COLONIALISM, LIBERATION, AND STRUCTURAL -ADJUSTMENT IN THE MODERN WORLD -ECONOMY: MOZAMBIQUE, SOUTH AFRICA, GREAT BRITAIN, AND PORTUGAL AND THE FORMATION OF SOUTHERN AFRICA (BEFORE AND UNDER EUROPEAN HEGEMONY ) BY JOSE AUGUSTO MIGUEIS DA MOTA L OPES BA, Eduardo Mondlane University MA, Binghamton University DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New York 2005 UMI Number: 3178291 Copyright 2005 by Mota Lopes, Jose Augusto Migueis da All rights reserved. UMI Microform 3178291 Copyright 2005 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 © 2005 Mota Lopes. All rig hts reserved . Accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New York 2005 November 10, 2004 Immanuel Wa llerstein , Sociology Department, Yale University Dale Tomich , Sociology Department, Binghamton University Richard Lee , Sociology Department, Binghamton University Darryl Thomas , Afro -American and African Studies Department, Binghamton University ABSTRAC T The starting point of the present dissertation is the study of the historical formation of Southern Africa as an integrated region of the modern world -economy. This is considered through the analysis of the main forms of successive, unequal relationship between the core and the peoples of Southern Africa in general, those of present-day Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and South Africa in particular. The forms of relation analyzed are models of domination and control defined by the core: slavery, colonialism, deco lonization, neo -colonialism, and present- day neo -liberal structural adjustment. In Southern Africa, they assumed also specific structures as forced labor, apartheid, and the Rhodesian UDI. As a form of anti -colonial, anti -systemic response to the impositio n of those models a specific process of national liberation was developed. It assumed new strategies of anti -colonial and anti -apartheid armed struggle creating, at the same time, specific structures of direct and indirect resistance; of regional and syste mic geo -strategies; and of cultural and post -colonial collective identities. Most importantly, it originated coherent projects of development for the future. After the early 1960s, “national liberation” was regionally assumed. It led to the military defeat of Portuguese colonialism and Rhodesian UDI. However, its illusions and initial implementation were smashed under a complex, highly destructive process of regional, military and economic destabilization led by Rhodesia, first; by South Africa, afterwards. This collapse made possible the end of apartheid in South Africa. But it resulted as well in the imposition of structural adjustment to the totality of the region. A concluding elaboration of possible, alternative scenarios to today’s situation is presented. The study of slavery, colonialism, and structural -adjustment as succeeding models of relationship between the core and the peoples of Southern Africa implied the need to consider the region before European hegemony and as part of the Indian Ocean huma n space. Arabic, Indian, and Chinese primacies of maritime command and trade; the multiplicity and characteristics of the trading networks and flows defining them; their secular influence on the coastal peoples of East -southern Africa; and the local impact of the development of the world - economy leading to the formation of Southern Africa are equally discussed and analyzed. - iv - Para Maria Rosa; Jose Eduardo; Jennifer Marie ; Ethan Jose ; Kal Jose ; e Adriana, com muito amor. Mas, tambem, recordando meus pais; meu irmao; Maggie; AB; CG; SMM; e TKH, com muita saudade. Table of Contents Abstract iv I Introduction 1 II The Sea and the Land before European Hegemony 38 1. A sea of all colors 42 2. The Land: southern Africa before Southern Africa 68 III Space, Spices, Slaves 102 1. Europe: Order out of Chaos 102 2: Portugal: between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea 104 3. Contacts 114 4. The Trading Networks 118 5. Space: the Commodification of the Sea 121 6. The New and the Old 124 IV The Systemic Making of Southern Africa 196 1. Accumulation out of War 196 2. Bringing Order and Progress back Home 203 3. The Establis hment of Modern Colonialism 223 4. Mfecane, Mapping, and Making of Southern Africa 249 V The Colonial Model: Labor will set you Free 290 1. Colonialism as Peripheral Taylorism 290 2. Portuguese Colonialism as Forced Labor 309 3. The Colonial Model 330 - vi - 4. The Path to War 350 VI The National Liberation Model 387 1. Decolonization or Liberation? 387 African Nationalism as Anti -colonialism 389 National Unity and the Lessons of History 391 Decolonization as an Instrument of U. S. Hegemony 397 The State in Africa: Imported or Imposed? 407 The Rise and Fall of Neo -Colonialism 414 2. The Political Economy of Liberation 426 Anti -Colonial Resistance and Armed Struggle 427 The Liberation Model 443 3. The Collapse 457 The New State 458 The (Im)possible Recovery 463 From Destabilization to Civil War 471 Who Lost the Liberation Project? 479 VII The SAP Model 487 1: The Sapping of Africa 487 2: Southern Africa in Crisis and the Artificiality of SAPs 509 3. IMF/WB SAPs as SDIs, IDZs, EPZs and MOZAL in Southern Africa 516 4: (Regional) Unity or Death? 530 VIII Conclusion: the need for a New Beginning 548 Bibli ography 558 - vii - I INTRODUCTION For quite a long time I believed, with Walter Benjamin, that History must also be the history of the marginalized, of the subaltern, of the exploited multitudes, that, as he stated, “not man or men but the struggling, oppressed classes themselves are the depositary of historical knowledge” (1940: 260). In the Mozambican colonial situation I lived i n and, in particular, in the years following the mid -1960s, it would be impossible to have doubts about who were the marginalized from history, the subaltern and the oppressed. And there was no doubt about what kind of history was necessary: a radically different history, to start with, from that being thought, learned and manipulated not only at the level of the colonial educational system, including a newly -created university but, as well, through all the other ideological apparatuses of a simultaneously colonial and fascist Portuguese administration. Educational system and apparatuses using, in the sometimes elegant superficiality of their arguments and as a kind of pseudo-ethical, social self -justification for the continuation of control and oppression, historical references constructed and presented to reflect dominantly the point of view of 1 Europe as being that of man or men -- that is to say, and as Aime Cesaire was already denouncing in 1955 (72), the perspective of colonialism. Colonialism was used as the main justification for colonialism. One of the starting points of the present work is the evidence that more than forty years after the beginning of what became known as the decolonization process such a perspective continues to be very much alive. As much as the insidious and omnipresent reality that is racism under all its forms. The perspective of colonialism is, to be sure, a specific form of racism. It is also a manifestation of Eurocentrism or, perhaps less precise but more correctly, of core -centrism. Racism and Eurocentrism are the result of the same social and historical process, that of the geographical development of the modern world -system. They are creatures of the same brood. Consciously or more often unconsciously they are based on an assumed conviction or principle of racial and cultural superiority. The principle that, for instance, a racial or ethnic group, a geographical origin, a culture or a civilization, a national belonging or a religion is or can be better, truer, greater, more powerful, and more desirable than all the others. That it can be superior to them, in short. And that consequently it occupies or must occupy the determinant center of knowledge, the core of everything else. Racism, the colonial perspective, core - centris m or Eurocentrism are manifestations determined by that conviction of superiority either in its more vulgar forms or in its more hidden manifestations. Besides the fact that Eurocentrism can usually be seen as the racism of the erudite, there are not many differences between them. They are equally intrinsic elements of the dominant geo -culture of our times 2 and its ideology. They are characteristics of our modernity. As such they are as well prevalent in the best social science being produced today. As they are present in its classics, in the writings, reflections and daily life of its founding fathers. We have to be aware of this and this is the reason why such awareness must always be one of our starting points. Notwithstanding, it is also within the socia l sciences as humanities and in all their expressions that the analysis and denunciation of racism, Eurocentrism, colonialism and core -centrism has been more often attempted. Sometimes this has been made with a remarkable success. A handful of references, some of those that I personally try to keep present, will be enough to illustrate this point. To start with, the unavoidable work of Jean -Paul Sartre using what he called philosophical anthropology to characterize in 1946 anti -Semitism as an ordinary form of racism and, as important, at the same time or in other writings, teaching us the multi -faceted expressions through which it manifests itself in the daily life. Some years after, the Tunisian Albert Memmi to a certain extent complementing Sartre’s approaches, rendered with precision the social and cultural portraits of the colonizer and of the colonized.