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1. Theory and Method

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1. Theory and Method 1. 2. Theory and method 2.1 Classical Attic grave stelai and funerary practice 2.1.1 Family plots and grave mark- ers Attic cemeteries of the Classical peri- od were situated around the main roads, either outside the Athenian city walls or near settlements in the coun- tryside. Various types of mortuary treatment were practiced in Classical Attica, including inhumations in plain, tile-lined or slab-lined shafts, or clay sarcophagi, and cremations in clay or metal ash-urns, sometimes placed within larger stone or wooden contain- ers. Offerings, in the grave or in special offering pits, consisted typically of pots such as lekythoi and pyxides, strigils, mirrors and toys (Kurtz and Boardman 1970: 90-100). With the exception of infants (special infant cemeteries) and warriors who died in battle (polyandria) individuals were buried in family plots. Most plots included less than six burials (Humphreys 1980: 116), a fact sug- gesting that they belonged to the im- mediate family, the oikos, rather than the extended genos; this fact is related to the close link between the respons- ibility for construction and maintenance of the family plot and the right to inher- it, restricted among relatives only to cousins and their children, but includ- ing adopted children (Alexiou 1974: 20- CONSTANTINOS DALLAS 22; Humphreys 1980: 98-99). Classical The arrangement of the monuments family plots were demarcated by a fronting the roadside, the exploita- rectangular enclosure of dressed stone tion of height for dramatic effect, or clay, lining the main roads going the use of intimidating symbols of through the cemetery. Such funerary strength and power (lions, dogs, periboloi were often decorated by stelai archers, etc.), combined with the bearing a relief representation, and fact that when Demetrios of Phaler- also by plain, tall ‘name stelai’ lacking on terminated the series, his meas- a relief, marble funerary vases with or ure came as part of a comprehens- without a relief, and, occasionally, free- ive strategy designed to curb unne- standing funerary sculptures; a cata- cessary private spending, all seem logue of preserved periboloi, with asso- to indicate that a peribolos was ciated memorials, has been compiled above all a status-symbol, both by Garland (1982). Sumptuous peri- suited for and intended to display boloi typically displayed a tall name wealth to maximum effect (Garland stele flanked by wider relief stelai, and 1982: 132). funerary vases on the corners of the Excluding the initial construction of front side of the enclosure, built of the funerary enclosure, an important dressed stone; stelai were always used part of the funerary expenditure was as grave markers, but many stone represented by the cost of the optional vases may have been mere boundary marker. Apart from stelai set within the stones (Óroi mn»matoj). Stelai showing family plot over specific burials relief funerary vases decorated with (Schlörb-Vierneisel 1964: 90, fig. 1-2; ribbons (‘vase stelai’) may represent Kurtz and Boardman 1970: 98), burials abridged representations of a family were set in the family plot behind the plot; they do not, however, display monumental facade, and were thus dis- stelai, and they are too few to be gen- sociated from stelai. Name inscriptions eric “peribolos substitutes” for the less identified one or more family members well-off (as in Garland 1982: 130-131). as deceased, and occasionally an indi- Conspicuous expenditure was institu- vidual was commemorated by more tionalised in Classical Athens in the than one marker (e.g., C109, Demetria form of liturgies; the necessity for the and Pamphile, Garland 1982: 140). The sumptuary legislation of Demetrios of regular reuse of stelai and their com- Phaleron and the literary references to mon unified appearance on the front the high cost of building a grave side of the enclosure suggests that (Schmaltz 1983: 140-142) demonstrate their cost, visibility and luxury was that the funerary programme was a linked not only with the identity of com- prime domain of conspicuous expendit- memorated individuals, but also with ure as well. The frequent secondary the wealth and status of the oikos at cremation, connected with elaborate the time when they were erected. ritual at the pyre, was more costly than inhumation (Humphreys 1980: 100). 2.1.2 Relief stele representations However, with the restrictions in funer- Most relief representations on Clas- al form and number of mourners and sical Attic stelai display one or more in- the appearance of Classical monument- dividuals in quiet compositions. Al- al periboloi, burial process became less though it has been suggested that both important as conspicuous expenditure chthonic deities and the deceased are than the appearance of the grave: a represented on these reliefs (Couchoud sharp decrease in the number of 1923), there is now general agreement cremations was noted in Athenian that these reliefs show exclusively hu- cemeteries during the fourth century mans; many figures are named by in- BC (Kurtz and Boardman 1970: 96), scriptions set over the image, and after sculptured grave markers became there is no strong differentiation in the popular. In sum: appearance of some figures that would 2 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF COSTUME ON CLASSICAL ATTIC GRAVE STEIAI allow their interpretation as deities scenes, treaty reliefs) confirms solidar- (Devambez 1930: 213, 218). One- ity as the primary meaning of the ges- figured reliefs have been interpreted as ture. In this light, grave stelai are bet- “idealized visualizations of the dead, as ter regarded as generalized representa- they were when still alive” (Johansen tions of family unity, “which the inter- 1951: 16). On the other hand, alternat- vention of death has failed to sunder” ive interpretations of two- or more- (Johansen 1951: 151; Humphreys 1980: figured compositions have been ad- 113). vanced, identifying them as, (a), tomb It is likely that the representations of cult scenes, representing an apparition Classical Attic stelai, with a few excep- of the dead in front of survivors coming tions such as the stele of Ampharete to administer funerary rites in the (Clairmont 1970: pl. 11), were made to cemetery, in analogy with scenes on order. The tectonic form of small monu- white lekythoi (Schefold 1952, 1970; ments, such as metopic stelai, was Thimme 1964; Schiering 1974), (b), re- probably prepared in advance, but the union scenes, representing the de- small image in the panel could have ceased ancestors welcoming the newly been added in only a short time, after dead in the Underworld (Furtwängler the stele was bought; the great variab- 1883/1887; Devambez 1930), or, (c), ility in specific motifs, objects and ges- farewell scenes, representing the de- tures may have reflected suggestions ceased in the company of members of by the customer. Costly monuments the bereaved family (Young 1936; Jo- such as naiskoi and the larger naiskos hansen 1951: 53, 56-58). stelai were probably made to order, The last two views derive occasional considering the amount of labour and support from actual examples: some the commercial risk involved in their stelai display a human figure in front of production (Schmaltz 1983: 136-138). a clearly funerary monument (e.g., Reworking of the relief, occurring in stele of Hagnostrate, Diepolder 1931: several cases (Schmaltz 1979), is not pl. 32.1), other stelai were, according an argument in favour of the ready- to the epigram, erected after all repres- made production of reliefs: no work- ented figures were deceased (e.g., shop would produce a finished, labour- stele of Andron, Clairmont 1970: pl. costly naiskos stele if it was possible 18). In the majority of cases, however, that the purchaser would request only one figure was designated by equally labour-costly alterations. It is name inscription as deceased when the more likely that alterations in the icon- stele was first erected. ography coincide with a reuse of these The handshake that frequently links monuments to commemorate further the main figures of the representation members of the original or another argues against the ‘cemetery cult’ in- family. terpretation, and has been interpreted If it is assumed that stelai were as a gesture of greeting (in the Under- bought from stock, a range of grave-re- world) or farewell (from the family). liefs must have been available to the Both these “novellistic” identifications purchaser; the representation on the of a specific narrative content in the stele must, therefore have reflected a handshake have been rejected by Jo- conscious choice of the family. This is a hansen, in his attempt to present a uni- fortiori true, if it is accepted, for the fied interpretation of stele iconography, reasons advanced in the last para- but were recently restated by Davies graph, that relief representations were (1985: 629-30). However, there is no made to order. The reliefs were, there- evidence that the handshake had been fore, conscious representations of the used to signify greeting or farewell be- family as it visualized itself in a solemn fore the first Industrial Revolution (Mor- context, stressing traits and qualities ris 1979: 117-118), and other Classical that were considered appropriate and iconography noted by Davies (marriage important, at the expense of those con- 3 CONSTANTINOS DALLAS sidered inappropriate or unimportant. on sculptured stelai, identified with one of the figures; alternatively, the name 2.1.3 Human figures on Classical of the deceased could be added to one Attic stelai of the
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