt plans. policyEstablish and development general amnesty. and grant Approve decrees promulgatedthe Executive by Adopt Council; and of the the common governance for laws Adopt the Autonomous Regions. Councils of Provincial of age. years (35) thirty-five Be over of the canton; citizen and a resident and Be a Syrian no convictionsHave or cautions. session of the of the first thirty days Within (30) the must callfor its President Assembly, Legislative election of the Canton Governors. toRequests nominate position candidates the for must be made, to in writing, of Canton Governor Court, examine and acthe Supreme shall which

• • • • • • • • • • • • 1. 2. Article 54 Part V. ExecutivePart Council V. Canton Governor: together with the Executive Council The Canton Governor, hold executive authorityof the Autonomous Regions, as set candidate The to the post of Canton forth in this Charter. must:Governor the candidacy and election governing of The procedure is as follows: Canton Governor - - Establish rules and procedures governing the work the work Establish governing and procedures rules Assembly. of the Legislative the and proposed legislation for Enact regulations Local institutions, other Councils and per including manent and ad and manent hoc committees, its under purview. and executive administrative over control Exercise bodies, of review. use including of powers

• • • Article 52 Article 51 Article Article 50 Article 49 Article Article 53 Article Local of the Autonomous Re each province Councils in No member, during their term of office, is during their term permitted any member, No is employment Such profession. other public, private, or the constitutionalsuspended once makes the member oath. to The member has with the right to their job, return ends.all its rights and benefits, once the membership Members of the Legislative Assembly enjoy immunityenjoy Assembly of the Legislative in Members respect of acts and omissions carried out in the function of official duties. the authorization prosecutionsrequire Any with the exception of flagrante Assembly, of the Legislative President the Office of the opportunity, the earliest crime. At of all pending prosecutions. be informed of the Council shall Every person who has reached the age of eighteen (18) age the has who person of eighteen reached (18) Every to is eligible the Legislative vote. for Candidates years attained must have Assembly the age (22) of twenty-two candidacy Conditions election and stipulated for years. are by electoral law. The functions of the Legislative Assembly are to: are The functions Assembly of the Legislative gions shall be formed through direct elections. direct through begions shall formed 146–147 ------by the Legislative Assembly, and issue decisions,issue and Assembly, Legislative the by in accordance and decrees with those laws. orders, elected must invite newly the The Canton Governor fifteen(15) to within Assembly Legislative convene the election of the announcement results; from days medals. grant may The Canton Governor amnesties issue as may recom The Canton Governor mended by the President of the Executive Council. the President mended by

• • • Article 57 The Executive Council: 55 Article Article 56 islative Assembly shall form the Executive Council within form shall Assembly islative the date of assignment, one month from with the approval of the simple majority (51 percent) of the of the members Assembly. Legislative more not serve The Head of the Executive Council shall years than two consecutive (4) being each term four terms, in length. islative Assembly has to the right Assembly Canton bring the Gover islative Constitutional of the Supreme Courtnor before charges for of sedition. forms treason and other The Executive and adminis Council is the highest executive bodytrative It Regions. in the Autonomous is responsible for the implementation resolutions, as and decrees is of laws, and judicial institutions. by the Legislative Assembly sued It coordinateshall the institutions Regions. Autonomous of the The Executive Council is composed repre of a Chairman, sentatives, and committees. The party or bloc a majority winning of seats in the Leg The Canton Governor is responsible is to people the The Canton Governor through The Leg their representatives Assembly. in the Legislative - - - - tion to the Legislative Assembly. the respect for ensure shall The Canton Governor Charter and the protection of the national unity and their functions and at all times perform , to the best of ability and conscience. of appoint shall the President The Canton Governor the Executive Council. passed laws implement shall The Canton Governor ties, approved by the Legislative Assembly. The Assembly. Legislative ties, by the approved Deputies takeCanton the of Office an Oath before after specified which functions may be Governor, delegated to them. be unable to the Canton fulfill Governor Should functions,shall their official one of the Deputies the Canton Governor. replace the Deputies and are the Canton Governor Where reason, the unable to their dutiesfor any fulfill tasks will be out by carried of the Canton Governor Assembly; of the Legislative and the President letter any must address of resigna The Governor ing official duties. appointed Depu The Canton Governor one or more ity, a secondinitiated, is electoral round the with ity, candidate the highest number of votes, receiving being elected. from years (4) is four of Canton Governor The term the date of the taking of Office; of the Oath of Office the Oath makes The Canton Governor commenc before Assembly the Legislative before cept or reject not later than ten (10) days after the days ten than later not (10) reject or cept close of nominations. elect the Canton shall Assembly Legislative The by a simple majority. Governor simple major the required If no candidate receives • • • 8. 9. 10. 7. 5. 6. 3. 4. The powers and functions of the Canton Governor: The powers 148–149 - - - istrative Councils’ [Municipal Councils’] authority, authority, [Municipal Councils’] Councils’ istrative its finance, and budget including public services and elections law; by regulated are and mayoral [Municipal Councils Administrative Provincial elected directly using by the public, are Councils] secret ballot. • Article 64Article 65Article 66Article 67 Article 68 Article Article 63 Article tion of cases by the competent and impartial courts. shall be pre offense with a criminal charged Everyone sumed innocent guilty until by a compe and unless proved tent impartial and court. institutionsAll of the Judicial Council must be composed sex. of either percent of at least forty (40) at all stagesThe right to is sacred and inviolable defense of an investigation and trial. a decisionfrom requires office of a judge from The removal the Judicial Council. issued on behalfJudgments and judicial decisions of are the people. Part VI. The Judicial Council of principle is founding of the Judiciary The independence disposi a just and effective ensures which of law, the rule - - - - - The Cantons of the Autonomous Regions are are The Cantons of the Autonomous Regions Councils Administrative composed of Provincial managed[Municipal by the rel Councils] and are evant Executive Council which retains Executive Council which evant to power the itsamend functions and regulations. Adminis and duties of the Provincial The powers founded [Municipal Councils are trative Councils] upon to a policy an adherence of decentralization. Admin of the Provincial supervision The Canton’s • • Article 60Article Article 59 Article 58 Article Provincial Administrative Councils [Municipal Councils]: Administrative Provincial Article 62 Article Article 61Article The work of the Executive Council, including the Depart of the Executive Council, including The work Each adviser shall be of the bodies one shall responsible adviser for Each Executivewithin the Council. The Head of the Executive Council may choose of the ExecutiveHead The may Council advisers elected the newly amongst Legislative of the members Council. Senior civil servants and Department servants representatives civil Senior shall be nominated by the Executive by approved Council and Council. the Legislative lowing its passage through the Legislative Assembly, the itslowing passage Assembly, the Legislative through of Executive Council is obliged the Program to implement term. during that legislative Government After the formation and approval of the Executive of the Council, and approval the formation After Government. for Fol its prospective issue Program it shall ments, and their relation to other institutions/committees, to institutions/committees, ments, and their relation other by law. is regulated 150–151 ------Decisions in the Commission require a qualified a qualified Decisions in the Commission require votes. (11) majority of eleven of the High Commission of Elections Member may not stand office in the Assembly. for Legislative The High Commission the of Elections determine date elections which held, the announce on are didates seeking election to the Legislative Assembly to announce the names of eligible candidates. ment of the results, and receive the nominations and receive of of the results, ment Assembly. the Legislative eligible candidates for the The High Commission of Elections verifies eligibility of candidates seeking electionto the Leg Commission The High of Elec Assembly. islative tions is the sole body competent allega to receive voter intimidation,tions of electoral fraud, or illegal with the process of an election.interference The High Commission of Elections is monitored Court beby the Supreme and may monitored by the United from Nations society and civil observers and organizations; The High Commission of Elections, together with the a meeting convene of all can Judicial Council, shall

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Article 76 Article Article 77Article The Supreme ConstitutionalThe is composed of seven (7) nominatedall of whom are by the Legisla members, Part VII. The HighCommission of Elections CommissionThe High body of Elections independent is an competent the electoral process. and run to It oversee is all can composed representing members, of eighteen (18) tons, who are appointedtons, who are Assembly. by the Legislative Part VIII. The Supreme Constitutional Court Constitutional Supreme The VIII. Part a) - - Article 71Article Article 70 Article Article 69 Article Article 75 Article 74 Article Article 73 Article 72 Article Searches of houses and other private property private of houses and other Searches must be executed is done in accordance with a properly warrant, No civilian shall stand shall civilian No military any trial before court or special or ad hoc tribunals. Failure to implement judicial decisions and orders is a is decisions judicial to and orders implement Failure violation of law. The Judicial Council is established by law. forceable right to compensation.forceable Anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or who has been arrest Anyone the victim of unlawful result as a damage or harm detention suffered or otherwise of the acts omissions and of public authorities has an en No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. be arrest subjected one shall No to arbitrary liberty be of their deprived one shall No on such except procedures as are and in accordance with such grounds established by law. Everyone is entitled is equality and public in full to a fair Everyone impartial and hearing by an independent tribunal, in the determination of their rights obligations and and of any against them. criminal charge sued by a judicial authority. sued by a judicial 152–153 - - - - Where, prior to a law’s enactment, than twen more prior to a law’s Where, tutional Court. ConstitutionalThe Supreme Court its must deliver within thirty days. judgment (30) ty (20) percent of the Legislative Assembly objects Assembly of the Legislative ty percent (20) Constitutional the Supreme to its constitutionality, Court its is seized matter of the render and shall is law to if the days; decision(15) within fifteen enacted,be be a decision urgently shall rendered (7)within seven days. of the judgment the rendering following Where, Constitutionalof the Supreme Court, than more of the Legislative Assembly twenty percent (20) still an appeal objects may to its constitutionality, be lodged. Constitutional on appeal, the Supreme Court If, to the law berules enacted as unconstitutional, the be null and void. considered shall law tionality and the court of a law so holds, the matter Consti tois stayed the Supreme while it is referred If parties to to a case a challenge the constitu raise a) b) b) c) a) Article 80 Article 81 Article The decision for the non-constitutionalitydecisionThe for will law of any be as follows: If an argument is raised in a court the consti concerning If an argument tutionality as follows: of a law Procedure for determinationof the constitutionality for laws: of Procedure 1. Part IX. General Rules The Charter Regions. It within the Autonomous applies be majority only may amended by a qualified of two-thirds Assembly. of the Legislative (2/3) 2. - - sembly, and the Executive be Council may brought sembly, Constitutional the Supreme Court,before when alleged to acted have of the Charter. in breach simple majorityIts through reached decisions are vote. To interpret the articles principles interpret and underlying To of the Charter. constitutionality the determine enacted of laws To and decisions Assembly by the Legislative taken by the Executive Council. acts and executive legislative review judicially To acts and decisions such bedecisions, may in where the conflict with the letterCharter and spirit of the and the Constitution. of the Legislative As members Canton Governors, 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. Article 79 Article Article 78 Article tion emolument, of and as definedlaw; by No years. (4) four for of officeruns term A member’s than two terms. more serve may member tive Assembly. Its members are drawn from judges, legal judges, from drawn are Its members Assembly. tive than no less have must all of whom experts, and lawyers, experience. of professional years (15) fifteen Constitutional Supreme of the member No Court shall be on the Executive Council or in the to eligible serve office or to or other Assembly Legislative any hold posi A member of the Supreme Constitutionalthe Supreme of A member Court not shall for stated officeexcept from be removed or misbehavior the governing and procedures The provisions incapacity. Constitutional Supreme of the work Court be shall set out in a special law. c) ConstitutionalThe functions of the Supreme Court: b) 154–155 ------The new educational of the Cantons curriculum and herit culture, recognize history, the rich shall age of the peoples of the Autonomous Regions. The education and channels, system, public service academic institutions promote human rights shall and democracy. a) b) Article 87 88Article Article 89 Article 90Article 91Article Article 92 Article The Charter enshrines the principle of separationThe Charter of enshrines and state.religion All governing bodies, institutions, governing All and committees be shall sex. of either made percent at least up of forty (40) is applicable legislation in the Au criminal and civil Syrian tion, dignity, and pluralism, tion, dignity, tonomous Regions except where it contradicts provisions where tonomous except Regions of this Charter. In the case of conflict laws betweenpassed by the Legisla the government, of the central and legislation tive Assembly ConstitutionalSupreme Court upon will rule the applicable based on the best Regions. of the Autonomous interest law, The Charter the protection guarantees of the environment the sustainable ecoand regards of natural development national and a sacred systems as duty. a moral The educational Regions system within the Autonomous rejects prior education policies based and chau on racist vinistic upon principles. of reconcilia Founded the values a) - - - Article 83 Article Article 82 “I solemnly swear, in the name of Almighty God, to abide swear, “I solemnly Article 86 Article 85 Article Article 84 Article Syrian citizens holding dual are barred from nationalitycitizens from holding dual barred Syrian are leadingassuming positionsCanton in the Office of the Consti Supreme Council, and the the Provincial Governor, The Charter shall be laid before the Transitional Legislative Legislative the Transitional beCharterThe before laid shall and ratification. review for Assembly shrined herein.” shrined tive Assembly: to Regions, by the Charter of the Autonomous and laws the libertydefend and interests of the people, the to ensure security to Regions, of the Autonomous protect the rights of legitimate social and to for justice, strive self-defense in accordance with the principles of democratic en rules The Oath of Office of The Oath to be of the Legisla by members taken Elections to form the Legislative Assembly shall be shall held the Legislative Assembly Elections to form the ratification months of Charter of the (4) within four The Transitional Assembly. Legislative by the Transitional retains Assembly Legislative the right to the time extend period if exceptional circumstances arise. The Charter sets out the legislative framework through through The Charter framework sets legislative out the and states decrees, laws, bewhich shall of emergency implemented. formally tutional Court. b) Freedom of religion shall be protected. All and 10. Body of Energy. faiths in the Autonomous Regions shall be respected. 11. Body of Health. The right to exercise religious beliefs shall be guaranteed, 12. Body of Trade and Economic Cooperation. insofar as it does not adversely affect the public good. 13. Body of Martyrs' and Veterans' Affairs. 14. Body of Culture. Article 93 15. Body of Transport. a) The promotion of cultural, social, and economic ad- 16. Body of Youth and Sports. vancement by administrative institutions ensures 17. Body of Environment, Tourism, and Historical Ob- enhanced stability and public welfare within the Autono- jects. mous Regions. 18. Body of Religious Affairs. b) There is no legitimacy for authority which contradicts 19. Body of Family and Gender Equality. this charter. 20. Body of Human Rights. 21. Body of Communications. Article 94 22. Body of Food Security. Martial law may be invoked and revoked by a qualified majority of two-thirds (2/3) of the Executive Council, in a Article 96 special session chaired by the Canton Governor. The deci- The Charter shall be published in the media and press. sion must then be presented to and unanimously adopted by the Legislative Assembly, with its provisions contained in a special law.

Article 95 The Executive Council Bodies are: 1. Body of Foreign Relations. 2. Body of Defense. 3. Body of Internal Affairs. 4. Body of Justice. 5. Body of Cantonal and Municipal Councils, and af- filiated to it, Committee of Planning and Census. 6. Body of Finance, and affiliated to it: a) Commit- tee on Banking Regulations; and b) Committee of Customs and Excise. 7. Body of Social Affairs. 8. Body of Education. 9. Body of Agriculture. Living quarters of the training camp of the Women’s Defense Units (YPJ), situated near Qamişlo. Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jongerden Akkaya Joost Hamdi and Ahmet Democracy Radical of Project The PKK and the Political: the Reassembling 160–161 ------1 , Marlies Casier and Joost Issue Kurdish 2011), eds. (London: Routledge, Jongerden 123–142. pp. - Our study addresses a gap in Turkish and Kurdish stud and Kurdish a gap in Turkish addresses Our study Introduction The data this article for has been collected a through One of the mostOne important secular political in movements Party (PKK) under East,the Middle the Kurdistan Workers’ oped in the first decade of the new millennium and try oped decadeto and in the first try of the new millennium understand sense of this project. the PKK itself how makes texts and his prison defense notes, along study of Öcalan’s ies. Although the Kurdish question in Turkey has been question in Turkey the Kurdish ies. Although has the focus been on state discourse studiedconsiderably, with little attention devoted to and security the role policy, and in particular the PKK. Only agency itself, of Kurdish with the political studies deal explicitly few ideology of the tend on the PKK to works the PKK PKK. treat Furthermore, than attempting rather sense to of it. make as an anomaly, political as project devel In this article, study the PKK’s we went a profound transformation in the 2000s, following the the 2000s, in following transformation a profound went a long After in 1999. Öcalan itscapture of leader Abdullah period a national of liberation struggle aimed at establish state,ing its own a its PKK changed the course towards based democracy of radical project on the rejection of the state. The PKK, had taken which its orientation the from basis a new was providing for left in Turkey, revolutionary article, In this argue we Turkey. politicsradical in today’s itself ideologicallythat the PKK reinvented this through of politics shape to on new forms and gave transformation, the basis of the concept of democracy. of an exploration the content of this new project Our discussion will explore will not discussand its the or practical implications. We new politi ganizational related to restructuring the PKK’s cal project, discussed since have elsewhere. this we erden, “Born from the Left. from “Born The Making of erden, andthe PKK,” Politics in Nationalisms in and the Political Kemalism Islam, Turkey: See Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jong Akkaya Hamdi See Ahmet 1 162–163 - -

5 ------

Furthermore, the architect of the PKK’s the PKK’s of the architect Furthermore, its impris democracy, radical of program oned leader Abdullah Öcalan, is clearly Öcalan,oned Abdullah is clearly leader Negriof and works by the influenced in particularHardt, Multitude and (2004), Bookchin. Murray of the works and , Com Hardt Michael MA: Belknap (Cambridge, monwealth xiii. p. 2009), Press, 4 5 - - 3 Hardt and Negri’s tripartite can scheme be and Negri’s Hardt 4 In the context of this article, however, our focus will our In the context of this article, however, summarized assummarized in the globalized an analysis of sovereignty the period subject of ), of the revolutionary (in Empire world our (in Multitude), and of its political of “expanding project capacities collective production for and self-governance” mainly bemainly on studies by political Michael philosophers a new momen and Antonio provided Negri, which Hardt racy as developed by Hardt and Negri that is more is more and Negri that as developedracy by Hardt izing democracy, deepening it in the light of ever present present deepening the light of ever it in izing democracy, conflicts and power. tum to the discussion radical democracy concerning because of their emphasis on the importance of politi cal struggle. as the main alternative toas West. of the democracies alternative main the liberal impetus to social a fresh It has and political given move in Latin liberationmovements from ments, toAmerica anti-globalist in the Uniteddemonstrations States and could we talk Though Europe. about a wide spectrum of in version, beyond the liberal views of democracy radical critical academia, of these views is the most known well political Laclau theorists and Chantal Ernesto Mouffe’s of the conceptreconsideration in their pio democracy of a neering study Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards Radical Democratic Politics In it, Laclau and Mouffe (1985). had sought of radical to alternative spell out a left-wing (in Commonwealth). It is this lattersense democ of radical comings of liberal democratic theory as liberal comings of as the classical discourse of Marxist well that “the not task [is] the Left in a way of liberal-democratic ideolto renounce to and deepen but on the contrary, ogy, and a radical it in the direction of expand Laclau and In Ernesto democracy.” plural and Socialist Hegemony Chantal Mouffe, a Radical Democratic Strategy: Towards 176. p. 1985), Politics (London: Verso, Laclau and Mouffe discussedshortLaclau the and Mouffe 3 ------

- Within this understanding Within poli of radical 2 Ethics: An Essay on the Un Ethics: Essay An

to to Liberal I. Radical Democracy as alternative as alternative Democracy I. Radical

Since the late 1970s, the understandingSince the late 1970s, poli of radical cal organization beyond the party, and political subjectivitycal organization beyond the party, beyond class.” has of radical democracy emerged tics, the reformulation lars of politics:lars state, and radical political and party, class, beyond the state,thought took of “politics the form politi tics within the framework of has changed. This tics framework within the focusedchange on its to approach important three pil ties. In the fourth and final section,radical of this project and itsdemocracy political implications discussed are in of the contingencies create in finding a terms solution they Turkey. to conflict the ongoing in mining the PKK’s current strategy and day-to-day activi current mining the PKK’s cratic confederalism, and democratic autonomy — dis cratic confederalism, cussed detail, in alongside theoretical their implications. In section,the third the political of these dimension projects deter tois studied are they in answer the question of how with key PKK documents, including congress reports, documents, PKK congress including key with decisions, the writings and as of itsformal such cadre, Mustafa article The Karasu. is composed parts. of four traceFirst, as democracy radical of evolution we the an important concept in basis on the of its subjectivities and the foundations it. that shape we Then, take after look a closer the PKK underwent the changes at What its considering of Öcalan, ideology. mainly the arrest democracy” elaborated is to on as “radical the PKK refers in this part, with the political developed projects within the demo context democracy — democratic radical of republic,

(London: Verso, 2002), 2002), (London: Verso, derstanding of Evil 95–97. pp. 2 Alain Badiou, 164–165 - - - - -

- 10 Hardt and Negri, Multitude 255. , p. Hardt and Hardt singularity, By 218. Ibid., p. social whose subject dif Negri mean “a ference cannot be reduced to sameness, a be reduced cannot to sameness, ference for and, different” remains that difference “the multitudethem, is composed a set of singularities.”of 99. In Ibid., p. Radical Negri’s Çiğdem Çıdam, “Antonio Capitalism: Contemporary Critique of Politics and Revolutionizing Love, Invoking paper presented Theorizing Democracy,” Meeting Politicalat the Annual of Science 1–4 Sep DC, Association in tember 2010. 9 10 11 - - 11 Constitutive of this new concept of democracy, Constitutive of this new concept democracy, of Referring to the socialist political Referring representa 9 8 and it is “theadequate can subject which construct a the multitude is conceptually distinguished from other other the multitude distinguished from is conceptually notions, as “the such people,” “the masses,” and “the be reduced and can to never class,” working a unity or a multitude the conceptual terms, “in Rather, singleidentity. couple identity-difference with the contradictory replaces the complementary couple commonality-singularity” forms of representation that have appeared throughout of representation appeared throughout forms have that history. tion, based Paris the 1871 of on the experience mostly and Negri state Hardt , a manner in it failed similar to and constitutional the liberal model.Thus, representation of forms new set for they about a search the separationthat limit between the representative and simultaneously and in so doing, the represented, create the state for alternatives based on the separation of sov that claim In this sense, they society. from power ereign subject” of the period the multitude as the “revolutionary and its political new can present (commonwealth) project representa of forms “different inventing contingencies for beyond represen of democracy that go tion or new forms tation.” new community.” ated representation has the weakest link ated representation has the weakest separation between and the strongest The and represented. representatives selected, ap not are representatives the pointed, or controlled but interpret In the represented. of will and interest have representation,free the represented a connection with the representatives, example, but their control is limited, for election. temporal means of The third by representation, instructed is one in form, bound to are the representatives which the represented. of the instructions Hardt and Negri distinguish three forms forms three and Negri distinguish Hardt representation: free, of appropriated, representation.and instructed Appropri 8 - - - Since the 7 Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multi Hardt Michael tude: War and Democracy in the Age of of in the Age and Democracy tude: War 2004), Press, Penguin York: Empire (New p. 244. 7

For our purposes, their most relevant ideas concern the ideas concern purposes, our their most relevant For To this end, Hardt and Negri, following sociologist and Negri, following Hardt this end, To The subversive character of democracy is related to of democracy character the The subversive The second to is related (political) representation,the or Hardt and Negri aimed and to out the conceptualHardt basis work 6

and political economist Max Weber, discuss the different discuss the different and political economist Max Weber, eighteenth century, this conception of representation has eighteenth century, come to monopolize the field of political an thought such to of democracy must project contemporary extent that any begin of representation. with a critique of the existing forms fact democracy has beenfact an incomplete project. Hardt social through struggle that it was only argue and Negri that democracy started as such to the excluded, include non-white and people. In those property, women, without came democracy to bea similar fashion, discussed within is not theory in liberal which economy, the domain of the extension This of but markets. by democracy, governed character to as the “subversive candemocracy be referred of democracy”:facets it infiltrates of all society. society from power that is em separation of sovereign debates on the subversive characters of democracy and of characters debates on the subversive representation. bedded in the concept of representation: is power “When rule, all no longer we then of rulers, to a group transferred government.” and power separated from are we ed in the idea of popular sovereignty, which may be may defined which ed popular in the idea of sovereignty, that belongsas a power to the people above with no power it. for a new project of democracy; for them, democracy has democracy them, of democracy; a new project for for the modern an incomplete throughout remained project to revitalize try They era. its liberating content as constitut meaningful to the Kurdish project, to especially regards in tomeaningful Kurdish the conceiverepresentation of they how and sovereignty.

The word “sovereignty” is derived from from is derived “sovereignty” The word the Latin potestas or suprema , supremitas power.” meaning “supreme 6 166–167 ------Only through this this through Only 15 16 tics and revolutionary politics but, on the contrary, to politics tics but, and revolutionary the contrary, on of thought streams revolutionary the parallel follow and practice identity within politics, all, per which an abolition aim toward of identity. haps paradoxically, not shun should thought, words, in other Revolutionary identity politics it and but instead through must work it. from learn In all these Negri admit and discussions, that this Hardt politics revolutionary face: is the conundrum we Here has to start identity The from but cannot there. end point is not to pose between a division identity poli form of self-rule can the dilemmas of vanguards, leader can dilemmas of vanguards, the of self-rule form Hardt and Negri define three important and Negri define three Hardt work in this tasks identitying through politics. visible the is to make The first means re-appropriating which subordinations of identity, the identity; the second step is to rebel againstthe struc of domination,tures using the subordinated identity as is to and the third freedom; for a weapon in the quest litical subject.” In the democracy of the multitude, however, litical subject.” multitude, the of democracy the In however, the consequent and sovereignty, such place is no for there at the same is of sovereignty to existing all challenge forms time a precondition of that democracy. process is not spontaneousrevolutionary and must be gov certainlyerned — but and tools: “This new forms by would to behave sense are we that democratic not in the false by politicians day and the mediawith their pre every fed tenses of representation,but in the active and autonomous of the multitude as a whole.” self-rule and representation ship, previous that plagued to In this respect,be contemporary overcome. and contrary standpoints on the right as as well on the left, and Hardt importanceNegri give to identity politics: , p. 372. and Negri, Commonwealth Hardt 326. Ibid., p. 15 16

- - 12 ------Hardt and Negri, Multitude 328. , p. Hardt 14 13 In this conception of sovereignty, the people, the In this conception of sovereignty, 14

For Hardt and Negri, this making of the multitude and Negri, this making Hardt basedFor

on “the revolutionary assemblages of different singulari assemblages of different on “the revolutionary ties” has capacity the ties” to the existing patterns change of The existing concept both representation and sovereignty. by ‘the is basedof sovereignty on one basic principle: “rule state, this be whether the monarch, one’, nation, people, or party.” cratic decision-making be should consolidated: “Making the multitude of democratic organizing is thus the project aimed at democracy.” bilizing and destructive activities of previous revolutionary activitiesbilizing and destructive revolutionary of previous project organizations — the activities led by vanguardist In this new type of of constructing a new type power. of the multitude by which power is capable of managing the taking is no place for commons, there of the state control capacities demo for the multitude’s apparatuses. Rather, izational structure is governed. This democratic politicalizational governed. is structure to the desta will add element another organizational form stantially different from that of previous resistances, that of previous stantiallyfrom with different as an aim todemocracy not only be also but a achieved fundamental principle according to the whole organ which zation and decision-making processes. In this sense, the political organization of the multitude also be should sub nation among the revolutionary struggles of singularities,” nation among the revolutionary In this line of discussion, Hardt and Negri elaborate on how elaborate Negri and discussion,line of this In how on Hardt singulari rebellions of different the struggles, in different ties can of revolutionary together bebrought as a form assemblages, hegemonic articulation the beyond posed by discuss While they Laclaucoordi “the parallel and Mouffe. nation, united in a single body, plays the role of “unitary po of “unitary the role plays nation, united in a single body, they maintainthey of identities struggles that these parallel or change: revolutionary for a sufficient not singularities are needs of organi tothere be forms in the change radical

Hardt and Negri, Multitude 344. , p. Hardt 363. , p. and Negri, Commonwealth Hardt 12 13 168–169

-

The first book (of two volumes) was volumes) book(of two The first as From Sumerianpublished Clerical State I-II (2001), Republic People’s Towards while the second book volume) (and third of Free as The Defense was published Man as the “Ath in PKK circles (2003) — known (2004). Lastly, Öcalan submitted another Öcalan submitted another Lastly, (2004). in Strasbourg to the ECHR defense of text his caseconcerning to the right a fair for text, this defense trial. In 2009 and 2010, as problematizing Öcalan defines which in was published capitalist modernity, volumes. in four Turkish ens Defence” — and Defending a People Defence” — and ens - These defense texts were accepted texts These defense were in 19 II. Radical Democracy in the Kurdish Context Kurdish in the Democracy II. Radical a project ideological towards transformation The PKK’s PKK is Jacobinian is PKK sense the in it simultaneouslythat uses of its realization the political for asviolence an instrument democracy. of radical program 2000s,During the PKK elaborated the a new ideological democracy. of radical this project promoting framework the PKK madeIn doing this, of salto a kind mortale by and a series of transformations itself through reinventing nation that the bearguing defined not on the basis of ethnicity but on the basis in a or language of citizenship democratic republic. was based democracy of radical texts written on defense and submittedby Öcalan courts to in which the different canhis case be These defenses grouped was heard. into courts, and two categories: those submitted to the Turkish those submitted to Court the European of Human Rights along with one at a court in Athens in Strasbourg, (ECHR) Greece). The documents from his expulsion (concerning as as well in and Turkish been in Kurdish published have languages. other ted in to the Court Appeals of in Ankara and to1999 a local court in 2001. in Urfa the under published were Thesetexts first titles Declaration on the Solution of the Question and Urfa: The Symbol Kurdish Divinity and Wretched[ness] of History, of thein the Basin Tigris-Euphrates. The submitted texts, defense second of group court to an Athenian to in 2001, the ECHR the of Chamber and to the Grand in 2003, consisted books two of in 2004, ECHR comprisedthat together volumes. three The first group consists mainly of two of two mainly consists group The first submitted the main text, to texts: defense submit the court and an annex, in Imrali 19 ------

The development The development 18 See Öcalan, Prison Abdullah Notes, 9 March 2005 and Hardt and Negri, Multi and Negri, 2005 and Hardt 9 March 249. tude, p. 18 17

From here, we may indicate links to the PKK’s project project indicate may we to links the PKK’s here, From The PKK, can be which of democ criticized the lack for

of radical democracy, which has these envisaged which three democracy, of radical identitydifferent of overcoming tasks politics. this In conceptualization project, Negri’s and and just as in Hardt a very concept the of struggle plays democracy, of radical struggle that subjectiv Indeed, role. it is through crucial ror, who developed as democracy a political project. The ror, racy in its own ranks, is at the same time a is at the same ranks, developing in itsracy own to as a be This may referred of radical democracy. program Žižek has pointed paradox.” As philosopher Slavoj “ out, of ter it was the , the reign responsible for ish issue, such as those such of decolonization issue, ish and language, rights. civil and cultural, ist traditions was the idea of constructing from democracy of the idea of the multitude, below the rediscovery and subject positions. different including ity is created. Similar to Hardt and Negri, the PKK returns ity Negri, the PKK returns and to is created. Similar Hardt Öcalan with conceptionto modern an early of democracy, social of early elements of the promising that one arguing strive for its own abolition. its own for seestrive They tasks these three as without, simultaneously, and toinseparable be “pursued to moment some instance,for revolutionary the deferring indefinitefuture.” of the Kurdish issue as a field of struggle for freedom and and freedom for as issue a field of struggle of the Kurdish equality contradictions is an illustration of the various and the plurality the same time, of the social. the history At us the difficulties shows in Turkey issue of the Kurdish the left had in articulating socialist this struggle through strategies. The traditional the organization left demanded aside the so, brushed and in doing class, of struggle around the Kurd in and from series of contradictions emerging Ibid., pp. 327–337. Ibid., pp. 17 170–171 - - - - ments by Josements by Carlos Mariategui, who discussed Andean indigenous of the role as the basis for communities, the Ayllu, and resistance. Seecommonwealth Hardt 83–100. , pp. Commonwealth and Negri, - For Öcalan, class-based For (state) societies 20 The concept of the democratic republic comprehends a comprehends The concept of the democratic republic In these defense texts,In these submitted defense court to an Athens and litical function projects as a strategic dispositif: ideas and political could demands be Kurdish which means through and (re)organized. (re)defined It aims at the disassocia of Turkey. of the Republic reform in the Brechtian sense. However, Öcalan continued Öcalan sense.Brechtian the in However, seffekt to elaborate on his critique state, of the socialist including liberation that cannot be by arguing achieved experiments, state-building,means of the deepening through but rather defense In the second his ECHR of volume of democracy. society and texts, with Kurdish intensively dealt Öcalan of the PKK.role He placed the and specifically, history, society of civilization, it as presenting history in the Kurdish societya natural or community opposed to state-societies. is attributed naturalness to an as society’s The Kurdish sumed long-standing among the and deep Neolithic culture tribes. Kurdish retical considerations into a concept of radical democracy. was developed democracy This idea of radical in three intertwined democratic a democratic republic, projects: po These three and democratic confederalism. autonomy, and modernization have caused destruction for the Kurds, causedand modernization have the Kurds, destruction for and the PKK has become the locus of the last resistance he tried to this framework, process. this pernicious Within the limits of the PKK and itsto deadlock, show trapped in which the ideological-political constraints Cold War, of the was continuing to condition a decade after the PKK even Öcalan aimed to this work, the evaluate it ended. Through its past of the PKK and address mistakes.history his theo Öcalan transformed Chamber, Grand the ECHR In their discussion on the “ambivalences In their discussion on the “ambivalences and Negri point out Hardt modernity,” of debate peasant on the Russian Marx’s Karl community existing Mir as an already basis communism, and similar argu for 20 ------In his second group of defense texts,In his second submitted of defense group to the The first submittedtexts, The first for the and then case in Imralı cal analysis of civilization, starting and East in the Middle focusing as on the Sumerians “the state-based” earliest Öcalan elaborated in later parts Although of the society. book societies on other and periods, was his main concern This of humanity. sin” state the to present as the “original as he was, and is still, a politicalwas surprising, leader of a society that has been depicted widely as “the largest people without a state.” in the world Initially it created a a Verfremdung circles, kind of alienation among Kurdish ECHR, Öcalan deepened his theoretical considerations. with a historivolumes dealt mainly of the three The first cerned with the legal of his case. issue cerned ther, had also intended to establish a democratic republic, ther, defenses, forces. Of Öcalan’s but was confinedexternal by one can to defense this first a genuine be only considered his prosecution, he was not con that although he argued gle — proposing instead a new, truly democratic republic. democratic republic. truly gle — proposing instead a new, In these texts, did not engage with theoretical Öcalan or based mainly ideological on were they considerations; conflict the Turkish-Kurdish of the historical background stated Öcalan in which that he in the twentieth century, and thus of a democratic republic, had struggled in favor that Öcalan argued Turkey). (of not against the Republic fa founding Republic’s Mustafa Atatürk, Kemal the Turkish ish population. On the contrary, he rejected claims for an for he rejected claims population.ish On the contrary, state — previouslyindependent aim of the strug a central to Court the of Appeals in Ankara, caused considerable PKK militants, among unrest since not take Öcalan did the assumed position expected by the party Kurd and the the consecutivethe as congresses PKK official the party line. the texts led to confusion serious the move within Initially, the ideologicalment, since but and organizational 2005, been adapted have structures to one another. 172–173 ------For Book For 23 24 From Urbanization to Cities: Toward a New Politics a New of Citizen Cities: Toward (London: Cassell, 1996), p. 298. 298. p. (London: Cassell,ship 1996), 24 Murray Bookchin, Öcalan, influenced by the ideas of Bookchin, developedÖcalan, influenced by the ideasBookchin, of On the basis of democratic of those the project values, a similar understandinga similar of confederalism. of that principle toIn parallel his historical analysis of civilization based on the critique of the state, of Öcalan condemned the failure socialismreal and national which liberation movements, tohe considered be trapped in the ideas of the state and he elaborated on the protract state-making. Alternatively, tion scale occurs of organization for cultural at the in terms ethnic-religious-cultural identities.fourth The different and of civil society is the level final level organizations. In this basedsense, democratic confederalism, on kinds of assem blies at village-districts, to the city refers levels, and regional chin, confederalism as principle of social a confederalism organization chin, without democratizing of interdependence that a way “is to local the principle control.” surrendering Neolithiced of the effects society whosevalues communal beencould have completely not by the develop destroyed society of hierarchical upon built ment the state. Those ascommunal values — summarized socialization based on rooted compatible and life and society, nature with gender in communality and solidarity — underlie his conception of of democratic confederalism. the form in democracy the bottom, At levels. at four is organized confederalism the communes in the village and districts, are which there of towns, cities, at the levels and regions. interrelated are the organization of the social as such groups follows Then of organiza level Another and others. youth, the women, confederalism as “a network councilsadministrative of as “a confederalism delegates or whose elected popular members are from democraticface-to-face villages, assemblies, in the various neighborhoodstowns, cities.” and even of large Ibid., p. 166. Ibid., p. 23 ------and 22 Bookchin: A Critical Bookchin: White, Ap F. Damian (London: Pluto Press, 2008), p. 166. p. 2008), Press, (London: Pluto praisal 22 Originally, in the eighteenth century, the eighteenth in century, Originally, 21

Öcalan’s radical democracy of his later defense texts radical democracy of his later defense Öcalan’s

hood councils. In order to prevent the project of libertarian the project hood to councils. prevent In order becomingmunicipalism from vacuous or being used for suggests the principle of Bookchin ends, parochial highly ject, he aims at creating local such democratic structures as community assemblies, town meetings, and neighbor ism, suggests a new radical politics a new radical ism, suggests that recognizes “the roots of democracy in tribal and village communities” ed as a project of modernization in cultural terms, resulting resulting ed terms, of modernization as in cultural a project his With assimilation politicsin harsh the Kurds. towards advocates Öcalan a democratic republic, proposal for for an understanding rights. of citizens’ in terms of democracy is embodied in the concept of democratic confederalism Murray of anarchist the works from he borrowed which who calledideology his Bookchin, communalBookchin. tive that manifests and erupts in the form of nationalism. in the form and erupts tive that manifests condition and of modernity is exclusive This “national” intolerant, dictating that people “right” the who do not have to characteristics are choosecultural between assimilation or superficial) the options and migration, while (genuine of the state assimilation to from eviction range ethnic and was formulat Kemalism or genocide. In Turkey, cleansing, teenth and twentieth centuries, however, modernity lost teenth and twentieth centuries, however, its content a cultural and acquired of radical democracy to people. a unique in modern A vein referring meaning, homogeneity cultural considered which a thought emerged state, the modern for requirement an inescapable impera tion of democracy from nationalism, and as such, a return nationalism,return a tion as and such, from democracy of conceptions modern democracy” of and their to the “early subversivity. radical democracy was formulated in terms of citizens’ rights and citizens’ of in terms was formulated democracy nine of the course In the everyone. by of everyone a rule ends with a project of libertarian project with a ends municipalism. In this pro

Hardt and Negri, Multitude 240–251. , pp. Hardt 21 174–175 ------

26 The KCK contract’s main contract’s The KCK Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Partiya Workers’ Kurdistan Inşa PKK Yeniden Kurdistan Karkerên . Istanbul: Belgeleri Çetin Yayınları, Kongre 175. p. 2005), 27 27

Radikal Demokrasi Radikal Yet this nested relationship does not exclude a kind of a kind does this nested not exclude relationship Yet Consequentially, since 2005, the PKK and all-affiliated the PKK since 2005, Consequentially, aim is defined as struggling for the expansion of radicalexpansionfor the of de aim is defined as struggling “unity” among the Kurds dispersed over different coun different dispersed over Kurds among the “unity” tutional rights, including self-governing their region within their region tutional rights, self-governing including state a federal two deter are In this project, structure. there the notion as of the democracy 1) people’s mining factors: and of government, not as a form basedpower society, on of the state the exclusion 2) this notion. and nation from a unitary states.” of the a structure or in structure tries East. of the Middle Since Öcalan proposes to build bodies Kurdistan, wherever and throughout self-governing is consid democratic confederalism living, Kurds are there Kurd to the unification beered mechanism for the main of liberation Öcalan movement, istan Kurdish The Kurds. and establishment the for work of such should argues, of self-organization. a system on the basis been restructured have organizations of this Kurdistan [As Civakên the name of Koma under project sociation is which Communities of in Kurdistan] (KCK), a societal organization presented as to an alternative the nation-state. has aimed to itself from organize The KCK is a the bottom of assemblies: “KCK tothe top in the form establishing for struggles which its democmovement own on the existingnation-states ground[ed] neither nor racy, see[s] as the obstacle.” them mocracy is based which upon democratic peoples’ organi The contract sets forth zations and decision-making power. of sociala new mechanism transcends the that relations statist In this sense, democratic confederalism mentality. everywhere is valid idea of the KCK as the main organizing consti have Kurds where in Iraq, even live, the Kurds where (Neuss: Mezopotamya Yayınları, 2009), 2009), Yayınları, Mezopotamya (Neuss: 275. 260, p. 26 , ------25 Freedom for Öcalan – Peace in Kurdistan, Öcalan in Kurdistan, – Peace for Freedom 32. p. 2008), War and Peace in War

Öcalan has emphasized continuously this project that

has nothing to do with a confederal structure as “an as as “an structure has to nothing do with a confederal cratic confederalist system and the Turkish state. Rather, a state. Rather, system and the Turkish cratic confederalist was anticipated,nested relationship stated a way in such autonomy is a concept defines the which that “democratic with the state…relationship It within can be even (realized) tion. In the Turkish context, it was presented as an option tion. In the Turkish a democratic political question,for solution to the Kurdish constitutional nationalrequiring recognition of the Kurdish this recognition was not proposed by the However, identity. demo a line between toPKK as Kurds’ a way draw the cratic republic as the form of government through which which through of government as the form cratic republic question can be he developed the then solved; the Kurdish of relationship. concept of democratic autonomy as a form to the typeIn this sense, democratic autonomy of refers with the staterelationship its with and, in turn, jurisdic nities. However there is also the need the juridi to there reclaim nities. However cal political and the political to procedure, reshape organi the model that of organizing Therefore, zation of a country. the statepeople from excluded define is one that should takes into account with an existing state its relationship or proposed demo this, Öcalan first For the official authority. sociation of sovereign member states.” On the contrary, sociationstates.” member of sovereign On the contrary, aims to consolidatedemocratic confederalism and deepen on the basis level, at the grassroots democracy commu of ment of local ofment communities form in the and is organized open councils, town councils, local parliaments, and larger agentsof this kind are congresses. citizens The themselves not state-basedof self-government, authorities.” organization of the whole society whole of the organization starting bottom- the from idea of democratic the confederalism saying, In another up. “democratic self-government.”is defined a modelas of “This the self-govern on “builds project,”Öcalan argues,

(Cologne: International (Cologne: Initiative Kurdistan 25 Abdullah Öcalan, 176–177 ------Concurrently with the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, in 2003, of Iraq with the US invasion Concurrently Öcalan and the PKK tried this crisis to overcome case, whose sentencing made Turkish officials officials consider case, whose sentencing made Turkish the asthe PKK unpredictably, defeated Not dissolving. and Partisi Halk Demokratik partial success the pro-Kurdish of Party] in the November (DEHAP) [Democratic People’s 2002 elections — when the popu of 6.2 it won percent work of the idea of democratic confederalism. Among the idea of democratic of the confederalism. work organizational steps taken in this period, restructura the the umbrella under organizations tion of all PKK-affiliated party, and the establishment pro-Kurdish of a new of KCK Partisi [] Toplum Demokratik the most striking ones. On this basis, were in Turkey (DTP), to has returned the stagethe movement of political, and confrontations The Kurdish since 2005. later also military, state cam with civil confronted the Turkish movement identity In claims. paigns Kurdish openly demonstrating lar vote in Turkey, thereby failing to reach the 10 percent percent to the 10 reach failing thereby vote in Turkey, lar managing to yet become threshold leading the party in the the attitude not change region — did of the Turkish Kurdish problem Kurdish case, the PKK, or the officials to Öcalan’s in general. recognition for Kurdistan as the way of Iraqi paved a which the PKK expe new center of attraction among the Kurds, The movement faced. riencedsplit it had the greatest ever a kind of limbo strug between 2004suffered and 2005, gling to develop come and external to with internal terms deadlock, was createdments. by the difficulties There of in a period time, the same advancing of uncertainty. At party the pro-Kurdish with the local elections of 2004, DEHAP lost votes in comparison to Some results. its 1999 Adalet taken cities party, were by the ruling of the Kurdish Partisi Kalkınma []ve (AKP), and Development national of . to in a wave power swept which within the frame an organizational restructuring through ------III. Back to the Stage In tracing the development of Öcalan’s thought in thought Öcalan’s of the development In tracing jority of its guerrilla forces from Turkey into Northern Iraq, into Iraq, Northern Turkey from forces jority of its guerrilla The of introversion. an impression gave and consequently political confined activities to Öcalan’s the PKK were of lan, the PKK and all-affiliated the PKK lan, under organizations have of organizational mostly in terms gone a series of changes reconstruction. In this sense, the period between 2000 and 2004 can be as of “impasse considered a moment and reconstruction,” the PKK had down during which levelled its ceased demands, military activities, the ma withdrew Regarding the political the Regarding process, since of Öca the capture ing this approach. jects,concept the importance of democracy hasa central a notion based from and has on a contradiction evolved between tradition the democratic to and republican a more the PKK, democracy For conceptionradical of democracy. a kind of antidoterepresented of to character the central was, and still which is, based Republic, on the the Turkish of nationhood version and secularism. The notion French basic idea underly that centrality is a very kills democracy cratic republic, democratic confederalism, and democratic democratic confederalism, cratic republic, a pivotal played autonomy) In all of these have pro role. general, we argued that three intertwinedthree that argued we conceptsgeneral, (demo For Kurdish people, as the democratic confederalism Kurdish For of a politicalform and social state beyond the system is Itlives. has to nothing free do with own their for a project recognition states. by if states Even do not recognize it, people will construct it.the Kurdish recognized If they it, it of democratic autonomy, within a project example, for bewould easier to construct a democratic confederalist be in the end product of Kurds’ the would system, which struggle. own 178–179 ------2007, online at: http://www.bianet.org/ 2007, english/local-goverment/102622-dtp- congress-democratic-autonomy. Later on, in November 2007, Later 2007, on, in November 30 - Again during this period,Again started the DTP to more report the congress proposed As such, of the foundation the DTP held its second this report in which congress was recognized by the name of Democratic officially Solution Question — Democraticto the Kurdish Project Autonomy . poli importantThis very Kurdish concerning development tics in Turkey explicitly demonstrated the Kurds’ ascend demonstrated the Kurds’ explicitly tics in Turkey ing identity demands. This was also interpreted as a new legal politics, the DTP came to in which play in Kurdish era an important the policy of solution for the role whereas and DE HADEP, DEP, legal parties — HEP, Kurdish former sense, municipalities the pro- the of the control under partykind of self-ruling a formed since have 1999 Kurdish Gambetti Zeynep calls basis on the this, of body. regional decolonization.” the city’s in case, “engaging Diyarbakır’s Demo for openly voiceits political project, the “Project in accordance with Öcalan’s much very cratic Autonomy,” this purpose, For concept of democratic confederalism. The Democratic Society in Amed held was Congress recognized which democratic in OctoberDiyarbakır 2007, The people in Turkey. Kurdish autonomy as for a project po in Turkey’s reportcongress reforms radical called for de tolitical ensure in order structures and administrative mocratization approaches problem-solving and to develop be Instead the local should strengthened. which level for it suggested of autonomy based on ethnicity or territory, ex the for and local allow regional that would structures differences. of cultural pression It also called of Turkey. all regions 26 parliaments covering “nation,” with its eth of the definition the change of for toa find in order nic emphasis, to “the nation of Turkey,” sense of belonging. shared cratic Autonomy’,”, 31 October Bianet Nilüfer Zengin, “DTP Congress: ‘Demo Congress: “DTP Zengin, Nilüfer 29 Ibid. 30 - - - - - In this 29 Kurdish and Zapatista Movements,” New and Zapatista Movements,” Kurdish 44. p. 41 (2009), Perspectives on Turkey This appropriated Kurdish This appropriated Kurdish 28

More importantly, during this period Kurdish politics during this period Kurdish importantly, More With the electionWith 2007 of 22 DTP deputies in the July

public space, mainly symbolized in Amed Diyarbakır, was, public space, symbolized mainly in Amed Diyarbakır, Kurd first time, the perhapscombined nationwide with for ish politics, including the Turkish parliament in Ankara, parliament politics,ish the Turkish including political the opening of differential and social “mark[ing] of the nation-state.” spaces territory within the fers to “the potentialfers of social to alter movements power polity.” in a given structures gained supremacy in appropriating the space in appropriating re gained which supremacy gestions rarely read in mainstream Turkish press. Thus, it press. Turkish in mainstream read gestions rarely but itself, appear reinvented would that the PKK not only politics of in Turkey. toalso returned the forefront tor, and “with its incontestable and “with success in the southeast at tor, beleast accepted should region.” in the as the main player Some newspaper considered the PKK and columnists even Öcalan as among the actors in a possible dialogue, sug nicipalities in March 2009) turned into 2009) nicipalities a political in March contest gaining the upper with the DTP between the AKP and DTP, the localhand. The DTP won 2009 elections of March doubled the numberand nearly of municipalitiesits under cities and towns, including control — to almost 100 Kurdish important other seven Amed and Diyarbakır cities. It has be taken should the DTP been that argued as interlocu national elections, Kurdish politics becamenational elections, integral to Kurdish the political agenda. Later on, in southeast Turkey, Turkey’s electionnext campaign (conducted the mu nationwide for this regard, the campaign for the right of education of right the campaign the for regard, this the in Öcalan in the campaign and for (Kurdish) language mother and Europe in Turkey million Kurds than three more which signed a petition stating Öcalan as “recognize they that their political been representative” most the have powerful identity politics. Kurdish signals of future

Zeynep Gambetti, Place/ Zeynep “Politics of Space: The Spatial the Dynamics of 28 180–181 - - - 34 , p. 402. , p. savunmak Bir halkı 35 Öcalan, - 35 Today we had some we if district town and councils, even Today local are not well- and inadequate.they are Since they people to their demands bring the the Kurdish founded, political partyit to the state. through them and reflect according toBut our project, the state its keep should people this con through with the Kurdish relationship people assembled the same under If the Kurdish gress. be would interlocutors they a Congress, roof of this for solution. the state, And came which to an agreement itsold structure. relinquishes with this body, on this basis a new so was formed The DTK as to forge political style, and defined by the direct continualexer tional) meeting in October of the congress 2007 wherein was announced. Democratic Autonomy for The the project second meeting was held in September 2008 and took This approach is based on Öcalan’s view of “democracy view of “democracy is basedThis approach on Öcalan’s without the state,” a compromise for he argues in which him, the Kurdish For on a small state with limited power. structure democratic power their own people have should state as a + Turkish and this “democracy in their region public authority”general a is a fundamental for formula solution. it has Since been then, concerned power. cise of people’s of societal forms with various including organizations, and town, and citythe district-village, councils; womens’ associations;youth and non-governmental organizations. of the councils and the delegatesThe spokesmen elected comprise of the congress, at the district levels 60 percent representatives are of NGOs. 40 percent The whereas politicalDTP is also one of the constituents that represent delegatesspace.(founda attended Six-hundred the first 146 (2009), p. 95. p. (2009), 146 bûn “Kürt Sorununda Çözüme Doğru Çözüme Sorununda “Kürt Serxwe Weşanên Özerklik,” Demokratik 34 ------32 the new Kurd 33 In December 2009, the Constitutional In December 2009, the pro- of Court the closure ruled for previ the as it had done for DTP Kurdish ish politicsish continued to proceed almost Barış ve party, a new undisturbed through Partisi and Democracy [Peace Demokrasi election success The DTP (BDP). Party] the by in similar fashion was underscored during during 2011, in nationalBDP votes deputies. 36 it won which ous pro-Kurdish parties, and imposed ous pro-Kurdish a political its members, of ban on 37 and its Türk including Co-Chairs Ahmet deposed from who were Tuğluk, Aysel legal Kurd their duties However, as MPs. 33 - 31 - , 9 April Apart the legal party from organization, In the same congress, the DTP adopted congress, In the same some important changes in partychanges statutes in accordance with the concept assem of at the formation aiming of democratic autonomy, ish project set forth another form of organization named set forth form project another ish [Democratic Society Kongresi Con Toplum Demokratik (DTK),gress] argument: on basisfounded of the following cause of this multilingual project, the mayor was removed cause was removed multilingual project, of this mayor the office and his municipal He was dissolved. council from by abusing the public with “harming was also charged in contradiction the Turkish with their position” and “acting Demirbaş in the local elections2009, of letters.” However, was re-elected votes than before. with more as mayor bate. In 2007, mayor of the Sur municipality in Diyarbakır, of the Sur municipality mayor in Diyarbakır, bate. In 2007, in municipal not only services Demirbaş, offered Abdullah Be and Syriac. Armenian, but also in Kurdish, Turkish, blies at each level of organization. Similarly, the municipali Similarly, of organization. level blies at each tiestook of the DTP the control under some steps towards identity politics, the among which Kurdish addressing a heated municipality sparked de service” “multilingual HAP all of which banned of which all HAP Constitution the by Court — were confinedexistencefor the against to a struggle of policies and annihilation. denial

kir-municipality-on-trial. ish-mayor. See also Erol Önderoğlu, Önderoğlu, See also Erol ish-mayor. Municipality Diyarbakir on “Multilingual online 2007, , 9 November Bianet Trial,” at: http://www.bianet.org/english/ minorities/102799-multilingual-diyarba “Demirbaş: Çok Dilli Belediyecilik “Demirbaş: Firat uygun,” News Anayasa’ya 2007. Kurdish- “State Wants Korkut, Tolga Kurdish but Tries Speaking Employees, online 2009, May , 25 Bianet Mayor,” at: http://www.bianet.org/english/ minorities/114727-state-wants-kurdish- speaking-employees-but-tries-kurd

31 32 182–183 - - - - - ifade-ozgurlugu/128164-anadilde-egitim- icin-1-milyon-imza-mecliste. 40 In summation, we could conclude that since 2005, the couldIn summation, that since conclude we 2005, IV. Conclusion IV. Kurdish movement in Turkey, within the framework of the framework within in Turkey, movement Kurdish opened up a politi gradually democraticconfederalism, ment in different phases, which can roughly phases,roughly be divided into which can in different ment impasse b) stages: and three (1999); and retreat a) shock workshop emphasized non-state that workshop not actors should recognifor official raise demands confineto themselves it by alsoorganize but should language tion Kurdish of the themselves. While going identity. cal and social space Kurdish the for movement, which a process, the Kurdish such through a significant numberhas of municipalities governed since has been based on two main organizational forms: 1999, and the BDP) and afterwards the legal party (the DTP, the DTK. congress, aimeda wider at and BDP The DTP identity politics based Kurdish expanding the concept on of Last and democratic autonomy. democratic confederalism construct democratic that it would the DTK proclaimed ly, the bottom-up.autonomy from admittedly Though vague in its content, proclamation constitutes, this on the one move Kurdish madehand, the boldest by the effortever public the Turkish from a disengagement toment forge On the of clashes. bringing with it an increased risk sphere, it is capable hand, other of posing the question, Could this we In what follows, solution? be of a “real” the framework towill discuss this in relation the possibilities of a political issue. solution the Kurdish for beenIt that the 2000s is clear the most have critical period the PKK. for The partyyet has critical experienced this mo “‘Anadilde Eğitim’ için 1 milyon izma için 1 milyon Eğitim’ “‘Anadilde 2011, February Bianet, 25 Meclis’te,” online at: http://www.bianet.org/bianet/ 40 ------In its fi 37 36 38 , 2 January 2010. , 2 January , 28 February 2010. , 28 February “DTK ‘Uluslararası Çözüm Konferansı’ Konferansı’ Çözüm ‘Uluslararası “DTK Firat News düzenliyor,” sonuç bildirgesi Konferansı’nın “Müzakere açıklandı,” Firat News Modeli Yönetimler Yerel “DTP’nin February , 2–9 Bakış Haftaya Netleşiyor,” 2008. 37 38 39 - education tongue, in the mother and recog 39 In the workshops, the DTK presented the DTK autonomousIn the workshops, local Alongside these activities, organizational Alongside the DTK

governments, organized an internationalsymposium organized work various and nition of the Kurdish identity as of the common demands nition of the Kurdish in organized on language, people. The workshop Kurdish suggested a in June 2010, NGOs collaboration with several not (official) protection the that are for of languages project and of instruction, that Kurdish recommending languages be of instruction. The should the language languages other nal declaration, a solution for the Kurdish question through question through a solution Kurdish the nal declaration, for dialogue was proposed. The international community was called a contribution to make to the dialogue process, and also emphasized the necessitythe conference both for parties the past. to confront and Kurdish Turkish ties, in order to share experiences and ideas about experiences peace toties, share in order processes, related subjects. maps, road and other shops devoted to “New Economic Policies,” “Religious Be “Religious devoted Policies,” toshops Economic “New Language.” Constitution,” “New The lief Groups,” “On and with Negotiation on Experiences Conflict and “Conference discussedResolution” to how create dialogue between par a standair operationand Turk the of against ground the meeting, in 2009 held into A third Iraq. northern Army ish the nationwide localjust before elections, discussed the held a fourth The DTK meeting and fifth election strategy. Decemberin June and it proposed 2009 in which a new constitution, autonomous an Kurdistan. involving

bers of parliament, mayors, etc., with 500 etc., parliament, of bers mayors, elected delegates reserved and 50 spots minoritiesfor and particular such groups as academicians. Afterwards, the DTK became a very became a very the DTK Afterwards, the politics. At actor in Kurdish prominent organized time writing, it is an openly of 101 with a council members of congress 300 which of 850 delegates, elected by elected as mem partyare such members, 36 184–185 ------Though he could not have been right, Though he could not have more 42 More crucially, during this period during this the PKK managed to as crucially, More The political-military has meanwhile, shifted struggle, perhaps its concrete not foresee manifestation. he did tives, and the DTK have beguntives, and the DTK have to take the lead. Especially power a more and 2011, 2009, after the elections of 2007, Turkish A prominent emerged. public sphere Kurdish ful period the painful columnist wrote as as “After early 2004: in the last quarter experienced the twenti of Turkey which a separate state could not be establishedeth century, on its soil, but a separate political geography has in been formed its Southeast.” state. to According Mustafa a leading veteran, PKK Karasu, socialists fixate not should state on the much so as its political project.concept The of the nation-state, he ar is not a socialist,gues, but a bourgeois concept. The PKK’s particular and in the idea democracy, of radical project a bottom-upof democratic confederalism — developing todemocratic ren existing beyond system borders — aims irrelevant. in the long-term, and As a flexible, borders der matter its political of fact, through projects establishing of and demo democratic autonomy, a democratic republic, for a new agenda the PKK is drawing cratic confederalism, self-determination, simultaneously while the going beyond concept of the nation-state. identity into de of radical demands a project semble Kurdish the elaboration of new through This was achieved mocracy. ideological and political created opportu which approaches, its scope the PKK tonities and activi enlarge for of interest public sphere. space a Kurdish creating more for ties, thereby society of In aiming at the transformation in all aspects rather than capturing state struggle, PKK ef armed through power of operation. field a broader forts for allow now in the direction of a political and more more in struggle, with its grassroots the BDP), (and the DTP which afterwards nationally and organization and locally elected representa ------archive/lenin/works/1914/self-det/ch01. htm. Inverting this thesis, one could it is equally say 41

Though it has abandoned that the PKK been its argued What the PKK hasWhat the in this period experienced was a

ing no other meaning but the right to asing no other exist a separate original position Kurd of an independent (the realization istan), that the party argue may inverted we the creatively would that “it Lenin argued original Leninist thesis. In 1914, the right to tobe self-determination as interpret wrong meaning anything but the right to existence as a separate state.” tions — is a reflection of this evolving praxis. This praxis. transfor tions — isevolving a reflection of this mation a new addresses organizational structure of the conception organization beyond the party.” that is “political aries continues to at the The change role. a central complex organizational a more towards organizational level a multiplicity towards of interacting institu structure — or, comprehensive restructuration of its organization, ideology, of its organization, ideology, restructuration comprehensive the PKK and political-military struggle. Organizationally, into of parties a complex system has grown and institu tions, as opposed to the Leninist style a pioneering party of all its activities overseeing directly as it had previously in its been changes considerable have there been. Although devoted the militantorganizational structure, body that is constituted revolution full-time of professional by a group well to the dream of an independent, towell united the dream state. reconstruction (2000–2004); and c) a return to stage the a return c) and reconstruction (2000–2004); leftist and criticisms of Öcalan’s (2005–present). Kurdish policiesnew period this PKK during and the ranged have state, even to the Turkish accusationsfrom of surrender General allegationsof being of the Turkish service in the of a with the movement’s complete charges break to Staff, pastand its fare aims, with the conclusion that it is saying wrong to interpret the right to to self-determination aswrong interpret hav

See Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, “TheSee Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich Right of Nations [1914], to Self-Determination” online at: https://www.marxists.org/ 41 186–187 - - - - - www.bianet.org/english/english/123087- possible-solution-for-kurdish-question- suits-eu-accession-process. - 44 The Kurdish movement is ready to is ready negotiate movement a solution The Kurdish on the basis of recognition rights. and self-administrative autonomy in 2010. The organization of all segments of all organization The of autonomy in 2010. society bottom-up, the from of demo principle the under has been and democratic autonomy, confederalism cratic requires of fields and social life different very covering activities.various these activitiesAll that the demonstrate an active agen involves of radical democracy project PKK’s the local from force of a struggling cy of people, in the form importantly, more to Even global and levels. regional the that is based this is a project that bottom-up on show they cannot simply be considered a and therefore democracy, political imposed communes project above. Through from assemblies, it aims to the deadlock surpass of and people’s sense, In this the democratic representational democracy. of 26 autonomous regions in the form autonomy project a radical presents movement by the Kurdish as formulated that goesalternative beyond the boundariesof the existing politicalbased all, it is Above regime. concep on a radical tion that aims at the dissociation of democracy — one of state nationalism by excluding from democracy and nation it and considering democracy as an unrestrictedfrom and than a form sovereignty rather of people’s unmediated form of government. democratic au for this project As such, tonomy goes the boundaries beyond existing of the politi elaborated on the basis the framework ascal well regime acquis communautaire uses, which Union’s of the European is an as democracy liberal its there although benchmark, ongoing discussion as to this proposal whether might suit that it could be step given a useful policy, the EU regional question by abolishing a solutiontowards of the Kurdish in Turkey. the centralism Erhan Üstündağ, “Possible Solution “Possible for Üstündağ, Erhan Pro Question EU Accession suits Kurdish , 1 July 2010, online at: http:// 2010, , 1 July Bianet cess,” 44 - - - - - 43 December 2010, online at: http://www. December 2010, sendika.org/2010/12/alternatif-bir-sol- proje-demokratik-ozerklik-zeynep-gam betti-birgun/. - Satranç tahtasındaki yeni ham Satranç tahtasındaki In the meantime, the Kurdish movement also tried to movement In the meantime, the Kurdish present these projects to both Turkish and global public these to projects present both Turkish Mesopotamiaopinion, with the organization of the Social together brought and organizations which 2009, in Forum coun other and several the Middle East from movements tries in the city of Diyarbakır. The DTK also organized a The DTK also organized tries in the city of Diyarbakır. academics, journalists, politicians, with Turkish workshop to discuss of democratic project the and rights defenders cal shop-keepers changing their signboards into Kurdish. signboards their changing intocal Kurdish. shop-keepers the whole societyOrganizing the bottom from has been with since1999, movement of the Kurdish on the agenda the take-over number of an increasing municipalities of in of districts and towns, On the level the region. the Kurdish of structures self- different has formed movement Kurdish that produce policies local for needs.government Later of democratic autonomyon, the project aimed at enlarging these structures. and formalizing cratic autonomy. The Peace Party and Democracy and cratic autonomy. by life” discussions the sparked the DTK on a “bilingual language recognitionKurdish the official demanding of the also They startedin public life. to into demands put their practice, with municipalities the signboards changing of lo and and Turkish, the municipalities into both Kurdish cal geography” has deepened with the arrest of Kurdish cal geography”of Kurdish has deepened arrest with the politicians, by a political followed counter-campaign of bilingual for demands including movement, the Kurdish demo for of the project the framework within public life This separateThis political of self- based is geography forms on the strong and confederalism) (democratic organization own into fate one’s own toconviction take praxis and one’s politi this “separate hand. Since election the in 2009,

Zeynep Gambetti, “Alternatif bir sol proje: bir sol proje: Gambetti,Zeynep “Alternatif Sendika.org, 27 özerklik,” demokratik (Ankara: Ümit Yayıncılık, Ümit Yayıncılık, (Ankara: Hangileler: PKK? 10. p. 2004),

43 42 Fikret Bila, It can negotiate the form and boundaries of this self- Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya is a PhD student in the Faculty of Political and administration but does not abandon it. The Kurds want to Social Sciences at Ghent University, Ghent, where he is also doctoral researcher at the Middle Eastern and North Africa Research Group be included in the political body with their identity based (MENARG). Joost Jongerden is Assistant Professor of Sociology and on their inscribed political geography, which requires a Anthropology of Development at Wageningen University, Wageningen. constitutional recognition of the Kurdish identity in Turkey. This article first appeared in European Journal of Turkish Studies 14 (2012). It appears here in lightly edited form with permission of the This constitutional recognition, including the notion of au- authors. tonomy, would also mean a radical change in the existing political regime of Turkey.45 In conclusion, the Kurdish movement in Turkey, which has developed a new project for radical democracy based Bibliography on the conception of “politics beyond the state, political organization beyond the party, and political subjectivity Akinan, S. 2009. “Güzel günler yakında mı?” Akşam, 3 April 2009 (accessed beyond class,” can have the opportunity to change the 9 April 2009).

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Classroom for ideological education of the People’s Defense Units (YPG). Pinar Öğünç David Graeber Interviewed by Revolution Genuine a is This No.

196–197 - - Mentioning his father who volunteeredMentioninghis father to in the fight the autonomous region of Rojava,According to Graeber, DecemberIn early people, of eight with a group 2014, he tellsNow his impressions of this trip with bigger ques tions and answers why this experiment of the Syrian Kurds tions this experiment of the Syrian and answers why Kurds is ignored the whole world. by Professor the London at Schoolof Anthropology Econom of ics, activist, wrote David Graeber anarchist and an article for thein October weeks first during The Guardian ISIS of 2014, attacks on Kobanê, ignoring the world was asked and why the revolutionary Syrian Kurds. International Brigades of the in defense Spanish Republic today he asked: is a parallel “If there to Franco’s in 1937, superficially it who Falangists, would devout,be murderous to If there is a parallel the Mujeres Libres ISIS? of Spain,but who could it be thecourageous but women defending the Is the world — and this timebarricades most Kobanê? in the internationalscandalously of all, going to left — really be complicit in letting history itself?” repeat declared with a social as three contract in 2011 anti-state, anti-capitalist democratic cantons, a remarkable also was experiment of this era. activists,students, academics partsEurope different of from and the United States, ten he spent days in Cizîre — one of the three cantons of Rojava. He had the chance to observe the practice of democratic on the autonomy spot, to and ask of questions.dozens 198–199 - - - You mentioned the approach of the left towards mentioned of the left towards the approach You Since October [2014] we have seen rising a have Since we October [2014] The reaction in the international anarchist communi in the international anarchist The reaction I find it remarkable how so many people in the West West people in the so many how remarkable I find it PÖ: communities? chist PÖ: Rojava. How is it received in the international anar is it received How Rojava. solidarity from different political all movements different solidarity from has been often and a huge There world. the over resistanceenthusiastic of the Kobanê coverage media.by the international mainstream Political stance haschanged in the West Rojava regarding to all significant some degree. These are signs, but still, democratic think autonomydo you what’s and being are experimented in the cantons of Rojava does much general the How discussed enough? people fighting brave against perception of “some and dominate this approval of this era, ISIS” the evil fascination? the general see these armed feminist cadres, for example, and don’t and don’t example, for cadres, see these feminist armed behind They think on the ideas lie must them. that even Kurd a guess it’s “I happened it somehow. figured just DG: ties has I find it difficult beensomewhat decidedly mixed. DG: orientalism, course, of some it’s degree tradition.” To ish occurs that to them It never racism. or to put it simply, too. Judith Butler might be people reading in Kurdistan trying to come to up they’re “Oh, think, best, they At rights. I and women’s standards democracy of Western It consumption.” foreign for just or real for if it’s wonder seem to might be occur taking they to doesn’t them just ever standards” further than “Western these way things in the principles believe might genuinely that they have; states profess. only that Western ------you had you 1 http://www.theguardian.com/comment isfree/2014/oct/08/why-world-ignoring- revolutionary-kurds-syria-isis. - Well, if anyone had any doubt in their in their doubt had any if anyone Well, In your article, your In Guardian The for vid Graeber: vid

minds about whether this was really a revolution, or just or just a revolution, this was really minds about whether that the visit put say I’d window-dressing, some kind of still people to rest. are talking permanently There like Party (PKK) front, that: Workers’ a Kurdistan This is just a Stalinist really authoritarian organization that’s they’re No. democracy. radical adopted to have pretending just But revolution. This is a genuine totally real. for They’re powers The major the problem. exactly that’s in a way committed rev to that real an ideologyhave that claims ing about. The game where you wage war, create mythi create ing about. war, wage you The game where set up patron resources, seize oil and other cal villains, people The game in town. the only that’s age networks; that game. to want play don’t “We saying: are in Rojava people of find that game.” A lot to a new want create We it chooseconfusing and disturbing so to they believe people deluded or are or that such happening, really isn’t or naive. dishonest olutions can no longer happen. Meanwhile, many on the on the many olutions Meanwhile, can happen. no longer so-called the tacleft — even to left — seem have radical adopted a politics although itly the same, that assumes noises. They revolutionary superficially still make they take puritanical a kind of framework “anti-imperialist” governments are the significantthat assumes players game worth talk only the and capitalists that that’s and Da Pinar Öğünç:Pinar experiencing After Kurds. ic experiment” of the Syrian a new question or maybe an have do you ten days, it for to this? answer asked why the whole world was ignoring the “democrat the was ignoring whole world the why asked

noring the revolutionary Kurds in Syria?,” in Syria?,” Kurds noring the revolutionary online at:The Guardian, 8 October 2014, See David Graeber, “Why is the world ig is the world “Why Graeber, See David 1. 200–201 - - - - - And there is another criticism, is quite is another which And there What would you say to say criticisms you various regard What would Well, the President of Cizîre canton Cizîre of is an Arab — the the President Well, Well, I think most movements, even when faced with faced when even most movements, I think Well, popular in pro-government circles here in Turkey. It in Turkey. here popular circles in pro-government in the line of alleges that the model the Kurds — those the PKK and the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — are to embraced by all the is not actually promote trying that this multiethnicpeople structure there, living as symbols. the surface exists on only PÖ: example: “They For done have wouldn’t ing Rojava? this in peace. It state is because of the current of war.” PÖ: have the TEV-DEM [Movement for a Democratic Society], Society], a Democratic for [Movement TEV-DEM the have democratic insti directly consisting bottom-up driven, of head of a major local a major head of tribe in fact. could I suppose you entire the In a sense, a figurehead. he was just argue look at the bottom-up if you even is. But government par who are certainly the Kurds just not it’s structures, dire war conditions, would not immediately abolish capi immediately abolish not conditions,war would dire DG: tutions. Ultimately — and this is key — the security tutions. forces Ultimately — and is key — the this to and not to the bottom-up structures answerable are the top-downwe visitedwas places the first ones. of One to had take courses Everyone (Asayiş). a police academy theory resolutionfeminist conflict and in non-violent co- The to a gun. touch allowed even were they before to us their ultimate explained to aim was give directors so police of training, in the country six weeks everyone could eliminate police. they that ultimately, DG: tal police, and democra the secret dissolve punishment, instance, for Military elect unitsin Rojava, tize the army. their officers. ------What was the most impressive thing you wit thing you What was the most impressive There were so many impressive elements. I don’t I don’t elements. impressive so many were There PÖ: of this democratic au in terms nessed in Rojava tonomy practice? think I’ve ever heard of anywhere else in the world where where else in the world anywhere of heard ever think I’ve the same situation, where power been a dual there’s practice of the sides.political There’s created both forces self-administration,” has form which all the “democratic a state — parliament, of and trappings and so ministries, so as to be carefully a way in such on — but it was created you Then power. coercive the means of separated from DG: seurs. But the real revolutionaries have been solid. have revolutionaries seurs. the real But pen and secretly they don’t even want it, want since it would even don’t they pen and secretly people. They with ordinary club” their “cool mean sharing rather it’s So in that way, more. be special any wouldn’t po the from revolutionaries in culling the real useful chin? That would be the stupidest gambit ever. Obvi gambit ever. be the stupidest would That chin? or liberals — those to be Islamists pretend they’d ously, support. and material the guns get who guys the are people of the international on left, I think a lot Anyway, to want really basically included, don’t left the anarchist hap really would imagine a revolution cannot win. They ist group that has adopted the philosophy of anarchist anarchist that has philosophy of adopted the group ist libertarian left other and ideas Bookchin to court Murray the anti-authoritarian and America. in Europe It left has and most the silliest this is one of me that struck always premise if the Even heard. ever ideas I’ve narcissistic decided to group and a Marxist-Leninist correct, were support, on earth an ideology to why win foreign fake Book by ideas developed choose anarchist they would to understand. There’s a very substantial anar of a very group to understand. There’s sectarian the more insist elements — who chists — usually is stillthe PKK that a “Stalinist” authoritarian national 202–203 - - - - Do you have an answer to ISIS is so ob an answer why have Do you Well, they can’t be seen to lose. can’t recruit Their entire they Well, PÖ: sessed with Kobanê? That goes without saying. The people I talked to were people The I talked goesThat saying. without to were dif a strong make it. of didn’t they But aware all well DG: an unstop is baseding strategy are on the idea that they that pable juggernaut, and their continual is proof victory a bunch by be defeated God. the will of To represent they be the ultimate would humiliation. As long as feminists of media that can say they Kobanê, still fighting in they’re Who advancing. really are and that they lies are claims will have pull out, they they Should otherwise? can prove admitted defeat. ferentiation between the leadership of regional powers powers regional of leadership the between ferentiation or Saudi and Euro-American Arabia, Iran or Turkey like assumed they They or the US. France say, like, powers all capitalist statist and were thus anti-revolutionary. and might be best, convinced to they put up with them, At the even there’s ultimately their side. Then on not but are what’s of complicatedmore the structure question of the global system called “the international community,” the United institutionsof Nations or the International like human even and NGOs, Monetary corporations, Fund, a all presume which matter, that rights for organizations and canthat pass statistlaws government a organization, those laws. over enforcement coercive has of a monopoly still Syrian under one airport and it’s only in Cizîre There’s any easily, could take it over control. They government is because: How don’t One reason they say. time, they a non-state you would an airport run anyway? Everything do in an airport to international is subject regulations, a state. presume which - - - - It doesn’t have to It doesn’t have be trapped in that puritanical Oh, it is absolutely true that the US and European it is absolutely Oh, European true that the US and ally created the West? by ally PÖ: anti-imperialist framework you mentioned before, mentioned you before, anti-imperialist framework to say you the comment that the but what would Syrian ask will one day imperial and powers West their support?to pay for Kurds What does the West think exactly about this anti-statist, anti-capitalist that canmodel? be an experiment Is it just ignored during the state voluntarily while the Kurds of war actu way, acceptwas, that by the toenemy fight an powers will do what they can to subvert the revolution. the revolution. can to subvert will do what they powers DG: tion, but they also have the problem of dealing larger dealing larger of problem the tion, also have but they communitiesalliances this violates with Arab who feel instance,basic principles. For while the Syriac- religious don’t, the Arabs union, women’s their own have speakers gender around organizing in girls interested and Arab to on hitch have taking seminars feminist or even issues the Kurds. or even with the Assyrians izing and assimilating Kurds. Some of those Some of communi assimilatingizing and Kurds. But to revolution. the unfriendly pretty are said, they ties, or generations, for had been whose there Arabs families and Chechens, Armenians, Khirgizians, the Assyrians, talked we to The Assyrians quite enthusiastic. so on, are regime, relation with the difficult said that after a long, religious free being allowed were finally they felt they most intractible the Probably autonomy. and cultural and TEV- The PYD liberation. be might women’s problem DEM see it as absolutely revolu to their idea of central ticipating. I was told the only real problem is with some some with is ticipating. problem real told I was only the brought belt” people who were settlements, the “Arab of other from 1960s and in the 1950s the Ba’ahtists in by parts as part Syria marginal an intentional of of of policy 204–205 - - - - Having coincided with the days that people coincided Having with the days of Although democratic autonomy clearly doesn’t democratic autonomy clearly Although I think the Kurdish struggle is quite explicitly anti- explicitly is quite struggle I think the Kurdish PÖ: PÖ: what istan and North Kurdistan (Turkey), (Rojava) of these two about say the differences you would an anti-capitaliststruggles for society — or a towards minimized capitalism — as describe they it? the world were chanting the slogan “I Can’t Breathe” Breathe” chanting the slogan “I Can’t were the world inspire trip to obvious reasons, did your Rojava for seem to be on the table of negotiation in Turkey, seem to be on the table of negotiation in Turkey, political has been working movement The Kurdish on it, to especially find try social on the They level. solutions possible legal in economic and for terms the class example, models. compare, for we When of capitalism Kurd and the level structure in West capitalist in both countries. It’s their startingcapitalist countries. point. both in It’s one managed to formula: come of up with a kind They’ve capitalism rid of get without eliminatingcan’t the state, the state rid of get gettingone can’t without patri rid of diately on gender issues. In Turkey, well, I don’t know know I don’t well, In Turkey, issues. diately on gender much are sense the things but I do have asnearly much, complicated.more ine how the KRG territory will be revolutionized any time any be will revolutionized territory KRG the how ine it. allow the international powers would soon. Neither DG: in terms easy it quite have the Rojavans However, archy. as it was in a such because bourgeoisie, class, of the real took with the region, col off agricultural predominantly a long-term will have They regime. lapse the Ba’ahtist of on the educational work system don’t if they problem stratum technocrat that a developmentalist to ensure in the meantime, but try to take power, eventually doesn’t imme more focusing understandable are that they it’s ------

On the one hand, there is , is Iraqi occu there On the one hand, Well, do you have an answer to what Turkish to Turkish what answer an have you do Well, I can only guess. It I can an seems only he has shifted from Who can say? At the moment things look surprisingly look things surprisingly the moment Who can say? At java. And there are the Kurds of Turkey who are try who are of Turkey the Kurds are java. And there ing to sustain a peace process with the government. of Kurdistan see personally do you the future How both and long-term? in the short- pying quite a different ideological of in terms ground pying quite a different capitalism and the notion On the of independence. of Ro example is this alternative hand, there other PÖ: generally? PÖ: more East the Middle and to do in Syria trying Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan and his party and his Erdoğan are Minister Tayyip Prime good for the revolutionary forces. The Kurdish Regional Regional The Kurdish forces. good the revolutionary for ditch they up the giant gave even (KRG) Government after PKK the border the Rojava building across were citiesother from Erbil and save to effectively intervened National ISIS back in August. Congress One Kurdistan on popular(KNK) told person effect me that it had a major that one month had done 20 years consciousness there; par people were Young consciousness-raising. worth of anti-Kurdish, anti-Assad policy to an almost purely anti- to an almost purely policy anti-Assad anti-Kurdish, has and again, he been to willing Again strategy. Kurdish with pseudo-religiousally to fascists attack PKK- any like Clearly, democracy. in radical experiments inspired doing as an ideological are he sees they what ISIS itself, viable ideological real threat, perhaps alterna only the ticularly struck by the way their own fled the Peshmerga their own the way by ticularly struck imag to hard didn’t. it’s But soldiers women PKK but field DG: tive to right-wing Islamism on the horizon, and he will do on the horizon, to Islamism tive right-wing anything to stamp it out. DG: 206–207 ------You are sometimes are criticized being too for opti You I am by temperament an optimist; temperament I seek I am by out situa PÖ: happening in mistic and enthusiastic about what’s Or do these critics you? something? Are miss Rojava. talist system. As a result, the system is breaking down all down is breaking the system As a result, talist system. has lost the everyone when the moment us at just around I think it is pretty ability to anything else. imagine Well, would we capitalism form in any that in 50 years, obvious be will at all, gone. Something else form or any recognize, it. replaced be bet That something might not will have It that very seems to worse. me for It might be even ter. or just asreason that it is our responsibility intellectuals, to try toas at least think about thoughtful human beings, gized for not having been to able better bring gifts having and not for gized under severely suffering were who tohelp the Rojavans, im very isn’t that the end, said: “In she And the embargo. give portant. that no one can the one thing ever have We there wish only don’t. We You freedom. our have We you. to that you.” could give we was some way DG: any think there’s tions that bear I don’t some promise. it won’t that out in the end, this one will work guarantee decides in if everyone but it certainlybe crushed, won’t to give is possible refuses and that no revolution advance attacking their efforts to it devotes support,active or even some If there’s its do. isolation,or increasing many which perhaps it is the fact aren’t, that others of aware thing I’m a mighty made Capitalists have over. isn’t that history years to convince people during these30 or 40 past effort capital even economic arrangement — not that current of form semi-feudal financialized, peculiar, but the ism, possible the only today — is capitalism happen to have we into that effort more put far They’ve economic system. a viable global creating capi into actually have than they - - - How will you remember your trip to your Cizîre? remember will you How There were so many striking images, so many ideas. so I many images, striking so many were There It was remarkable. I’ve spent my life thinking about thinking life my spent I’ve It remarkable. was PÖ: you about the future? What do you think is the the is think you do What aboutyou future? the the people allow would that tobreathe? “medicine” really liked the disparity between the way people looked, people looked, disparity the the way between liked really a some meet guy, said. You they often, and the things military scary Syrian type a slightly like he looks doctor, Then expression. austere and stern jacket in a leather the best feel we talk “Well, you to him and he explains: most disease is preventative, to public health approach reduce stress, if we feel We is made possible stress. by will de cancer, heart of even disease, diabetes, levels how we might be able to do things like this in some might be like able to do things we how people most and time think I’m in the future remote be. These people in Rojava crazy to it will ever imagine that a that it can be done, prove If they doing it now. are egalitariangenuinely society and democratic possible, is sense human of people’s transform it will completely after having younger years ten feel I myself possibility. there. 10 days just spent The woman who was effectively our guide wasguide a deputy our who was effectively The woman one point, apolo named Amina. minister we At foreign alysis patients they couldn’t smuggle out have died. That out have smuggle patients couldn’t they alysis their ambitions between and their incredibly disjuncture circumstancesstraightened is pronounced. cline. So our ultimate plan is to reorganize the cities So our ultimatecline. to plan is to reorganize all these mad, are space.” There green percent be 70 doctor and go to the next you then brilliant schemes. But they embargo, because how the Turkish of explain they basic get medicine or equipment, all the di even can’t DG: DG: what something better might look like. And if there are people actually trying to create that better thing, then it’s our responsibility to help them out.

David Graeber is an anthropologist who teaches at the London School of Economics and Political Science, London. Pinar Öğünç is an Istanbul-based journalist. This interview was first published in Turkish as “David Graeber: Rojava’dan on yaş genç döndüm” [David Graeber: I returned from Rojava feeling ten years younger] in the daily newspaper Evrensel on 23 December 2014. The English translation was published in ZNet on 26 December 2014 and appears here in edited form with the permission of the authors. Moussa Dîlok leads a class of future community organizers and political representatives at the Mesopotamia Academy of Social Sciences, established in memory of the martyr Siud, in Tel Habash. Janet Biehl Rojava Academies in Education: Two Revolutionary 212–213 - -

You have to educate, twenty-four hours a day, to learn a day, to hours educate,have twenty-four You You tohow to discuss, how to decide collectively. learn someto for wait have to you idea that the reject have toleader come and tell the people what to instead and do, as a collective practice. self-rule The to learn exercise put ten you When people educate themselves each other. people a solution together for to them and ask a problem or propose collectively a question, an look they them for right one. will find the they in this way I believe answer. politicized.This collective them discussion will make Co-President, Union Party Democratic (PYD) — Salih Muslim, November 2014 The first issue that the revolution had to confront was revolution hadwas that the issue to confront The first As Aldar Xelîl, a member of the council of TEV-DEM council a member of the of TEV-DEM Xelîl, As Aldar gime but creating a mentality to to the bring the revolution a teacher Akîf, Dorşîn society.” for a revolution It’s society. has agreed: to “Perception be changed,” at the academy, told us, “becauseshe mentality is so important our for us.” for Education is crucial now. revolution decades four the under of instruction.the language For had had to Arabic learn children Assad Kurdish regime, banned was language The Kurdish and study in Arabic. After the revolution of July 2012, when new self-governing new self-governing 2012, when of July the revolution After institutions came to a new in Rojava, the need power for kind of education was paramount.the people that Not of uneducated — high Kurdistan were schoolwestern gradu as Academic the high there, very and are ation rates were Delegation during our December visit. learned 2014 But culture education to was crucial creating the revolutionary new institutions the in which It is a matter could thrive. not adults as even alone but for well, and children for the elderly. a Democratic Society], for to us, explained [Movement just about the re changing political is “not project Rojava’s 214–215 ------The sociology takescurriculum a critical stance toward academy’s the approaches, Western conventional Unlike Students take measure exams, but those exams don’t the regime, “our existence [as Kurds] was disputed. We are are disputed. was We existence Kurds] [as “our regime, the sacri made many and have exist that we to show trying sue with the student until with the understandsue both they they feel each other. fices along the way… We consider ourselves part of history, partWe ourselves consider of history, way… fices the along his The instruction seeks to “uncover subjectshistory.” of tories of peoples been to denied… have that a new create of and centuries of enslavement years the to overcome life been have imposedthought that on people.”Ultimately its purpose is “to write a new history.” twentieth-century positivism and instead seeks to develop century, social alternative the twenty-first science for a new, For of freedom.” Öcalan calls “sociology a what Abdullah studentschoosetheir final projects, a particular social prob it and write it, a thesis to on how resolve research then lem, in connection is practi So the learning with this alternative. cal as as well intellectual, intended a social to serve good. pedagogy rejects the unidirectional of facts. transmission Indeed and students. separate strictly doesn’t it teachers ideally, students and vice versa; from learn Teachers come discourse, to they intersubjective shared through necessarily the instructors profes conclusions. are Nor them people has are given experience whose they life sors; example, for insights can impart. that they One teacher, talesrecounts to folk teachers want once a week. “We told. “We help us understand were we the meaning of life,” being and things meaning, able tofocus on giving interpret comment as as well analyze.” dialogues.” like reminders, like “more knowledge — they’re to subject by evaluation are themselves And teachers student a well,” this very did not explain students. “You A teacher who is criticized has to talkcan say. out the is ------The school consists last each year terms, of three One challenge the academy faces, they told they the academy faces, us, is that One challenge We met with several members of the administration and members met with several We Teaching and discussions are mostly in Kurdish, al mostly in Kurdish, and discussions are Teaching On 8 December, the delegation visited Rojava’s first first the delegation visited Rojava’s On 8 December, jects?,” we asked. “They told. Under asked. we were we jects?,” crucial,” are ing three to four months, progressing from overviews of overviews from months, progressing toing three four subjects to specialization to final projects. The curriculum those “Why sub and sociology. comprises history mainly onic forces. “We don’t want people about want don’t to inferior feel “We onic forces. is a huge amount there In the Middle East live. they where to it. uncover trying and wisdom, are and we of knowledge happened happened that have in history here.” things Many people in northeastern Syria think they have topeople have go abroad in northeastern think they Syria to to get a good want that,” change said education. “We dismissing it as a notion instilled by hegem one instructor, nan Hasan, Dorşîn Akîf, Medya Doz, Mehmod Kalê, Murat Mehmod Murat Doz, Kalê, Medya Akîf, nan Hasan, Dorşîn Hussein. Mosis, and Xelîl Serhat Tolhildan, though the sources are often in Arabic, since essen often many in Arabic, are though the sources tial been into texts not yet translated Kurdish. have Ad Firat, teachers and Rojda the rector, including faculty, mia Academy for Social Sciences in Qamişlo. The Assad Social in Qamişlo. for Sciences mia Academy hadregime permitted institutions no such in the Kurdish this one opened and is still in Septemberareas; 2014 very construction. under much tion. The first such school to open was Şehîd Fewzî’s such schooltion.Fewzî’s The first to openwas Şehîd in Kobanê by one each canton, followed School in Afrîn schools alone had 670 Cizîre 2014, By August and Cizîre. courses language to Kurdish offering teachers with 3,000 students. 49,000 institutionand only education, of higher the Mesopota from public life; teaching illegalit was life; public could and be from torture. and even by imprisonment when So punished took communities their intoKurds own their the Syrian instruc language immediatelyhands, they set up Kurdish 216–217 - - - John Dewey thought the ultimate thought John Dewey purpose of education of the MesopotamiaNone mentioned teachers Academy also by a furtherI was coincidence. struck mid- In the Yekîtiya Star Academy, Rimelan Star Academy, Yekîtiya too many top students nowadays head to Wall Street for for Street too head top to many students Wall nowadays but education in Rojava bankers, as investment careers getting and career a Rather, aboutis not rich.” “building to how themselves taught academy students are to “ask society.” enrich was to create reflective who beings participate ethically as and that education citizens in the democratic community, this As if echoing social for reform. thus be a force should to our delegation,thought, remarked one of the instructors to do is trying are we what do science we of society, “When socialstruggle for freedom.” his to no reason knew think that they and I have Dewey, the But at it independently. arrived they approach — surely similarity striking. was nonetheless ex ideas influenced several Dewey’s twentieth century, potamia Academy further. Founded in 2012, its purpose Founded potamia further. Academy its cadres, so naturally is to educate revolutionary female perimental notable Most schools in the US. was Goddard in the 1960s and which College, located , in central in Deweyite education. a trailblazer was During most1970s College was an at Goddard one of the teachers of the 1970s, who taught Bookchin, under Murray his ideas there archist did not write much Bookchin ecology.” the name of “social specifically about education, but his writings on democracy toand ecology influence Öcalan go on, in translation, would the overall and the concept of democratic confederalism, is committed.ideology to Rojava which Star Academy — in academy — Yekîtiya The women’s the educational pushes of the Meso Rimelan approach ------The Mesopotamia does profes Academy not encourage The academy seeks not to develop professionalism but The academy seeks professionalism not to develop with its regime, decades, schools the For of the Ba’ath Dewey would likely have approved the fact that the that the fact approved have likely would Dewey sionalism; to students least of all does how maxi it show mize their economic self-interest. In the United States, far tion is to create docile workers for hierarchical workplaces. workplaces. hierarchical for tion is to create docile workers he thought, education help students fulfill should Rather, of their human potentiality. range the full coming this grim past by “helping create free individuals individuals create free coming this grim past by “helping thoughts.” Once of Dewey, and free again, I was reminded who also rejected the notion that the purpose of educa man condition continue life. and should throughout believe humans to “We cultivate person. the well-rounded be can’t cut up into they parts, organisms, are separated into sciences,” can an instructor be told a writer us. “One understand it,or a poet and also be interested in economy, because beings part human are of all life.” nationalistic had focus, aimed to create an authoritarian The Mesopotamiamentality. is intent on over Academy structors, Dewey was critical Dewey structors, of traditional in approaches, to unidirectionally facts passive transmit teachers which students. Instead, education regarded he as an interactive social through issues studentsprocess, explore in which critical give-and-take teachers. with their students to than requiring memorize, rather academy, “We separateness: or overcome, teaches to them “claim,” it instills is a subject.”emphasize that everyone Moreover, goal students is to the give “Our learning: habits of lifelong ability to educate Dewey, graduation. beyond themselves,” not whole person, the address too, should thought learning the intellectour common highlight hu it should alone; that In many ways, the academy’s approach reminded me of of me reminded approach academy’s the ways, many In the educational ideas advanced twentieth-century by the in the Rojava Like philosopherAmerican Dewey. John 218–219 ------At the Yekîtiya Star Academy, as at the Mesopotamia Star Academy, Yekîtiya the At Moreover, she explained, the woman problem isn’t isn’t problem the woman explained, she Moreover, Every program culminates program in a final session called the Every teachings on gen about the academy’s Akîf queried We mechanisms — women’s parliaments, women’s communes; communes; parliaments, women’s mechanisms — women’s communes, [mixed] parliaments, general general and the have always we neighborhood in Rojava parliaments. Here ones.mixed In the exclusive both mixed ones and women’s representationones, the is 40 percent, plus of women equality.” a co-presidency to always is ensure there taught students are to as see sub themselves Academy, ty a new kind of masculinity men, will change will emerge. biologistic — we’re aren’t and women Concepts of men against that. as masculine define gender and mascu We Of course linity in connection and hegemony. with power is sociallythat gender constructed.” believe we embedded in society, “it’s of women; solely the province to have So we problem. is society’s exclusion so women’s and society life, women, redefine all together at the same of the problem is freedom of women’s time. The problem freedom.” society’s jects, with “the to power discuss construct.” and “There is no teacher and student. The session is built on sharing to teenagers from with students ranging experiences,” universi graduatedfrom have “Some great-grandmothers. has truth hasties, knowledge, illiterate. Each and some are us. … The older for is crucial and all knowledge in their life, at eighteen has A woman is spirit,woman experience. the the future.” representing new generation, stands each student will Here, she how platform. and says join an organiza she Will democracy. participate in Rojava’s or participate in a Units (YPJ), Defense tion, or the Women’s council? What kind of responsibility will take? she women’s dream,” “Our that does in Kurdish). not exist (a word der participating socie and building that women’s said, “is she ------Power, for example, is present in grassroots democ example, is present for Power, Jineology, said Akîf, considers women to be women considers “the main said Akîf, Jineology, they act,way affects the people history The way interpret Over the past 30 years, instructor Dorşîn Akîf told us, instructor Akîf Dorşîn past the years, 30 Over ogy regards women as quintessentially women democratic. The ogy regards Star educates Academy still students (who are Yekîtiya look at the political “We . in Rojavan mostly women) racy, which has which nothing to do with the state. And jineol racy, tion. We also look the state how tion. We historically and emerged the concepthow has been constructed.” and the power But but the statestate is everywhere, “Power not the same: are ways.” can operate in different Power is not everywhere. actor in the economy, and the economy asmain activity the actor in the economy, capitalist modernity defines economy as Yet of women. this is not true, say we But responsibility. primary man’s actors the main are women and everywhere that always Because of this basic contradiction, it in the economy.” seems, capitalist be modernity overcome. will eventually talk so “we social about organiza pre-Sumerian said Akîf, ing social relations, then we come up with our own un comeing social our own we up with then relations, to want establishderstanding. We a true interpretation of making women and of women by looking at the role history visiblein history.” women have participated in the Kurdish freedom move participated freedom have women the Kurdish in institutions. women’s in and then ment,as fighters, first produced jineology women , or ago, Kurdish years Three as the culmination of regard they science,” which “women’s the academy in Rimelan, that decades-long At experience. of jineology, overview a general given first students are and women” that was stolen from “the kind of knowledge to overcome trying are today canthat women recover: “We to understand try We nonexistence in history. women’s produced concepts within exist how and reproduced are emphasis Academic The pronounced. on ideology more is Delegation visitedon 3 December it 2014. She went on to cite a phrase from Öcalan, “Kill the domi- nant male,” which has become a watchword meaning “the masculine man has to change.” Equally, women’s colonized subjectivity, or femininity, must be killed. The social ambi- tion embodied by the academy is to overcome domination and hegemonic power and “create an equal life together.” How much impact do these teachings have on Rojavan society as a whole? That question I cannot answer and will leave it to future researchers to determine.

Janet Biehl is a writer, editor, and graphic artist based in Vermont. This is a lightly edited version of the text that first appeared on www. biehlonbookchin.com on 7 February 2015. It is republished here with permission of the author. An old fountain of the Assad regime in Qamişlo has been turned into a monument of the Rojava Revolution, painted yellow, red, green — the colors of the flag of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — and carrying several martyr portraits of deceased revolutionaries from its defense units. Hito Steyerl Falling Kobanê Not Is 224–225 - - - - - Unfazed by the rumble of frequent airstrikes, female female airstrikes, of frequent by the rumble Unfazed exact the num (no one knows refugees 50,000 Around forts with local authorities. a long history credits humbly He people. “MyKurdish of and flight displacement of internal I did, too. the same fate. experienced grandfather and father prepared.” are he smiles, “we yes,” So, More than three weeks after weeks start the three than More attacks ISIS of on Syria, in northwestern city the beleaguered Kobanê is hold An unlikely ing out, predictions fall. of its imminent defying combination urban and of coalitionguerilla airstrikes ISIS partly reversed defenders YPG and YPJ by warfare ISIS reacted days. territorialbringing in by in recent gains cities of Raqqa Deir and the Syrian from reinforcements Kobanê’s As of today, weaponry. as as heavy well ez-Zor the weapons, But still most control of the city. defenders have on the ground ammunition, and aid that defenders arrived. not yet have for asked desperately side Turkish the the fields on working keep cotton pickers collect tear gas canisters recently Children of the border. family tries to A for scrap. forces armed Turkish off by fired catch left two a glimpse days they of the home in Kobanê has since by fightingago. The area close been engulfed to gatethe Mürşitpınar border to Turkey. the neigh in and around shelter provisional found ber) have Its boring city of Pîrsus in Turkey. the border across (Suruç) floors of its municipaladministra hall, the ground wedding tent camps and several center, tive buildings, its cultural Displaced inhabited now seeking by hundreds are shelter. in storage spaces, private in the city, everywhere live families homes, and buildings still construction. under The care the displaced is stunning. for As in Amed (Diyarbakır) shown refugees, weeks ago during the exodus of Yezidi several basic necessities and with amazing efficiency organized are Îhsan Süleymanoğlu of Amed (Diyarbakır) Mr. hospitality. city council is on site to help coordinate ef relief regional The felt pen used by the gravedigger in Pîrsus (Suruç) to frame resident refugees observing F-16 jets circling above. mark the names of the dead on tombstones is running What is the task of art in times of emergency? empty. The names of nine YPJ and YPG fighters buried — Pîrsus (Suruç), on the morning of 10 October, 2014 today are barely legible. Three female fighters are among (with Savaş Boyraz, Leyla Toprak, Salih Șahin) today’s dead, their coffins carried by women during an emotional ceremony attended by hundreds. Dust rises as Hito Steyerl is a visual artist, documentary filmmaker, and writer. This an excavator pushes dry earth into new graves. Meanwhile, text was first published as an announcement on e-flux on 10 October 2014. It appears here with the permission of the author and e-flux. the aluminum coffins are taken back to the hospital for the next transport. Starting Tuesday, violent and in some cases armed clashes between protesters, sectarian paramilitaries, and police have flared up throughout Turkey. Mass arrests and several disappearances spark fears of a permanent return to the violently polarized situation of the 1990s. were declared in several southeastern provinces, lead- ing to — apart from dozens of dead and wounded — the postponement of the Mardin Biennial. Three days ago, my admired colleague Șener Özmen joined our discussion in Istanbul via Skype. He was unable to fly out as Diyarbakır Airport was closed and live gunshots and explosions were ringing through the city. “Don’t worry,” he smiled at the end of his beautiful contribution emphasizing the need to keep talking about art and literature in the face of difficulty: “Kobanê will not fall.” As the full moon shines down on the embattled city, the hills close to Kobanê are filled with an incongruent mix of onlookers, including foreign press in full Kevlar body ar- mor, people holding out for their relatives fighting close by, tired children, and myself, still wearing a Moving Museum tote bag. fire flares to add to the confusing scene of giant smoke plumes, ambulance horns, and faces illuminated by mobile phone screens. At the cultural center, a brilliant, all-female group of culture workers and munici- pality officials discusses the role of art with me. I pan to

Printing house Algad in Qamişlo produces images of recently martyred members of the autonomous regions of Rojava. Jonas Staal Stateless Theater the of 232–233

1 - - - - - 1. This danger of forgetfulness concerns the international concerns of forgetfulness This danger I recognize some of the imagery from the posters and from I recognize some of the imagery Celebrated as the looks heroes, of these martyrs defy In one of the many streets of Qamişlo, full of seemingly seemingly of full streets Qamişlo, of of the many In one guided down concrete, unfinished buildings, I’m tarnished of stairsa small flight intoa basement. The printing house is remi some of which is stackedAlgad with machinery, lution, the printer runs: it is a feed of history beinglution, it is a feed of history made the printer runs: moment. kilometers a few at the very line is only The front basement, in the and here, the printer against runs away, time; against forgetfulness. community more in the Middle East and its adventures in 2012 was mainly than anything the world else. Whereas al-Assad, toppling with concerned of Bashar the regime focusedtoday on the rise have of the so-called its eyes State holds large which Islamic (ISIS), and Syria of Iraq and Iraq. its under control in bothpieces Syria of territory niscent of a time when they were used for political used for niscent time were of a post they when stenciledhand. In the neon-lit by spaceers I meet Yahiyu data feeding who is busy Abdullah, into a five-meter-wide boy A young is computer. plotter built-in a small through sittingup with the feed of im to of it, keep trying in front cutting out the pictures the printer, from ages emerging plasticized printed the large, surface. from surround and women, men young on the streets: banners ed by logos of their militia, portrayed each of them before battlefields joined of the many on one they their comrades look into They occasionally straight of the region. the lens, fist,smiling or with a raised often with a defiant more but I observe look, calm, in their controlled determined anger. into each other. gazes merging of silent the feed glorification. They belong to a collective resistance:body of And against the losses Revolution. of this revo the Rojava 234–235 ------3 at an alternative historical exploration historical exploration at an alternative in Vijay can be found Worldism Third of Nations: A People’s The Darker Prashad’s The York: (New of theHistory Thirld World 2007). Press, New - Despite the fact that the Rojava Revolution is led by Revolution that the Rojava Despite fact the The first is that of a radical is that of a secular The first politics, meaning that Kurds, the political institutions developedKurds, have that they independent their three an ethnic monopoly over resist cantons. autonomous The three are cantons of Rojava an was officially 2014 on what on 29 January founded tilled the following sixtilled defining points: the following affairs. governance separated from fully are interests religious nounced as The Social Contract — in reference to Jean- nounced as The Social reference Contract — in 1762 — co-written text from famous Jacques Rousseau’s Assyrians, Arabs, by all peoples Kurds, in the region: living and Chech Armenians, Turkmen, Arameans, Chaldeans, a series of ideologicalens. The document features princi fundamentalples that are to understanding the politics of the contract autonomousthe three cantons From of Rojava. textsand related Öcalan, of its main inspiration, Abdullah Party (PKK), dis I have of the Kurdistan Workers’ founder policies assimilation, of cultural subjection,en the and made ambitions Such ISIS into have women. of slavement imagethe total of mirror dark bizarre, the state secu of the never-ending rity of the coalition apparatus willing’s of the other for disregard its and radical and violent on Terror War the state Against states’ terror sovereignty. peoples’ and of both coalition ISIS and the the Rojava of the willing, that it has its termed alternative an “third forms Revolution not as Worldism, of Third project in an echo of the way,” oil, toa source of tragedy be by governments’ scavenged and state-buildingmineral, as “develop masked projects ment,” but as new political an actual, radically interna and tionalist — transnationalist — paradigm. ist — narratives that laid the foundation for for that laid the foundation ist — narratives colonization attempt One such as such. Curator Vivian Ziherl speaks of the term the term of speaks Ziherl Vivian Curator that as a history “Thirldof Worldism” has thus to be rewritten, continuously questioning dominant linear — modern 3. - - - 2 - — char , 11 December 2014, online at:, 11 December 2014, For a relevant article reconstructing the a relevant For with a ISIS consists interviews rise of of militant — nomsenior official guerre de was imprisoned Ahmed — who in theAbu US-led the current Camp Bucca, where al-Baghdadi, was Bakr Abu ISIS, of leader the main and where as well, incarcerated took see his cadre place, of recruitment The Story,” The Inside “Isis: Martin Chulov, Guardian http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/ dec/11/-sp-isis-the-inside-story.

2. -

The Islamic StateThe Islamic stands in stark opposition to the only The difference and betweenRojava the ambitions of The difference

three-year-old Rojava Revolution. The Revolution of Rojava, The Revolution Revolution. Rojava three-year-old made of use of the turmoil revolutionaries, led by Kurdish in the northern part regions to three war of the civil claim and into cantons — Cizîre, their independent Afrîn, Syria togetherKobanê, consisting about two-thirds of a territory million inhabitants — where the sizewith 4.6 of Belgium, new political a declared they model: democratic confeder acterized by terrifying conquest and brutalacterized by terrifying patriarchal alism, or “stateless democracy.” They refer to it as “Rojava,” refer They democracy.” alism, or “stateless indicating as constituting the region “West,” means which partthe western of Kurdistan. ISIS could not be pronounced, with the latter vying more — a expanding total an endlessly for state mantling of Hussein’s Sunni-led government in favor of the of in favor Sunni-led government of Hussein’s mantling citizens were Iraqi the CIA blacksites where majority, Shia tortured State Islamic and militants recruited, and so on. The rise of ISIS has allowed Assad to rebrand himself riseThe as Assad has ISIS of a to allowed rebrand interna the which over region in a evil” supposed “lesser tional community to how maintain is clueless This control. situation is symptomatic tied of political of the lack memory of colonialismto and military history the the intervention: its instrumentalizationBritish mandate of the in Iraq, history the dis the 2003 of Iraq, US invasion War, in the Iran-Iraq

active/2014/06/12/world/middleeast/ the-iraq-isis-conflict-in-maps-photos- and-video.html?_r=1. Exactly how much territory and how and how territory much how Exactly of monopolized this in terms to define “state” — is the term violence — implied by Times contested.highly York The New to guide the crisis in Iraq a “visual created data to provide in an attempt and Syria” State Islamic on the origins of fighters their under as currently as the areas well control: http://www.nytimes.com/inter 1. 236–237 - - - - - 2. In the lecture of the teacher, Dorşin Akîf, I recognize the Akîf, Dorşin In the lecture of the teacher, The Yekîtiya Star could be in Rimelan Academy consid Yekîtiya The izers, teachers, soldiers, politicians, farmers, judges, and politicians, soldiers, teachers, farmers, izers, the canton. throughout artists travelling days during my by the speech a brief moment interrupted for is only Akîf’s sound and an explosion. Later of shots on I am told that of the school, kilometers ISIS has but within three moved for a moment. flinch the students don’t revolution Their takes place both ideological in educationstrug and armed of ideological of many at least days 30 training, gle. After but not will join the fight against ISIS, women these young what political fightingfor. know model are they they before says: she after class, I speakWhen with Akîf ered as the ideologicalered Revolution, heart of the Rojava these six defining where points of the model of stateless theorized and taught. are democracy evening already It’s to the chance visit I have the institution.when The acad or the umbrella Star, Yekîtiya by the is organized emy I observe Rojava. in movement ganization of the women’s and women soldiers young filled with a silent classroom maps with covered are The walls community organizers. of Mesopotamia and Kurdistan, and images of past and martyrs,present Arîn Mîrxan, who became including a detonatedshe after her figure to herself cover famous ISIS militants. by capture comrades and avoid retreating a small wooden shelf, around organized The images are rare placed — one is very of the a Maria figure on which objects secular of iconography in the radically religious Revolution. the Rojava democratic basic the revolution: that drives terminology communalism, democratic autonomy, confederalism, liberation, cooperatives, councils. the These are women’s been that have repeated terms to organ by student me key ------The sixth is the principle of social ecology: that the idea The fifth is the principle of confederalism: the can of The fifth is the principle confederalism: The third is the principle of gender equality, enforcing a enforcing equality, principle of gender is the The third The fourth of a communalist is that self-government, out a dictatorshipof minorities majorities or the other over notion This last of social around. way ecology attempts to define an understanding of basedpower principles of on instead of unification co-existence diversity, and radical of the politics the fundament of and assimilation — it forms Revolution. the Rojava the organization of power basedthe organization of power on secularism, gender and confederalism communalist self-government, equality, an egalitarianrepresents with model capable of self-rule java Revolution — strive to practice Revolution — strive java without the democracy construct of the nation-state. tion and centralist administration, the Rojava Revolution re Revolution tion administration, and centralist the Rojava jects The model the model of the nation-state all together. and its aim of establishing confederalism” of “democratic autonomy” — two concepts to central the Ro “democratic tons are defined as “autonomous” because “autonomous” self- are they tons defined as are communities. Most diverse by their radically governed attitude than takingstunning is that rather a “reformist” the nation-statetowards and its politics unifica of cultural mum political agency. minimum of 40 percent participation of 40 percent minimum of both and women co-presidencies in politicalmen of for and the demand life, institutions. man in all public and one one woman of administration structures that centralized meaning are reduced to the absolute local minimum, whereas councils maxi given are self-governed and cooperatives that are The second is the requirement that presidencies over pub over presidencies that secondThe requirement the is occupiedlic institutions always representatives by are of hegemony. cultural avoid ethnicitiesto order in different 238–239 ------Dilar Dirik Dirik Dilar 6 tive, patriarchal society, many reporters fall for the the for reporters fall many society, tive, patriarchal same used-up categories: while state media, especial fighters guerrilla portray and Iran, female in Turkey ly brain prostitutes,” terrorist family-hating, as “evil media Western toys sex washed of the male fighters, victims to as “oppressed these women often refers culture,” escape an looking their backward for from tionalist statements to exploit the audience’s astonish tionalist statements to the audience’s exploit that “the poor the fact in the Middle over ment women East” could somehow be militants. instead Hence, of that the actions revolution the cultural acknowledging constituteof these women conserva in an otherwise Zîlan Diyar, a female guerrilla fighter, ironically com ironically fighter, guerrilla female a Diyar, Zîlan to understand than trying Rather in the phenomenon these articles often resort to sensa all its complexity, construct articulates that the in context of differences colonized feminine, Jineology explores society. patriarchal can that sustain science and as knowledge history Rojava’s as Murray adaptedof freedom,” Öcalan anarchist “ecology On the curriculum ecology.” concept of “social Bookchin’s but also Bookchin, of Öcalan and the works not only are to forming Butler, and Judith those Foucault of Michel of this political the philosophicalgether pillars and scien tificstruggle. media outlets that, than ex rather on Western ments ploring the ideological “are the struggle, dimension of wearing, are that the women by the clothes so inspired to want startthat they trend!” a new fashion ed to against: struggle considers this side-steppingconsiders of ideological the for struggle benefit of the orientalist, as the sensationalist imaginary found was Movement Women’s the Kurdish problem very Zîlan Diyar, “The Whole World is Talking is Talking “The Whole World Zîlan Diyar, republished Women,” Kurdish Us, About this publication. of 73 on p. 6 - - - - - referring referring Gönül Kaya, “Why Jineology? “Why Gönül Kaya, Re-Con structing the Sciences towards a Com structing the Sciences towards 83 on p. republished Life,” munal and Free this publication.of 5 Based on this analysis, Kaya Based analysis, Kaya on this 5 4

Women have progressed much. For example, during during example, For much. progressed have Women hada commune, women of the French the revolution the but in led revolution, that Women role. prominent The nation- Women. without rights? who remains end: state rights are itself has that women organized as such not recognized. Jineology rejects these “natures” as social constructs, Jineology these rejects “natures” Journalist and representative of the women’s move and representativeJournalist of the women’s

but without rejecting the difference between the male and but without rejecting the difference of the social subjects. is the premise What it rejects female ered “labor,” but instead articulated in terms of “service” but instead articulated of “service” in terms “labor,” ered to the masculine master. tertwined had science has in turn with modern and which impact on social with nurturea severe life, or domestic consid as part “nature” — not work — framed of feminine ment Gönül Kaya writes that “in history, rulers and power and power rulers writes history, “in that Gönül Kaya ment established have holders in thought.systems first their field of system, a As an extensionsocial patriarchal of the sciences hasbeen class-specific, is male, created, which and sexist in character.” referring to the and jin referring to logos the Greek [knowledge] “woman.” for word Kurdish In an extensionof the rejection nation-state of the and task the main foundations, its patriarchal academy of the the tiesis to between break the state and science, not in a rejection but of the specific of science as such, power it. underlying structure takes of The alternative the form science,” with logy jineology, meaning “women’s calls for a “women’s paradigm,” described as a rejection a “women’s calls for between and the of the relation the woman-object (slave) in inherently male-subject considers (master), she which

Interview with Dorşin Akîf conducted Akîf in with Dorşin Interview in Rimelan on Star Academy the Yekîtiya 23 December 2014. 4 240–241 ------2008), online at:2008), http://www.afterall.org/ journal/issue.19/populist.cinema.hito. steyerls.november.and.lovely. Stateless is based democracy on the 9 — writes on the battles waged by the Rojava 10 19 (Autumn/Winter (Autumn/Winter 19 ing scene of giant smoke plumes, ambulance horns, plumes, ambulance horns, ing scene of giant smoke What is clear in the Rojava Revolution is that the redefini Revolution in the Rojava What is clear 3. Turkish armed forces fire flares to add to the fire confus forces armed Turkish ologist who became a PKK fighter, martyredwasshe after ologist who became a PKK fighter, killed in 1998 (2007) situated Andrea are ber Lovely and around (2004) a human rights activist and soci Wolf, Andrea friend her understanding of power through a history that the Yekîtiya the Yekîtiya that understanding history a through of power Star is every writing is Academy speak: as we “Power can operate the state but Power where, everywhere. is not ways.” in different front.ades in and sacrifice, of struggle women with This has madestruggle only it possible not to power operate for itself it has madepossible. difference ways; in different tion of political representation goesthat hand in hand with representation.of cultural autonomy is one for The struggle as of a change to relates what is referred that profoundly and of that is, a redefinition of the nature power “mentality,” the representation A new constellation as of power such. means a new structuring of a new social ecology, of power, practicescultural that it can sustain This and acknowledge. between relation brings us to political the necessary and practice. cultural — artistic — transformationin revolutionary artist HitoIn October Steyerl — whose Novem works 2014, revolutionaries and the US air force against ISIS in the and the US air force revolutionaries autonomous canton of Kobanê: profound processes behind the Kurdish movement’s dec movement’s processes behind the Kurdish profound Janet Biehl, “Revolutionary Education: Biehl, “Revolutionary Janet on republished in Rojava,” Academies Two 211p. this publication. of Cinema: a Populist “For Lafuente, Pablo and Lovely November On Hito Steyerl’s ,” Afterall Andrea 9 10 - - 8 tation-of-kurdish-women-fighters-in-the- media.html. Sakine Cansız, “The in PKK Foundation November [25 words” Sakine Cansız’s online at: http://rojhelat.info/ 1978], en/?p=6832. 8 - - 7 This is why the pillars of the autonomous cantons the pillars This is why of who would otherwise face a life full of honor killings killings of honor full a life face otherwise would who marriage. child and

Rojava enforce secular politics, equality enforce gender through Rojava quotas, to and the reduction structures of centralized a the model from not derived are minimum. These pillars of the nation-state; a new political of the pillars are they that has to yet beimaginary a political developed in full, practice and our very aimed at transforming imaginary sire). When considered from this perspective, patriarchy is this perspective, patriarchy considered from When sire). thus essentially a mechanism of the status when even quo: them allows to it that things can bebe different, show we This brings to mind Sakine interpreted to the contrary. dead shot who was founders, PKK early Cansız — one of the female along with two other 2013 on 9 January in Paris who activists, Doğan Fidan Şaylemez — and Leyla Kurdish described violence as the necessity self- of revolutionary This self- struggle. protection of the Kurdish in the history protection out to as turns it is be about as much survival the possibilityabout a political safeguarding for imaginary be historically, otherwise would which to become reality, negated. and culturally politically, cause their chances for a peaceful, “regular” household life household life a peaceful,cause their chances for “regular” de really this is what they impossibleare (andsupposedly, In other words, the patriarchal, mediatized patriarchal, the gaze claims words, In other a fightingfor not truly are guerrillas women that Kurdish new definition alike and men of women for political power liberationentails albeitthe liberation of men, women’s (i.e., to be behave as such “forced” but are themselves), from

ishquestion.com/index.php/woman/ the-representation-of-kurdish-women- fighters-in-the-media/115-the-represen Dilar Dirik, “TheDilar Dirik, Representation of in the Media,” Fighters Women Kurdish Question, online at:Kurdish http://kurd 7 242–243 - - - - - 13 the art of fighting in the People’s Defense Units (YPG). Defense artthe fighting of People’s in the on performance a teacher art, of show Like our warriors the battlefield. The small citiesconcrete and villages of and brick estals. been of Rojava, have repainted in the colors They women’s and forces of its by flags defense surrounded with martyrorganizations, covered photos — all printed in a revo monuments of the These first basement in Qamişlo. into the public domain: of thoselution new memory bring a Later house of the Democratic on, in the guest Party Union Revolu behind the Rojava forces one of the driving (PYD), tion,I see Botan appear in a music video Ronahi TV on the forms which the media of the revolution outlet channel, those common in the residing for backdrop the permanent video consistsfootage of a collage of film room. Botan’s of Units (YPG) Defense well People’s as the PKK fighters as by surrounded of Rojava Units (YPJ) Defense and Women’s both singer and this is where traditionally dressed singers; media of early reminded I’m performance.” soldier “show reports sing that repeatedlywere mentioned that fighters ing in between battles their at the front. of swaths buildings in the canton separated by large are gone silent largely oil fields, the jack pumps and farmland of Assad, who tooksince the retreat most of the crucial disrupt with him. The colors them running for machinery ing these sober those landscapes either of the yellow, are Party flag of the Democratic Union or and green (PYD), red, those of the martyr photos, the names also display which we go. memorialized in the songs that fill the air wherever monuments, fountains,Old and statues of Hafiz al-Assad, off their beenped have thrown al-Assad, Bashar of father Interview with Nesrin Botan with Nesrin Interview conducted 20 Center, Cultural Hasake in the Mitra December 2014. 13 - - - - Similar to Similar 12 ber 2014. Interview with Abdullah Abdul conducted Abdul with Abdullah Interview Decem 18 in Amûdê, studio in the artist’s 12 11 cian receives education school, learn cian receives fighters our from lution us the opportunity gives culture, our to express now are art, that used to be and folklore We suppressed. a musi Like identity… and our culture for hard working and faces illuminated by mobile phone screens. At the the illuminated faces and At screens. phone mobile by culture of group a brilliant, all-female Center, Cultural municipality and of role discusses officials the workers observing art refugees I pan resident with me. to frame above. What is the task jets circling of art in timesF-16 of emergency? In the Mitra Hasake Cultural Center in Qamişlo, among in Qamişlo, Center Cultural Hasake In the Mitra an important have This revo We in the revolution… role students practicing musical and paintings instruments the chance hall, I have mounted central in the scarcely-lit to speak to Botan, Nesrin vocalist the musical group for a musician who Botan — namedKoma after its founder, became a martyr struggle: in the armed nized history of artnized history and culture. Interestingly enough, Abdullah Abdul, an artist Abdul, Abdullah enough, Interestingly whom I to the this question by returning meet answers in Amûdê, His small studiolocated of the region. is history to next his on and off climbing are children his young house, where of objects and sculptures lining the archive an enormous and floors.An unsuspectingwalls visitor think he might into an archeologicalhad exhibit. walked Instead, is Abdul a lost “Mesopotamia history: creating a museum for has a many in which peoples years thousand five of over history advanced civilization a highly was there here; lived have civilization.” of world the source was which the work that jineologythe work does a colonized in recuperating of a colo the remnants to retrieve is trying science, Abdul

Hito Steyerl, “Kobanê Is Not Falling,” Falling,” Is Not “Kobanê Hito Steyerl, this publication. 223 of on p. republished

11 “performing” on the battlefield, the part of the collective revolutionary body that is reinscribing its history — blood- ily erased, repressed, blacklisted — into the imaginary of a radically new and different present. When I attend the people’s council of Qamişlo, candi- dates are presenting themselves to obtain the position of new co-chair. Each of the city’s neighborhood councils and cooperatives have brought their candidates forward. A long strip of yellow-red-green cloth serves as backdrop upon which is written: “Everything for a Free Life and the Foundation of a Democratic Society.” In the front, the candidates enter and leave the stage, next to two tables with the elected selection committee keeping track of procedure. To the right of the stage is a photo of Öcalan on a modest, draped pedestal. But most importantly — as I realize while observing the packed space — the people’s council is a theater. It is a theater of the stateless, where the Rojava Revolution and it’s script, The Social Contract, is condensed down to its ultimate performance: the practice of self-governance, of self-determination, of performing life without approval. 14 In the face of our global crises in poli- tics, the economy, and ecology, Rojava’s stateless democ- racy proposes a political horizon that concerns us all. What is the task of art in times of emergency? The artists and educators of Rojava seem to provide an an- swer. To write, imagine, and enact history according to the stateless — not only peoples forced into statelessness, but in the case of Rojava, those who have decided to live without the state.

This is an edited excerpt of the essay that originally appeared as “To Make a World, Part III: Stateless Democracy,” e-flux journal 63 (2015). It is republished here with permission of e-flux journal.

14 Dilar Dirik Interviewed by Jonas Staal, “Living Without Approval,” see p. 27 of this publication. A sculpture of the Assad regime in Dirbêsiyê has been repainted in yellow, red, green — the colors of the flag of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) — and thus declared a monument for the Rojava Revolution. Kajal Ahmed Kajal (excerpt) Bird 248–249

Ballinde Bird is a poet and journalist. Ahmed Kajal appeared in This poem first collectionher Benderî Bermûda (1999). Bepey tazetirîn polîn, Kurdekan Ser be regazî ballinden leserzard mejû parey û drawî Awetane Koçer û be in da enesreynawe sefer karwanî to classificationAccording recent belong to the species of birds Kurds disappearing On the slowly are! they Look Here at them. and torn pagesand torn of history recognized the only over that are the migrants are They long distances travel. their caravans