VOICESOF AFRICAN LIBERATION . POEM OF THE FUTURE CITIZEN

by Jos~ Craveirinha I came from somewhere from a Nation which does not yet exist. I came and I am here! Not I alone was born nor you nor any other .•• but brothers. I have love to give in handfuls. Love of what I am and nothing more • . I have a heart and cries which are not mine alone I come from a country which does not yet exist. Ahl I have love in plenty to give of what I am. ' II A man among many citizen of a Nation which has yet to exist.

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reprint at will! the contents belong to all people '

The Committee of Returned Volunteers (CRV) is made up of people who have served overseas, mainly in the Third World, and who have had a chance to see u.s. foreign poiicy in action. They have come to realize that this policy works for forces that maintain the status quo of wealth and privilege for the few and poverty and ignorance for the manyo This policy must be radically changed, both at home and abroad. Committee of Returned Volunteers .. '... (National Office) 840 w. Oakdale-Ave. Chicago, Illinois 60657 CRV/DC CRV/NY Box 12014 Africa Group Mid-City Station 65 Irving Pl. Washington, DC 20005 New York, N.Y. 10003 Contents AN INTBOWCTION TO THE MOVEMENTS. oo South At'r1oa .-- ANC •••••••••••••••• PAC••••••••••••••••

Zimbabwe ZA.PU •••• 0 • . •••• 0 ••• 0 10 ZANUo••••••••••••••l2 Na111ibia SWAPOo•••••••••••••12 'Angola ------• MFLAoo•••••••••••••l5 UNITAo•••••••••••••l6 GBAE •• • ••• • o •• • ••• • 17 . ' Mozambique ---- FBEL!Mo.~ •••••••••• l9 Guinea Bissau - ·PAIGC••••••••••••••23 NYEREREI JUSTICE DEMAN.OO WE CB:)OSE •••••••••• 27 MOVEMENT PUBLICATIONS AND ADDBESSES •••••••••• 27

FILMS ••• • •• • • • • •. o ••••• o • • • • • •••••• 28

GROUPS • •••••••••~- •••• 41! • • • .• ••• • •• • ••• 28

BIBLIOGRAPHY. ·••••••• ! • ••••••••••••• 2 9

Preface

For some of the African liberation groups there is much literature available; for others there is very little. In these selections we wanted to include a recent piece from every major liberation group irrespective of political analysis (the exception is SWANU; we were unable to g~t anything in time for publication). We have also tried to include Selections which reflect what the struggles mean to those fighting to liberate their countries. We felt it was important to include some of the less well-known pieces on life in the liberated • areas. Therefore material concerned with the rat1onale.for armed struggle, the history of oppression in each country, conflicts between groups, and the ways that corporate and military imperialism supports the repressive. w'hite regimes has generally not been included. ------~~~~~~~~======~

C 0 N G 0 -

ANGOLA

How can we tell you the size of our dream? During centuries we waited that a Messiah might free us •• . Until we understood. Today our Revolution is a great flower to which each day new petals are added. The petals are the land reconquered, the people freed, the fields cultivated, CAPE schools and hospitals. PROVINCE Our dream has the size of Freedom.

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Popu I a tion

AFRICANS WHITES MIXED ASIANS ANGOLA 5,528,000 .352,400* 50,000 MOZAMBIQUE 7.176,000 165,000* .3 6,000

GUINEA 6-800,000 a few thousand* ?

500,000 95,000 15,500 NAMIBIA., · :;- · · : ~ ZIMBABWE 5,000,000 26o 1ooo ------25,000------SOUTH AFRICA 14 ~ 900,000 .3.779,000 2,000,000 614,000 *does not include soldiers 2 AN INTRODUC-TION TO THE MOVEMENTS

The list of liberation movements in all of tle is known of PAC's current military activities, Southern Africa is long and sometimes confus­ except its belief in the necessity of internal ing. But as time passes, it is clear that some armed action (as opposed to external alliances). groups are mo re active and maintain more popu­ lar support than others. The six movements II. ZIMBABWE .e.mphasized here are among those which are rec­ "'>-"·· ognized by the Organization 'of African Unity and therefore receive OAU funds; they are groups Allied with ANC in Zimbabwe (temporarily ·I:n which have been linked together through formal Smith's Rhodesia), is the Zimbabwe African Peoples and informal alliances; they are all groups which Union. The tactics of ZAPU and ANC are for the have active u~derground networks within their time being similar. ZAPU militants escort their countries; and they ar.e all groups which have be­ ANC counterparts through Zimbabwe; at the same gun military struggle. ~ time they develop bases and arms for future use and generate loc!_l.l support. ZAPU/ANC military The six groups are the ANC ' (African National Con­ engagements have not been reported extensively gress) of South Africa, ZAPU (Zimbabwe African since the beginning of this year. In January Peoples Union), SWAPO (South West Africa Peoples they attacked a South A:(rican "police 11 camp in Organization), MPLA · (People~ Movement for the the Zambesi Valley, damaged some buildings at the Liberation of •. Angola), FRELIMO (the Mozambique Victoria Falls Airport and l:Jlew up a railway line.· Liberation Front), and PAIGC (the African Party Two weeks later they fought Rhodesian and South for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde). African soldiers. Since then seven of the guer­ rillas allegedly involved in those actions have been captured by the Rhodesians; six were con­ I. SOUTH AFRICA demned to death, and the seventh was given life imprisonment, The total number of ZAPU fighters The oldest of the six, the ANC, was formed in .is about 2000; its interim President with head­ 1912 in South Afri·ca. Under . the leadership of quarters in Lusaka is James Chikerema. Joshua men like Chief Albert Luthuli, the_ ANC clung to Nkomo, its founder and President, has already principles pf non-violence until the Sharpeville been detained over five years in a remote rural Massacre in 1960. In 1961 Umkonto We Sizwe ." prison camp, never having been tried for any (Spear of the Nation.), a small group whose pur­ crime. pose was sabotage, was formed within the ANC, and the whole party gradually faced up to the Less current information is available on the act­ inevitability of violent struggle. In the last ivities or· ZANU (Zimbabwe ,African National Union), few years, ANC, its leadership either for~ed to the other Rhodesian liberation movement . ZANU's flee the country, or detained in prison (Nelson , emphasis is on sabotage and it.· cla.ims to have cut Mandela is incarcerated on Robben Island; .Oliver the rail ·lines to Durban three times and to be Tambo, the Acting President-General, has external currently active in organizing in urban centers. headquarters in Tanzania), has adopted tactics ZANU' s founder; Ndabani.nghi Si thole, also long of slow infiltration of the country by trained detained without trial, was finally sentenced in exiles in order to establish "reactivable" mili­ February 1969 to six years hard labor for alleg­ tary bases and communication lines. The move­ edly organizing a plot against the life of Ian ment is also aligned with ZAPU and engaged· since Smith. ZANU's 1eader in exile is Herbert Chitepo. 1967 in guerrilla warfare on Zimbabwean soil.

'Although the ANC sees the time as not yet ripe, · III . · ?.J NAMIBIA it is gradually preparing the African pq~ulation ·' of South Africa for guerilla warfare through poli­ Namibia is a country almost unknown to the world tical education and propaganda. For example, (except in some circles ~ for its mineral wealth); "leaflet bombs " periodically explode in South whatever occurs t here is virtually unheard of African cities. In the most recent instance, anywhere else. But ~ according to the South African ~ugus~ 13 and 1~;-1970, there were . seven such Minister of Interior and Police, about 2000 ANC explosions in five major cities. Taped messages and SWAPO guerrillas entered Namibta and South from ANC leaders and revoluti'onary 'songs rang Africa in the first few months of 1969 . SWAPO out from hidden tape recorders while people hast­ had actually launched its armed struggle in Aug­ ily picked up the leaflets which explained the ust 1966. · Because of the bare vast ness of the necessity of armed struggle and contained .some Namibian terrain, it is impossible for SWAPO to rudimentary instructions in guerilla weaponry. establish bases as ZAPU and ANC do. SWAPO is instead forced to employ hit and run techniques The other major revolutionary movement in South mostly in the area of the Caprivi Strip and the Africa is the PAC (Pan Africahist Gongress). PAC Okavango area in the North-West. At present the split off from the ANC in 1959, claiming that the South African forces deny that there is any guer~ latter was dominated by non-Africans, especially rilla activity in Namibia, but their p resence is members of the Communist Party, and doubting the confirmed by occasional lea.ks of information about commitment of the non-Africans to the kind of dras- dead and wounded police and soldiers. In t he last tic changes which would be necessary in order to few months troops have been strengthened in the destroy the systP. m of apartheid. 1963 marked the North and posters offering a reward of $1,400 -for emergen<-e o!' J:'oga ('We stand alone'), a small "ter- the capture of one of the guerrilla fighters ·have rorist' group which was associated with.- the PAC. been circulated in villages and towns. As with PAC 1 s leadership is also either in prison (PAC Pres-the other groups, SWAPO ' s effectiveness has been ident Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, detai.ned .until harshly reduced by the imprisonment of dozens of last year on Robben Island, is now under house ar- its , leaders. Its exile leadership is based in rest in Kimberley, South Africa) or in exile. Lit-3Tanzania; its President is Sam Nujoma. V. MOZAr.ffiiQUE SWANU (South West African National Union), the other major Namibian movement, operates through In the liberated areas of Mozambique (amountin~ an external council with headquarters in Europe. · to the northern fifth of the country) FRELIMO SWANU members are said to be organizing the people "is functioning as a government responsible for inside the country which they still call.South . a~ the lives and security of the inhabitants, West Africa. An April 1970 statement makes it , b the orga~i~ation of a~r~cul t 'ure and trade, clear that even though SWANU mi~ht consider SWA­ c · the proVlSlon of amenl tles such as schools PO's fighting premature, SWANU will never hinder and hospitals, and d) the building of a new con­ their right to do things in the manner of their cept of a new man and a non-racist culture." choice and we shall always wish them well." (Mozambique Revolution, Oct-Dec., 1969) Formed in 1961, FRELIMO began its armed struggle IV. ANGOLA on September 25, 1964 ; it is now _fighting with an army of 10-12,000 men and women backed up by a people's militia. Especially important now to FRELIMO is Tete Province where the Portuguese are To the north of Namibia is the Portuguese-held intending to build (with South African and Western territory of Angola. The Angolan struggle for European capital) the enormous Cabora Bassa Dam. liberation began in February, 1961 with ~n atta7k Although there is no large rival liberation move­ on the prisons in. Luanda by ~eople assoc_ lat~d Wl~h 'ment (relatively little is known of COREMO--Rev<;>l­ MPLA. Over the nlne years Slnce then the Sltuatlon utionary Committee of Mozambique-- except that lt .. in Angola has been difficult to follow because. of :IS supposed to have underground networks and some the conflicts that have arisen between the vanous military activities), FRELIMO has had its share nationalist groups. Still MPLA , under the leader- of troubles in the last few years. The loss of ship of Agostinho Neto, has held together, and has its President, · Eduardo Mondlane, who was assas­ in the last couple of years functioned in roughly sinated on February 3, 1969, was a serious blow. one third of the country (mostly in the central Since then the party leaders have been going and eastern parts as well as in parts of Cabinda, through a period of self-examination and reorg- where Gulf Oil has struck it rich). In the MPLA anization. In May, 1970 Samora Machel was chosen areas great efforts are being made to set up educ- Acting President by the Central Committee, and ational and health facilities, and to organize rev- the revolution continues unabated. olutionary work and decision-making structures. · Various national delegations and journalists have visited MPLA areas, and all have spoken enthusi- VI. GUINEA-BISSAU astically about what they have found. Probably the most advanced revolution among these -There are two other ·11'e;lor nationalist liberation discussed here is the one~ ih the small country of movements in Angola, UNITA and GRAE. UNITA (Nat­ Guinea-Bissau, or "Portuguese" Guinea. He re, in the ional Union for the Total Independence of Angola), three-quarters of the country now controlled by founded in 1964 by Jonas Savimbe (formerly with PAIGC, the lives of the Guinean peasants are being GRAE), has a strong emphasis on self-r-eliance. transformed. The armed struggle in Guinea began Since it was banned from Zambia in in 1967 after in 1963 after four years of clandestine -political being accused of blowing up the Benguela railroad, preparation; PAIGC 1 s leader, Amilcar Cabral, has UNITA has had no headquarters outside Angola and continually stressed the importance of studying claims to have militants active in the East and one's own concrete conditions and making a revo­ Southeast. lution according to these conditions. As a result, militarily, economically, and politically the Port­ GRAE (Revolutionary Government of Angola in Exile), uguese are clea'rly losing the war; there is no began its armed struggle ih 1961. Led by Holden doubt that they would have given it up long ago Roberto, it has its headquarters in Kinshasa, if it were not for the adverse propaganda effect the Congo. Rumors of American backing and CIA this defeat would have on the defense of Portugal's contacts have persisted over the years. The area Revolution in Southern Africa cannot be stopped of northern Angola it controls is small, but in now. Despite the assassination and incarceration May 1970 Reuters reported "intensified fighting of many movements' leaders; despite the support in the North," (Baltimore Sun, 5/30/70), thus for the white supremacist governments by internat­ implying a new strength on-rhe part of GRAE. ional capital; despite NATO arms and over 150,000 Portuguese troops in Africa; and despite the enor­ The fragmentation and antagonisms among some of mous South African war machine whose presence is the movements in Southern -Afric.a is saddening. felt in all the territories of Southern Africa, However, it must be remembered that_, especially the wars continue and progress. in the Portuguese territories, oppression has always been so severe that for generations people have been prevented from any kind of. political action or education. The liberation movements of the Portuguese territories were of necessity formed 'in exile awf?.y f:rom the people who would eventually have to QU~d the revolution. It is with this perspect~~ in mind that the progress of MPLA, and · also of FRELIMO and PAIGC must be seen. It ·is also with this perspective that the signifi­ cance of this summer's meeting of movement leaders with the Pope can be appreciated. In the audience with the Pope, as well as the United Nations World Youth Assembly, Africans in the so-called "Portu­ guese territories" were finally represented by fellow Africans rather than by Portuguese or Port- uguese puppet·s. 4 SOUTH AFRICA anc

THE RIVONIA TRIAL Excerpts from Nelson Mandela's Speech On June 11, 1963, the South African police raided the' underground headquarters in Rivonia, a Johannesburg suburb. Nelson Mandela was already in jail. He had been sentenced to three years' imprisonmept for incitement to strike, and two years' imprisonment for leaving South Africa without a valid permit or passport. The Rivonia Trial began in October, 1963 and Mandela was taken from his cell to join those in the dock facing trial for sabotage and a conspiracy to over­ throw the Gover~ent by revolution and by assisting an armed invasion of South Africa by'foreign troops. Mandela opened the defense case and the following is a section of his statement to the Court. ·

The lack of human dignity experienced by render any African liable to police surveillance at Africans is the direct result of the policy of any time. I doubt whether there is a single African White supremacy. White supremacy implies Black male 1n South Africa who baa not at some stage bad inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve a brush with the police over ·his pass. Hundreds White supremacy entrenches this notion. Menial, and thousands of Africans are thrown into· jail each tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by year under pass laws. Even worse than this is Africans. When anything has to be carried or the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife cleaned the White man will look around for an apart and lead to the breakdown of family life. African to do it for him, whether the African is Afr,lcans want to be paid a living wage. employed by him or not. Because of this sort of Africans want to perform work which they are cap­ attitude, Whites tend to regard Africans as a able of doing, and not work which the Government separate breed. They do not look upon them as declares them to be capable of. Africans want to people with families of their own; they do not be allowed to' live where they ob»ain work, and • realize that .they have emotions--that they fall 1n not be endorsed out of an area because they were love like White people do; that they want to be not born there. Africans want to be allowed to ~ with their wives and children like White people own land in places where they work, and not to be ··· want to be with theirs; that they want to earn obliged to live in rented houses which they can enough money to support their familie$ properly, never call their own. Africans want to be part of to feed and clothe them and s~nd them to school. the general population, and not confined to living And what "house-boy" or "garden-boy" or labourer in their own ghettoes. African men want to have can ever hope to do this? their wives and children to live with them where Pass laws, which to the Africans are among thethey work, and not be forced into an unnatural 1 moat hated bits of legislation in South Africa, !;existence in men's hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not ·-e left permanently by another. The ANC has spent half a century ficbt­ widowe-d in the Reserves. Africans want to be ing against racialism. When it triumphs it will allowed out after eleven o'clock at night and not not change that policy. to be confined to _ th~ir rooms like little children. Tbis thea· is what the AHC is fighting. !heir Africans want to be allowed to travel in their strugcle is truly a national one. It is a stnsgle own country and to seek work where they want to or the African people, inspired by their own and not where the Labour Bureau tells them to. suffering and their own experience. It is a strus­ Africans want * Just sbare in the whole of South gle for the right to-live. Africa; they want security and a stake in society. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to Above all, we want equal political rights, be­ this struggle of the African people. I have tou&ht cause without them our disabilities will be per­ against White domination, and I have foulht against manen-t. I know this so.unds revolutionary to the, Black domination,. I have cherished. the ideal of a Whites of this country, because the maJority of democratic and free society in which all persons voters will be Af~icans. This makes the White man live together in' harmony and with equal opportun­ fear democra_cy. , ities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in and to ,achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal the way of the only solution which will guarantee for which I am prepared to die. racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement or all will result in ra- · (Nelson Mandela was •entenced to life im- cial domination. Political division, based on prisonment and is held at the maximum-security co+our, is entirely artificial and, when it dis- prison on Robbe,n Island.) appears, so will the dominatiop of one colour group

The following comes from an interview with Oliver Tambo, Acting President-General of the ANC. It was published by the Africa Research Group in Armed Struggle in Southern Africa._

part or the racist combine which is the Rhodesia­ QUESTION: At what stage is the AHC? What are ita · South Africa axis. Tobia explains why ·the· South real perspectives and prospects? African regime was rocked by the striking power ot Por a long time the AHC has been conducting the guerillas in Rhodesia as violently as if these militant struggle relying on non-vielent _methods. battles had taken place within t _he borders ot South fbis became particularly intense during the 50 ,8 Africa. And this explains why we regard the •lash and gradually led to 8 stage at which the Movement between the people' a guerillas and the racists aa switched over from non-violence to th~ phase or the beginning or the armed struggle for which the armed struggle. During 1967 the first armed clashes maas.es of our people have been looking. occured between on the one hand the combined forces or the Smith and Vorster regimes, and on the other the united guerillas of the ANC and ZAPU. It can be QUESTIPN' Is there a chance of the revolut~on said that for the ANC this is the beginning or the breaking out iaside south Africa? armed struggle for which we have been preparing since the early 6o's. There is more than a chance of the revolution spreading on an extensive scale in South Africa. It is a phase ' in which we can rightly claim to have This is a question which or course does not de­ time bef9re this confrontation spreads itself to pend only on our will and determination to wage the ·valleys, mountains and bush or South Africa. revolution. It also depends on the exi~tence of 'There is nothing whatever that can halt the spread obJective conditions which taken together with th~ of the revolution in~ery part or Southern Afric~ determination of the people make it inevitable. still ·under colonialist domination. The political struggle in Africa haa not been _ stagnant nor has it been so in the rest or the for­ rn· saying this one is not blind to what constitutes mer colonial world. ~e defeat or forces or col­ the greatest source of strength for the racists onialism and imperialism ia a process that is going and colonialists or Southern Africa, that is, the on, and has been dramatically demonstrated in the material and practical backing of international wictories or the people or Africa over colonial finance flowing from imp~rialiat countries. Nor rule in the past dec~de. is one unmindful of the military power of the South African regime built with the active support ~e rise and emergence of armed guerillas in and co-operation of some Western powers. fbese are ·southern Africa is further eviden~e ot this pro­ factors which relate not to the question whether cess. Only a few months ago, as I have said the revolution, will grow in scope a~d m~gnitude but earlier, South Africa which has been professing rather .to the scale of bitterness and duration or perfeet peace 'within its borders has been drawn the armed struggle. It has, however, no bearing fully into armed confrontation with our revolu­ on the ulti~te result which can only be victory tionary forces. It is clearly only a matter of for the o~pFessed people qf Southern Africa, and· scored victories by virtue of the superiority which forth~ complete independence or the .Conttnent or our fighters demonstrated over the racist forces Africa. sending a wave or panic throughout the area domin­ ated by the racist regimes and arousing the masses Although the armed conflicts to which I have to a new revolutionary mood. !his is, however, only refer;red took place in Rhodesia, it involved South a small beginning in terms of the bitterness and _ Africa because South African troops, personnel and magnitu~e of the revolution which is unfolding and finance were already involved in maintaining and which embra~ea the whole of Southern Africa. But· sustaining the Smith regime. And the problems or it is an -impressive and effective beginning pro- the oppressed peoples of Zimbabwe and South Africa viding what I consider a guarantee for the success -I were becoming progressively identical. An armed of our armed struggle . . st~ggle in Rhodesia ls an armed struggle against ~

E I QUIS'fl:OJf: ' : Ia there no gap between the leadera out­ The end of apartheid therefore must mean the dis­ aide the country and the people inside? mantling of thia machinery, the elimination of the agents which the White minori·ty are, and the destruc­ !he fact that aome leadera of the liberation tion of the means of exploitation of the African movementa are outaide their reapective countries people. Thia is how I see the end of apartheid. aeana that in varying degrees there ia a break It will therefore represent a transfer of political between them and the leadera tilvolved in the atrug­ and economic power from the miQority of Whites to gle. within theae countries. It ia a gap forced . the majority of peoples of all colours. There will upon the liberation movements by adverse circum­ be no racial discrimination because it will bave .atancea and conatitutea one of the problema which ceased to serve the cause of exploitation. The the liberation movements muat !solve. But it does bountiful wealth of our country will be ahared by not repreaent a total break. There ia communica­ all ita citizens. Here again the det~led process tion between the leadera outside and those within by which these ultimate objectives will-.' b~ achieved the country and it ia one of the taaka of the lib­ muat be left for deciaion by the ,maas·~s-. after vic­ eration movement aa a whole to strengthen and con- tory. Bu~ it is important to emphasize that not 8olidate theae communications. At a certain stage even victory in the battlefield represents the end of every liberation struggle the need arisea for or the struggle for the true independence or the the movement conducting the revolution to be in people. It ia therefore not possible to spell firm contact with the forces- outa14e 1'• country. out how the total and final end of apartheid and all !hia involvea placing some of the leaders outside that it means and has meant will be attained. But the country and the effectivenesa of the arrange­ that the people or South Africa will attain it is ment always depends on the strength and durability historically certain. .ot the lineir of communicati·on between the leadera ·1n81de and outside the country. It is to be ex­ pected that these lirlea of communication constitute C?ne of the main targets of attack by the enemy.

How to make a QUESTIOJf: Bow do you conceive 'tha struggle againat Molotov Cocktail the arms race or the South African racist regime and the aupply of weapona by the big powers? I FUSE Aa ~ liberation movement we are part or an international movement against racism, colonial­ iaa and imperialism. We have the support of oi:Jg-- WIRE peoJles the world over, including in the USA, FASTENING ~itain, West Germany, France and Japan, the main auppl1era of the South African regime. The strug­ AIR sle ia one struggle waged by all right-thinking and tre•dom-loving peoples of the world against '1< PETROL the South African regime as being part' of and an MIXED WITH A LITTLE TAR inatrument of the forces that are hostile to the OR CREOSOTE 1nteresta of mankind. Our mare of this common OR MOTOR battle is to tight and destroy the enemy within OIL South Africa with the assiatance and support of all our friends; but our international friends have also their own special share of this burden, that ia, to get their goverments to disenaage from South Africa. What is even more important, they In November, 1969, and again iri August, 1970, ahould not permit their aovernments to, aend arms, bombs containing ANC leafiets exploded in a which are expreaaly intended for the liquidation number of ,South African cities. In addition, ot the people. They muat not give thetr labour - a tape recorder with loud speakers sounded ~ to the manufacture of weapons, helicopters, ar­ the message of the ANC. What follows is one moured cars and submarinea for export to South such broadcast. Africa. To participate in these ventures against the workera whose cause we fight ia to commit an act of betrayal against us. At thia time in par­ VOICE: Tibia is the African National Congress. ticular, we expect anti-raciats, anti-colonialists This is the African National Congress. !his ia and anti-imperialists everywhere to play their the Voice ot Freedom. The ANC speaks to You! parta in the armed struggle now spreading through­ Africa! Africa! Mayibuye! out Southern Africa. SINGING Of the National Anthem (.Nkosi Sikele Le Afrika•an9'~orena Boloke, QUES'l'ION: How do you see the end of apartheid? VOICE: The time baa come. 'l'hia Government of Apartheid ~• a scheme, a device and a machin- slavery, thia Government of oppreaaion, thia ery tor keeping a White minority in political and Apartheid monater muat be removed from power and economic power in South Africa. It ia alao a crushed by the People! It must be removed by machinery which aervea the interests of interns- force! They will never stop the paas raids, the . tional big buainess. It hingea on the colour of arreata, the beatings, the killings ••• they will the skin and has plaeed the entire African popula- cont1nue . to drive ua out of our homes like doga and tion at the economic beck and call of this White send us to rot in the so-called Bantu homelands, minority which in turn, by holding the reina of they will continue to pay us miserable slave wages, exploitation, becomes the agent of colonial and and treat ua aa their beaata of burden until the imperi.al intereata. On the African continent, day we beat them up and crush white rule! 'l'his the concentration in South Africa of 3! million land or oura waa taken away by bloodahed. We will Wh1tea holding 15 million Africana in subjugation regain it by bloodshed. Sona and daughters or . aakea that part of Africa a big prize tor over- 7 Afric;a, you in your millio~a who have toiled to aeas inveatora. make thia country rich, the ANC calla upon you-- NEVER submit to white oppression--HIVIB give up cattle. We must resist the Matanzima stooges, we the Freedom Struggle--find ways of o:r;:gani::r:ing must resist the Bantu Authorities Act in the ' those around you--the African National Congress countryside • We want our land.. ba ck. Our young calls you. to be ready--to be ready for war! You men with guns will fight for it in the country­ will soon lea-n how to make a petrol bomb. ·You side. They will deal with the stooges and in­ will also lea-n how to shoot a gun. You must formers, the police and the white soldiers. Our learn how to oiltwit ·the enemy, his spies and in­ People in the countryside must be told of their formers, and organise those around you. We are coming • . many, they are few. Our Coloured and Indian brothers must do the same • . You must organise your 'fHEY MUS'!' HIDE Alii> FEED OUR FREEDOM FIGHTERS, they people to fight the ghettoes and all the racial must make their path easy and the enemy's path laws and in support of the armed struggle. We say hard. 'l'HE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS CALLS UPON to the enemy that we will not be bluffed by your OUR PEOPLE TO PREPARE FOR GUERILLA WARFARE, THE toy parliaments like Matanzima•s. like the PEOPLE 1 S WAR OF LIBERATION, NOW! Guerilla war has Coloured Council and like the Indian Council. brou,nt victory to the people of Algeria, to the people of CUba, to the people of Vietnam. Those We want freedom now! REAL FREEDOM! But the whites people did not have big armies. They were like us. will not give it to us. We have to take it. We Guerilla fighters organise themselves in small have to "take it by violence. We fight a guerilla groups. war. You sons and daughters -of the soil, you must con­ A gueri~la war is not a war of biE armies. We have sider yourselves as soldiers in the guerilla war. no big army. We organise ourselves into small There are many ways to be a freedom fighter. You groups. We attack the enemy suddenly when he is will soon learn how to make a petrol bomb. You not expecting us. We ki~l them and we take their will also learn how ~o shoot a gun. You must learn guns an~ we disappear. Our brave young men have to outwit the enemy and organise those around you. s~own the way in their heroic battles in Rhodesia. Today thoy fight in Rhodesia, tomorrow they will OUR BRAVE MEN OF UMKONTO WE SIZWE HAVE SHOWN THE fight in South Africa. WAY. They fought heroically in Zimbabwe. They will fight in South Af~ica. You must start to The African National Congress calls upon you to find places where you can hide the weapons you prepare for the guerilla war, the war of libera­ might come across. You must have secret addres­ tion. The ANC calls upon you to help our young men, ses of your reliable friends who will agree to our .freedom fighters. We organise ourselves into hide you or your weapons or other freedom fight­ smal'l gr_oups, we carry guns, suddenly we attack ers. You must be rea# to sacrifice. You must the enemy, we kill them and we take their weapons, start now to find hiding places. The countryside, and we hide away ••• the foreats, the mountains, the the bush, the forest, the mountain--these will countryside, the People hide the young men. Every- also become your secret addresses. The time has one of yo~ can help in this fight. EVERYONE CAN BE come. The African National Congress calls upon A FREEDOM FIGHTER. In your factory, in your school, you to organize and prepare. DEATH TO RACIALISMf • on the land, in your church--wherever you are amongs MAYIBUYEI AFRICA! AMANDLAI KE NAKO, THIS IS ITt the People--you must find a way of organising those CLOSE RANKS t SINGING OF FREEDOM SONGS, around you. If you -work carefully you will be able to cheat the enemy and his spies and informers. BLACK CRY (Grito Negro) / You must be prepared. You must be ready to sacri­ ~ tice. We refuse to live on our knees. We refuse b7 Jose Craveirinha to say "Ja Baas." I I am c.oall We . must prepare to rise against the white oppressor. You tear me b~tally from th ground Nelson Mandela said he was prepared to die for the and make of me your mine, boss · . freedom .of our people. What do you say my dear young .brother, my dear young sister? SONS OF I am coal S~I. SONS OF SHAKA, SONS OF HINTSA, SONS .OF and you burn me, boss MOSHOESHOE,, .THE TIME HAS COME, FREEDOM LOVERS OF to serve you forever as your driving SOUTH AFRICA THE TIME TO FIGH'l' HAS COME. This· is force the message the African National Congress brings but not forever, boss to you. You must learn how to outwit the enemy and organise those around you. The enemy fears our I ' am coal organised might. WE ARE MANY, 'l'HE WHITES ARE FEW. and must burn WE MUST FIND WAYS TO ORGANISE THE PEOPLE. and consume everything in the heat of my combustion Th~i pay us low wages because our skins are black / I ' am coal whilst the whites live in luxury. At wor~ in the fa9tories, the mines, the docks, the offices, the and must burn, exploited kitchens, the,fields, the railways, the roads, burn alive, like tar, my brother until no more your mine, boss we dem~nd equal pay for equal work NOW! They charge u& high~ents, high taxes, high fares on the trains I am coal ' and. buses, we must demand a better life NOW! They and must burn give our Qhildren inferior education. We demand and consume everything in the fire proper education tha~ will enable our young people , to be equal to other, young people in the world. of my combustion Our young people must be taught to fly jet aero­ Yes, boss · planes and how to fly sputniks. I will be your coal! In the school, our young people must organise to resist Bantu Education. · we demand free and equal (Jose Craveirinha is a Mozambican. education for all our children.NOW~ The whites Hundreds of thousands of Mozambicans have taken away the land of our People in the have been exploited by the contract countryside and have forced them to give up their ~~ labor system in South African mines.) pac .

SHARPEVILLE THE TURNIHG POIH'l' I by David Maphu.mzana Sibeko, head of the PAC Mission in Europe and t he Americas, on March 21,1970.

Sbarpeville is a typical urban area ghetto variably ahortlived. Aa i n all African :_townabipa .· for African people in Azania: a collection of match- their houaea are the daily subject ot· •yatematlc box like houses, lined up in monotonoua faahion paas raids by ruthleaa police. Hence the long and fenced in . Beneath the enforced and deceptive crocodile queues of men handcuffed together, tranquil are bitter people, people who hav• exper- marching to police stations. Being taken to a iencod the barbarism of apartheid all their lives police station 1a merely the beginning of a srim and have paid dearly when they roae to demonstrate tate. From there people are herded to the "Native" their hatred tor oppression. Aa ia wellknown the Commiaaioner'a court and wis~n minutea you collect world over Sharpeville suffered the worat caaual- a atiff two ye.ar prison sentence. L1ke _aar4inea ties ten years ago on March 21 when her reaidenta; like thousands of other bitter Africans acroaa the land, responded to the clarion call from Mangaliao Sobukwe, national leader of the Azanian people and Preaident of the Pan Africaniat Congreas, to take Positive Action against the pass lawa, the corner­ atone ·or apartheid oppreaaion. The working people of Sharpeville are the cheap labour force for the capitalist and faaciat factories of Vereeniging ·and Vanderbijl Park, the main aettler towns of South Africa's Vaal Region. Originally the bulk of Sbarpeville'a popu­ latiofrwas resident in a alum location which, like ·ao many othera, ia little known outside South Africa, Top Location. However, by applying the ingenuity that ia peculiar to oppreaaed people of converting mlaerable conditions into comfortable living quarters the reaidenta of Top Location skillfully turned the miserable aluma into happy homes for their families. But like Sophiatown or Alexandra Townahip and many other African reai­ dential areas Top Location was declared a black apot (an unwanted African area in a "white area") and ita reaidenta were forcibly removed to Sharpeville during the 1950's. Aa frequently happen• in aituationa like thia there are thousands who never made it to Sharpe­ ville and were deported from the urban area and sent to their "traditional homea"; the majority of theae unfortunate victima had lived in Top Loca­ tion all their lives and knew no ·other home, nor were there any relations to go back to in the ao­ called traditional homes. But that did not pre­ vent the oppressor from abandoning them in any one of the scrubby and unproductive country-aide "Bantu homelands" better known aa Bantuatana. These are people who were "guilty" ot tailing to comply with one or the other ot the multiple regulations under the paaa lawa: they may have merely overlooked renewing permits to remain in the Vereeniging district, it might not even have been their fault that they did not have auch a permit, but because ·or the long queue outside the aingle pass office serving over 50,000 pass carrying Africans. But that would be their own buaineaa, "the law is the law"and it must be enforced with­ out compromise. Needleaa to add many homea were broken in this way. For inatance the head of a family might have had hia reference book, or paaa aa we call it, in order but thia does not cover hia wife or children of a paaa carrying age i.e. aix­ teen years and above.

"CONVICTS" PACKED LIKE SARDIHES Out ot sheer need for meana of exiatence there are those who ~ried to evade the deporta­ tion and slipped into Sharpeville, literally tbrougb anapped fencea around the location be­ ·oau•e you have to produce your p&ll when you en- ter or leave Sbarpeville and given lhelter by 9' thole who had made it. But IUoh 1anotuary ia in- the "convicts" are packed into prison tifluck:a, and Aunian liberation atruule to creater hei&hta. sold to settler farmers, mainly in the notorioua After the aovement waa banned 1n April, 1960, we Bethal district for those caught in the Transvaal. converted Party cella into underground military The boer farmer& of Bethal are a apecial unit•. PAC freedom fi&htera have tackled settler breed of faaciat, their method& could make the police at Langa, Paarl, Queensto1!fll, Qamata, incarcerators of the Auschwitz detainee• look like 'Krugeradorp, and BUahee Bridge. There have been nuraery school teacheFs. Priaonera are given m~Jor aabotage trials involving our activiats 1D aacks to wear as their uniform without any under- aeveral placea all over South Africa includin~: wear. They are locked up in cold and damp cells, Molteno (30 men); Gamkaapoort (20); Steybrug ll); chained together. 'l'he priaonera' working day atarta Ooodwood (13);· and 43 in the Eaatern cape -Pro­ before the break of dawn until after dusk. In the vince during 1965. In 1966 13 men from Baviana- fields the men use their bare banda for working poort; 4 .en in cape Townj another 30 from Oamkas ~ potato plantation& and are endlesaly whipped by poort; 4 trom Orahamatown; Middleburg 15 mta. farm-hands on horaeback. Tbose who collapae and In .January, 1967. nine men were added to the long die are buried in &hallow grave& in the plantationa; liat of PAC men han&ed at the gallows in Pretoria; a favourite Joke amongst .the farmer& ia that tour more were aentenced similarly in February of "kaffirs made good manure." For fo.od prisoners the same year. All in all 97 PAC men have hanged are give aoft porridge at breakfaat time, half to date. In 1969. _26 _appeared before a Judge in cooked dry maize at lunch and a.oft porridge again the Cape Town Supreme Court and 24 before the at aupper time. Meat is an unheard of luxury! Eaatern Cape's chief· Judge in Orahamstown. An- Thoae who make it from Bethal are no more than other 11 appeared before a Regional Magiatrate in walking corpses once they come out, often with the OUdtsboorn and 12 others in Lainsburg. !here are tlesh peeled off from their fingers and toea. more than 13,000 PAC men in South African prison8. It can -be seen from the above locationa that the I AFRICAHIST GLORIOUS VICTORIES atrugle is beins apread wider and wider in the ••• On March 21, 196o, Mangaliso Sobukwe countryside becauae we fi~y believe that though called on the African peoPle to leave their passes our ultimate obJective is to grab the political at home and surrender en-maaae at police stations power which is baaed in the citiea, initially we all over the country. 'l'he intensive organising should build baaea in the country-side, concentrate amongst the people that had been carried out by on pinning down enemy forces through guerilla war, PAC paid dividends: at Sharpeville, Langa, Evaton, whilst building our liberation army, and finally VanderbiJl Park, Nyanga, Cato Manor and all acroaa go into the offensive to totally liquidate the the land Africans followed Sobuk:we, who surrendered . fascist ai'aiea. OUr strategy is based on a people •a himself_at Orlando Police Station in Johannesburg war and has been vindicated by the successes together with other PAC leaders, in their thousanda. scored by tpe People'• Liberation armies in China, · This is the situation of the African into Albania> and Al&aria, in the paat, and today in which the Pan Africanist Congress was born, the Vietnam, backcround of Sharpeville is not unique to the historic township. It is a atory of the entire African nation in Azania. To fight the system that gives birth to such human misery long ago_ called for decisive action and such action could ZIMBABWE ~nly be provided by a revolutionary movemen~ ... Sensing that the snowballing campaisn would cripple the country's economy and bring about the settler regime's fall, the oppresaors lashed out brutally on PAC followers. Police killed 69 in Sharpeville zapu alone and several other patriots in '·Langa, Nyanga and Vanderbijl Park. The massacres did not inti­ ARMED RESISTANCE IN ZIMBABWE midate the African people and their determined leadership; the campaign gathered momentum and Reprinted trom zimbabwe Review, the organ of within days the Government backed down and sus­ ZAPU, from the March-April 1970 issue. pended the pass laws, for the first time in the history of South Africa. The Pan Africanist Congresa did not call orr the campaign. Sobukwe had clearly spelled. it out When did the .Zimbabwe people take up arms to fight t-at: "'l'his is an unfolding and expanding campaign, foreign intrusion? It is not infrequent to hear involving the f.Olitical, economic and social statua some people say, offhand, 1963 or 1966 or 1967 or of the Africa. ' PAC would not settle for mere that we are just beginning. These offhand answers conceasions, the struggle had to be waged through show lack or attention in the development •r the to the end! Sharpeville was the turning point. people's struggle. It is looking at it from super­ ficial and·selfish .iapressions. For a Zimbabwean, The national leader had ~eared the people for ac­ tion, he had told them There is plenty of . in particular, it reveals an attitude of aloofness and diserigageaent which is a crime in the current aufferlng ahead. The oppressor will not take this state of war. lying bazooka shells._ Our only disadvantage in the field is lack of anti­ aircraft guns with which we could bring down the jet bombers~ It is obvious that the fascists rely more on their air power than on anything else. The morale of their ground forces is so low that they now dare not move into those areas they think are oooupied by freedom fighters. Whenever they venture near, they start by shooting at every tree and bush and thicket. This shows just how fright­ ened they are. We are now securely settled among the people and are definitely confident that it will not be long .1before a free Zimbabwe is born through the barrel 1. of a gun and with blood and sweat. their high quality of fighting has 4r1Ten _the lesson .zanu home to the enemy that we are determined to li~rate our o·ountry even at the cost of our lives.

MESSAGE TO SPECIAL REVIEW CONFERENCE HELD IN We wish to remind this oonteren~e that the enemy ZAMBIA, MARCH 9, 1969, FROM REV. NDABANINGI here, realising our determination to retrieve our SITHOLE, IMPRISONED PRESIDENT OF ZANU stolen country, is not losing any opportunity to match that determination. We, on our. part, must therefore make even greater effort it 'we are to Mr. Chairman and all delegates, overthrow -the illegal regime.

On this occasion when you are holding this very We are all called upon for more sacrifice, ~d in important conference attended by all our functional responding to this call we shall be doing no more bodies, we send you our fraternal greetings and than what other people have done in other African wish you a very successful conference. countries and elsewhere in the world. History has imposed upon us the sacred duty-of liberating our We want you to know that we in the Sallsbury Cen­ country, ~nd we cannot, and we will not, shirk th1s tral Prison, the Que Que Prison, the Sikombela duty. Restriction Area and our people in general greatly appreciate the many and tireless efforts you are · When we formed z.lNu in 1963, we had long come to putting into our liberation struggle. We can only one conclusion, namely, that while other peoples wish you more power to your muscle in our determin­ and other countries may herp us as much as they ation to retrieve our stolen motherrand so that we can, ultimately we are the people responsible also may become free like other countries. for the actual liberation of our country. We oan here only remtnd you of one thing to which we all Not only do ' we think of this important conference, subscribe• WE ARE OUR .OWN LIBERATOBS. We hope but we also think of our gallant men who have al-. and believe that you will conduct your important ready paid the supreme sacrifice in their selfless proceedings in that spirit, for it is oniy in the endeavor to free our country. Their blood which spirit of self-confidence, self-reliance, dedioa­ has flowed, and' .continues to flow, in Zimbabwe in tion., determination and high purpose that we can our effort to free our country, can never be for- prosecute our liberation struggle to a successfUl gotten, and has not been sacrificed in vain. This. conclusion. It is our ·duty, trom which we will Conference 1s living testimony to the determination not flinch, to keep on pressing forward for a new, and dedication of our honoured dead, and re-dedica- independent sovereign Zimbabwe for ourselves, for tion to the spirit of our honoured dead that wh<~t ur children and for our children's children. they so nobly started when UDI was col1surum.. t;ea shall 0 be prosecuted with more vigour and valour to a .suo- LONG L±VE ZANUI LONG LIVE ZIMBABWE! cessful conclusion. Their readiness to fight and YOUBS IN THE STRUGGLE, Signed• NDABANINGI SITli>LE

NAMIBIA swapo

Statement by TOIVO HERMAN JA TQIVO As an active me mber and the founding leader of SWAPO, Toivo was arrested illegally in the United Nation's Territory in 1966 along with other officers and freedom fighters of SWAPO. These Free­ dom Fighters were charged for "Terrorism Activities" and conspiring to 'overthrow the South African illegal Administration in South West Africa, The act under which they were charged is the ex post facto law that is retroactive to 1962 and carries a ,maximum of death penalty and a minimum of, five years imprisonment. ' The;~ ~?"o -~alled judge handed down his findings on January 26, 1968. The "Judge" then asked the men ~o p1ea in mitigation. It was during these pleas that Mr. Toivo ·made his. famous speech knowing full well that it was going to give him harsher p~nishment. Mr. Toivo was sentenced to 20 years . ·

~ Lord, to try ua. beoauae your Parl1 alllel'lt cave 7ou that We rind ourael vea here in a foreign country. right • 'l'bat ruliDC baa not .. . · "ould not have convicted under lawa made by J)tlople whom we have chang,d our feelinca. , we·.a;.(; !.Qillibiaaa ed not always conaidered aa foreignera. We find ouraelvea Sout~ 1 Atricana. We do not now, and will not 1n tried by a Jud&e who ia not our countryman and who the future reooaniae your ri&ht' to sovera ua; to baa not abared our backdround... £t ~ake lawa tor ua in wbiob •• bad no ·aays to treat You~ ~ Lord, deoide<1 that you had tbe ri&h'f JtllPUr country aa 1t 1t were JOUr property and u1 ~· it ~ou were our maatera. We have alwaya regarded Government of South Africa were aure that SWAPO SOuth Africa as an intruder in our country. !b1a did not repreaent the innermost feelings of the ia how we have alwaya felt and this 1a how we feel people 1n South Weat Africa, it would not have _no:w .. and. it ,ia on thia. baaia-that we have raced taken the trouble to make it impossible for SWAPO thia trial . . . · - .. · , : to advocate ita peaceful policy. I apeak ... of "we" . because I am , .trying to apeak Your Goverriment, my Lord, undertook a ver y not only for JJIYaelf, but for others aa well, and special reaponsibility when it was ·awarded the eapecially for ·.thoae or my fellow accuaed who have mandate. over us after the first World War . • . not had .the benefit of any education. I think South Afi-ica has abused that trust because of its alao that ~hen I aay "we;~ the overwhelming ma- belief in racial aupremacy and apartheid. We Jority of non-white people ;J.n South West Africa believe that for fifty years South Africa has fail- _would like to be included. ,.. , ed to proaote the development of our peop1 e· .•• To • We are far away from our homea; not a aingle ua it has always aeemed that our ru~era wa nted to member or our families has come to viait ua, never keep ua backward for their benefit. ~n~ be preaent .at our trial. !he .Pretoria Gaol, 1963 for ua was to be the year of our freedom. the Police Headquarters at Compol, where we were From 1960 it looked as if South Africa could not interrogated and where atatementa were extracted oppose the world for ever. The world is important troll\ ua 1 and ~ia Court 18. all we .have aeen of to us. In the same way as all laughed in Court Pretoria • . We have bee.n cut off t'rom our people when they heard that an old man tried to bring and the world. We alrwondered whether the head- down a helicopter with a bow and arrow, we laughed men would have repeated aome of their liea if our when South Africa said that it would oppose the people had been preaent in' Court to hear them. world. We knew that the world was divided, but as ~e South African Government haa acain shown time went on ~t at least .agreed that South Africa ita •trength by detaining us for aa long aa it had no right to rule ua. , . pleaaed; keeping a .o~e of us in aolitary confine- · I do not claim that it ia eaay for men of dif- ment fo~ 300 to 400 days and bringiq ua to ita ferent races to live at peace with one another. I capital to try .us . It haa shown ita atrength by myself had no experience of this in my youth, and paaaing an' Act eapecially for ua and having it at first it surpriaed me that men or different races made retrospective .. _ ,It,haa ev~n choaen an ugly could live together in peace. But now I know it nue to call u,s .by. . ·'One's ~ pwn are called patriot&, to be true and to be something for which we mus j; . or. at leailt rebela; your ,opponents are called strive. The South African Government creates 'ferroriata. ,, ,. , . .. · · hostility by aeparat1ng people and emphasizing A Court can only do justice in political caaeatbeir difference&. We believe that by living to­ if it understand& thepoaition~of thoae that it hasgether, people will learn to lose their fear of 1D front of it. 'fhe. State has not only wanted to each other. We also believe that this fear which convict ua1 but alao. to Juatify the policy of the some of the whi tea have of Africans ia based on SOuth African. Government ••• · We have felt from the their desire to be superior and privileged and that very time .of our arrest· that we · were not being when whi tea see themselves as part of South West tried by our equala but by our mastera, and that Africa, ahar1ng with us all its hopes and troubles, thoae who have brought u~ to trial very often do then that rea~ will disappear. Separation is said not even do ua the courteay of calling ua by our to be a natural process. But why, then, is it im- ·aurnamea. . Had . we been tried by our equala, it poaed by ' force and why then ia it that whi tea have ·would not have been necessary to have any discus- the auperiority? sion about our grievances. · They would have been Headmen are used to oppress us. This is not ~own . to those set ·to judge us. t~e first time that foreigners have tried to rule It auita the Government ot. South Africa to indirectly;.,-we know that only those who are pre- aa;y that it ia ·rUling South ' weat Africa with the pared to do what their mastera tell them become conaent of ita people. 'l'hia i' not true. our 1headmen. Moat of those who had some feeling for organiaation, SWAPO, ia the largeat political or- their people and who wanted independence have been gan~ation in South Weat Africa. We considered intimidated into accepting the policy from above .•. ouraelvea a political party. We know that whitea Your Lo~dahip emphasized in your Judgment . do not think of blacka aa politiciana--only as the fact that our arms came from communist coun- agitatora. Many of our people., through no fault triea, and also that words commonly used l;>y com- of their own, have had no education at all. ~ia munista were to be found 2n our documents •.• It is doea not mean that they do not know what they want. the wiah of the South African Government that .we A man doea not have to be formally educated to ahould be diacredited in the Weatern world. That know that he want• to live with hia family ·where ia why it calla our struggle a cQmmuniat plot; but he wanta to live, and not where an official chooaeathia will not be believed by the world. The world to tell him to live; to move about freely and not knows that we are not interested in ideologies. require a paaa; to earn a decent wage; to be free We feel that the world as a whole has a special to work for the person of his choice -for aa long reapona1bil1ty toward& us. This is because the aa he wanta; and finally, to be ruled by the peopleland of our, fathers was handed over to South Africa that · be wants to be ruled by, and riot ·*boae wbo by a world body.. • . ·rule him becauae they have more guna than he haa. Other mandated territories have received their OUr grievances are called "ao-called" griev- freedom. 'fhe Judgment or the World Court was a ancea. We do not believe SOuth Africa if in South bitter disappointment to us ••• We knew that the Vest At'rica in order to provide facilit1ea and power of South Africa ia overwhelming, but we alao work for non-whitea. It ia there for ita own ael- knew that our case is a Just one and our situation fi•~-t reasons... . intolerable--why ahould we not also receive our Only one .who ia not white and baa auffered the freedom? way we have can aay whether our grievance& are real .•• We do not expect that independence will end or "eo-called." · our troubles, but we do believe that O)lr people 'fhose of ua who have aome education, together are entitled--as are all people~-to rule them­ with our uneducated brethren, have alwaya strugcledaelvea .•• , to get freedom. 'fhe., idea of . o~,~r.• freedom ia not 'fhere are some who will say that they are . liked by South Africa, It has tried in tbia Court aympathetic with our aims, but that they condemn 'to. prove through the mouths of.c,· a. couple of ita violence. I would anawer that I am not by nature paid Cbiefa and, a paid off1c1.al· that. SWAPO does not• man of violence and I believe that ·violence is a repreaent the people ;of Sou.tb Wea.t , Africa. If the· a in against God and my fellow men. SWAPO i taelf ' 18 was ·a .non-violent organisation, but the South INTERVIEW WITH MOSES GAROEB, ADMINISTRATIVE African -Government is not trJ,Zly interested in SECRETARY OF SWAPO (FROM ANTI .. APARTHEID NEWS, whether opp,asition is violent or non-violent. It SEPTEMBER, 1970) • . does not wiah to hear any opposition to apartheid. ' Since 1963, SWAPO meetings have been banned •.• We Could you outline the stage which the struggle has have found ourselves voteless in our own country reached within Namibia at present? and deprived of the right to meet and state our own three main political opinions. • , SWAPO is engaged in armed struggle in _Is it surprising that in such times my _country-areas of Namibia. The area where the fighting has men have taken up arms? Violence is truly fear- reached its greatest intensity is, of course, in some, but who would not defend his property and the Caprivi Strip. The other zones where we are himself against a robber? And we believe that involved in combat are around Runtu, near the Oka- South AfriQa .has robbed us of our country. vango River, and in Ovamboland, near Ondangua. I have spent my life working in SWAPO, which The extent. of our activities has meant that the is an ordinary political party like any other. South Africans have had to station some 17,000 Suddenly we in. SWAPO found that a war aituation troops and police .in Namibia. There has recently had arisen and that our colleagues and South Africa been a series of clashes in the Caprivi Strip be­ were fac·ing each other on the field of battle. Al­ tween our militants and the South African security though I had not been responsible for organising forces. We lost Alphons Visitile, one of our com­ my people militarily and although I believed we rades on the Central Committee. But during the -we-re unwiae to fiiht the might--of South Africa course of this action, seven South African troops while we were so weak, I could not refuse to help were killed, as P.w. Botha, So~th African Minister them when the time. came ••. 0f Defense, was forced to admit. Ih l964 ,the ANC and PAC in -South Africa were suppressed. This convinced me that we were too weak to face South Afrioa's ,force by waging battle. What effect would the supply of British arms to When some of my country's soldie~s came back I South Africa have upon your struggle? foresaw the 'trouble there would be for SWAPO> my people and· me personally. I tried to do what I we regard the distinction between arms to be used could to prevent my people from going into the bush.for internal and external purposes as being entire­ In my attempts ! _became unpopular with some of my ly null and void. The arms which the South African people, but this, too, I was prepared to endure. government is looking for can be used tor internal Decisions of this kind are not easy to make·. My suppression within South Africa itself, and also loyalty is _to .lJlY country. My organization could against the people of Namibia. not work prop~rly--it could not even hold meetings. I had no answer to the question "Where has your our experience in the past has been that they have non-violence got us?" Whilst the World Court used Buccaneers from three airstrips based on the judgment was pending, I at least had that to fall three combat zones which I mentioned earlier--from. back on. When . we failed, after years of waiting, Katima Mulilo in the Caprivi Strip, from Buntu in I had no answer to give to my p~ople. Okavango and from Ondangua in -Ovamboland. These Even though I did not agree that peop~e should Buccaneers were used to dive bomb the villages and go into the bush, I could not refuse to help them heavily vegetated areas where they suspected the when I knew that they were_hungry. I even passed presence of guerrillas. on the request 'for dynamite. It was not an easy - . decision. Another man might have been able to say The frigates which they, require from Britain could "I will have nothing to do with that sort of thing."be used for bombarding the African locations and I was not, and I could not remain a spectator in the urban areas on the coast. the struggle of my people for their freedom. I am a_ loyal Namibian and I could not betray What is your attitude towards the Kunene River pro­ ·mY people to. their enemies. I admit that I decided ject? to assist thase who had ta~en up arms. ] know This is allegedly to sustain a future "Ovamboland that the struggle will be long and oitter. I also Republic." In fact its purpose is to sustain co­ know that my people will wage that struggle, what- operation between South Africa and Portugal in ever the cost. ' their exploitation of Southern Africa. SWAPO's Only when we are granted our independence will policy towards this project is that we will aim to the struggle stop. Only when our human dignity is stop its C·onstruction, within the context of our restored to us, as equals of the whites, will there general struggle. be 'peace be~ween us. We believe that South Africa has a choice-­ either to live at peace with us or to subdue us by force. If you choose to crush us and impose your will on us then you not only betray your trust, but yqu will live in security for only so long as your power is greater than ours. No South African will 1ive at peace in South West Africa, _for each will know that his security is based on force and that without force he will face rejection by the people of South West Africa. ~~ co - accused and I have suffered. We are not looking forward to our imprisonment. We do not, however, feel that our efforts and sacrifice have been wasted. We believe that human suffering has its effect -on those who impose it. We hope that what has happened will persuade the whites of South Africa that we and the world may be right and they may be wrong. Only when white South Africans realise this and act on it, will it be possible for us to atop our struggle for freedom and justice in 1 4 the land of our birth. r Do you see the United Nations as playing an impor- How do you see the struggle developing in Namibia tant role with regard to Namibia? in the future? our main .emphasis must be on the armed st~ggle, People expect dramatic developments. We must build and the United Nations• role in Namibia must be firm foundations. We don't want a spontaneous re­ seen as subsidiary and complementary to this. We volution starting on Monday and finishing on ·wed­ no longer place as much reliance upon the United nesday. We don't do it for publicity, but for the Nations as ·we -did in the past. But the interna­ long term. The stronger SWAPO is, the better for tional body must live up to its' oblisations. the people of Namibia, for it is their only hope. This is the basis on which we have been 0 and will be, working. .

...... !. ANGOLA.

~pia

~970 marks the gth anniversary of the armed struggle of. the· Angolan people against Portuguese colonialism. Exirerpts from MPLA President, Agostinho Neto's speeches to HPLA militants on .Janua.ry 1 and to the people of Angola on February 4, ~-1PLA Day , follow. These speeches are reprinted in full in MPLA 1970, published by t he Liberation Support Movement. Fellow citizens, democratic methods in the activities of the Org­ Comrades, anization ••• The year 1970 begins a new decade1 it also pre­ But we need more initiative. Initiative is our sents very favorable prospects for our national most powerful weapon, capable of aiding us in · liberation struggle, and especially for our Movi­ resolving the numerous problems faced by our mento Popular de L1bertacao de Angola. Condt1ons large Organ1zat1on ••• w~ must constantly seek oreated by events in 1969 permit us to set our contact with the enemy in order to harrass and sights in this new year on a period of progress to liquidate his living foroe1 in order to real­ and decisive steps -- so long, that is, as we ize the objectives of guerrilla warfare ••• we must promise to take upon ourselves, seriously and maintain the initiative in all sectors in order resolutely, work in all sectors of our struggle ••• to intensify the generalized struggle! in order that all of , our People become engaged ·in actions This year we will celebrate not only the 13th linked to the MPLA ••• anniversary of the founding of MPLA, on December lOth 1956, but also the 9th anniversary of the One of the major principles which we must rig- beginning of the armed struggle and the lOth .nrously follow is to utilize our-own forces in anniversary of the adoption by the United Nations, resolving the problems of the revolution. This in 1960, of the Declaration for the Independence is not to depreciate in any sense the importance ot Peoples still Colonized. •• of international solidarity or sympathetic move- ments which are now emerging in all the capital- Our patriotism at this moment can only be ex- ' 1st countries of Europe and America, including pressed through participation in the struggle. A the United States itself. Nor, of course, do we And by struggle I mean participation in both the depreciate in any way the political an~ material military and political actions taking place inside support given by socialist and African countries the country. • • - support which has greatly facilitated our strug· gle. But we must recognize that all of this is This 18 a war of the whole People, united by the secondary. What is primary and essential is our same ideal. But in the vanguard are those who a action within the country, for it is through this. are able to go the the fron~ lines of struggle! action that we will achieve real Independence. with their eyes on the future, confident of Vict­ ory, serving the People faithfully and humbly. To utilize our own forces in military activity The political struggle is no less important. means to arm our guerrillas with the weapons of Quite the contrary. , We must organize ourselves the enemy1 it means to regain the food, clothing, for an independent life, consolidate our poli­ medicine, money and other means necessary for the tical organization at the national level, link guerrilla's existence~ And we have the right to the leadership to the base, leaders with ordinary do this, not only the necessity. Because every­ militants -- we must effectively link together thing the colonialists possess in our land, the all of our activities. In the zones under our arms, the food, the clothes, the medicines, the control we QUSt effectively organize education, money and other material goods, all of this is work, and administration! and we must _create in the product of the labor of our People. It is our young .people a revolutionary spirit. We must ·the result of the exploitation of our People. adopt in the Movement proper methods of adminis­ ·It all belongs to our People, and must be used tration among the civilian population' and we in the legitimate interest of our People. , must make impossible the utilization of anti- In the zones .under our control, to utilize our I wait no more own forces means to produce, to organize indust­ it is I who am awaited ries, organize trade, organize schools, etc., without having to wait for outside assistano.e It is ourselves , coming tq resolve all of our material problems. the hope · of life recovered. 1 What is essential in the solution of these prob- J:.lems must come from us, t'rom our labor, from our --by Agostinho Neto . 1'111n1t.1at1ve, from our creative ab1lit~es. • •

/ FROM NETO' s SPEECH ON FEBRUARY 4th, 1970 1 FROM AN INTERVIEW WITH DANIEL CHIPENDA in Lusaka, Zambia, August 28, 1969. Daniel Our war is necessarily long. In order to achieve Chipenda is one of four men on MP.LA's Presi­ the fundamental objectives, of the revolutionary dential Commission, The interview was done struggle for National Independence, as carried by Liberation Support Movement Li~ison Sec­ out by the MPLA, it is necessary to work hard, retary Don Barnett. not only to find methods of organizing, but also in political and ideological work, which trans- Questiona Portugal's NATO allies, particularly . forms the social behavior of man anxious to see West Germany, France and the United States, · the end of exploitation of man by man. Our org­ have acquired a much greater economtc interest anization takes care also to preserve our freedom in ·Angola over the past few years. Given these from any foreign_domination, whatever it might increasingly rich mineral and fuel developments be. But it does not mean to say that we are by foreign corporations, do you think Angola against whoever-fights on our side against imp­ -will become a great enough loss for the imper­ erialism, and against colonialism, or against ialist powers for them to create "another Viet- racist regimes dominating one part of our cont­ nam" in your country? inent. We can never forget that such a possibility The multiple facets of our revolution go even to exists, We don't say Angola will become another the point of fighting' against a concept often de­ Vietnam. We just say ·that whatever happens we fended in a simple manner -- that the fight is are ready to continue fighting until we have against the white, because the colonialists are fully liberated our coun,try, We will never back white. The MPLA refused to adopt this formula down in our struggle and we are prepared to because there in lies the essence of counter­ fight for as long as it is necessary, · Right now revolution. From the fight against whites, in­ we are fighting against Portugal and we are sure stead of the struggle against an unjust colonial that we will win, The Unit~d States must know system, we can easily pass to tribalism with its this. · And even if t;hey intervene with their consequences of division. From such a concept o armed forces, we are still sure ot our victory. of the struggle, we would easily go to chauvinism Perhaps it will not be Chipenda or my comrades and then towards establishing undesirable rela­ who will win; we may not win in our time. But tions with other peoples and races, the people of Angola will surely win, Sometimes I think the imperialists take a very short view, We have made it clear that the hard work done by without thinking about the future, All intelli­ MPLA during the struggle for national liberation, gent people know the Portuguese have no chance many-sided work ·by its own nature, is destined to of holding onto their o·olcntes in Africa--they change radically the relationship between the have no chance. So if the imperialist corpora­ Portuguese people. It must bring about the unifi­ tions keep investing their capital in Angola and cation of all forces inside and outside our coun­ Mozambique, they must have some other objective try, to fight against the colonial system. It in mind. But if they think we are prepared to must bring about a change of consciousness in man, become neocolonies of the United -States, West by political clarity, by a change in the condi­ Germany, and so on, they are very mistaken, tions o_f living, and in the concept of the manner MP.LA and the people of Angola will continue -of existence, Our struggle is against exploita­ fighting until we have achieved independence, tion and for the normal and healthy development political and economic. And in this struggle of man, and of the Angolan nation on the road to Vietnam is-a-very good example foruus. progress ••• . VICTORY IS CERTAIN!·

unit a

Information on UNITA is scarce, The material which follows was taken from the UNITA Central Committee publication Angola--Seven~h Year (1968)

- ACTIVITIES OF UNITA ince its inception, UNITA has succeeded in shaking foundations of the colonial sustem in the·pro­ s of Mo::x:ico, Cuando-Cubango, Lunda, Bie and e. UNITA has organised guerrilla groups into military detanhments integrated into the activities of the local committees. · ·rh~ guerril.las of-V~!TA are part of the people. They take orders _from the local and regional committees, ' The Local Committees have 'the functinnsr-- to organise the literacy campaign and political agitation. the direction of mass organisationsr women's brigades and 70uth brigades, the co-operation of the masses with the military detachlllents ' in actions of sabotage, of gathering selecting information, UNITA has under its control approximately 1,500~000 QUESTIONr Do you see any difference between people inside the country. This population is free the position of Portugal in Angola today and from paying heavy taxes imposed by the colonial ad­ the position of South Africa and Rhodesia? Is ministration, forced labour and other humiliating there any risk of a common front? ~ts. The Portuguese administration in the con­ trolled areas is adversely affected by the unwill­ We have feared that this would happen, ingness of the people. For instance, the heavy but conditions have improved considerably, taxes imposed by the Portuguese administration upon thanks to the development of our struggle and the Angolan people have recently been reduced in the evolution of the situation in Portugll• it­ some districts from 250 Escudos per annum to 50 Es­ self. I do not think Portugal's hands ~r~ 'cudos (from $8.30 to $1. 67), in a desperate effort free to follow the example of Sout~ern Rho­ to continue the exploitation. The population al­ desia. The fight will never cease and if the ready is organising a new life. Portuguese follow Rhodesia's example, we shall be forced to wage da war to the hilt.

UNITA has groups of medical aids (male and female) QUESTION 1 Does this imply that you have been who are not only looking after the sick people but tryirig to avoid such a war? also teaching hYgieneand the prevention of diseases. There are schools for children which, though of a We consider that there is always a way provisory nature, give an opportunity to children to reach an agreement between men. It is, not of the rural areas to learn, because they have never our intention to continue the war indefinitely. had this opportunity during the 500 years of Por- . We think that the sufferings inflicted on the tuguese colonisation. The people freed by UNITA are Portuguese and the Angolan peoples must end marching forward with gigantic steps towards a bet­ some day. We hope to reach a peaceful .solu­ ter life which can be disturbed by the colonialists. tion and that the Portuguese will .not harden This life has already deep roots in the soul of the their position. Angolan people. . QUESTIONr .What exactly are the points of oon~ · flict between the Angolan and Portuguese per­ THE IMMEDIATE AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF UNITA sonality? 1) To mobilise all the Angolans--mostly those The main point is that the Portuguese who are more oppressed-- to become a solid base are neither Africans nor -Angolans. They for the National Liberation struggle. have tried their best to adapt themselves but they will always remain people who have 2) To fight steadfastly against illiteracy in come to settle among us in order to instill order to raise the political consciousness of their ideas and customs by force. But the the Angolan masses. war proves that our people have not been won over by this method. There has been a con- 3) To unite .all Angolan popul'ar forces which flict between the "civilizer" element and the are determined to fight relentlessly against native. The civilized element has a super­ the Portuguese colonial damination. iority complex. The. fight is being waged by peasant populations who have suffered oppres~ 4) To prepare the Angolan people for the Na­ sion. forced labour and all the misdeeds of tional Liberation struggle which might be long colonialization. The ciTilized element stayed and bitter. · in the towns and enjoyed peace and prosperity. 5) To spread to all the Angolans living out­ QUESTIONr Is there hatred between the Portuguese side the country the idea that real indepen­ and the African today? dence for Angola could only be achieved through an armed struggle waged aga'inst the I do · not think so, Of course, in the be­ Portuguese colonial power inside the country. ginning certain people thought it was a war against the white man, but today we know that there a~e members of the Portuguese population who criticize the colonial policy. It may be that tomorrow we shall call upon these people. But as for today, we appeal to international and Portuguese opinion to end this useless bloodshed. · grae QUESTION' What do you: ;expect of Portugal today? We do not expect the Portugu~e to take a radical decision, but I think that ' the regime INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT OF THE REVOLUTIONARY must undergo a process of liberaliza~ion and GOVERNMENT IN EXILE (GRAE), HOLDEN ROBERTO (printed n.;'·"- w~ 7 s and means to satisfy 'everyone. We in Continent 2000, No. 12, September, 1970). expect the recognition of the principle of in­ dependence. After that we might perhaps ask QUESTIONr To what extent will there be a place them what their conditions are. We do not want in Angola for those people who do not haVe the immediate independence to come as a poisoned same ideology as you and are waging a separate gift, as was the case with our Congolese brothers war of their own? after the hasty departure of the Belgians, But · · look at what is happening today 1 King Baudouin In ~ - 1 countries where there has been an visits the Congo. Contacts are resumed in ·a armed struggle there have been fierce disputes friendly spirit. We hope that the same thins for power. But in our case the choice will be will happen in Angola tomorrow and that the Por­ left to the major1 ty. tuguese will cooperate with the Angolans, 17 THE BIRTH OF A NATION - The Struggle of the Angolan People and GRAE (a publication of the Department of Foreign Affairs of GRAE). Chapter VII - 1968-1970, "Toward Independence by Armed Struggle" No testimony, drawn on the battlefield, would permit anyone to doubt the ' successes and strength of the armed struggle waged, eight years ago, by the Angolan people under the clear leadershi~ of G-liAE• On the contrary, the intensity of the military actions of the valiant ALNA in the North, North­ East and East of the country is such today that GRAE controls almost a quarter of the territory INTERVIEW by Continent 2000 reporter Jean-Jacques with about a million inhabitants. This confirms Dupont with Commander of COBA I (operational that the victory of the Angolan people is approach­ command of Battalion Number 1 of' the National Lit ing day cy day •• 0 • eration ~Y of Angola of GRAE), Major Londes. We ascertain that the struggle will grow in the QUESTION• , What have been your tactics up till future, depending on material aid that peace and now? justice loving African states wlll give to our movement, in order to counter the support the The first phas.e of our action above all has Portuguese receive from the racist and imperial- been to lead the guerilla war. It upsets the 1st countries. · enemy's plans and allows us to strengthen our forces while confiscating supplies. We confine In conclusion, the REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT OF our objectives to isolated patrols and posts ANGOLA IN EXILE hopes that the true freedom with small garrisons. Also we aim at the plant­ fighters who form the ALNA will one day be hon­ ations where the Angolans work for the Portuguese. ored _by a visit in the Angolan magu1s, by a poli­ We bring them over to our way of thinking. Thus, tical or military delegation of the OAU who will since the beginning of the year, 'one hundred and salute and bring them the support from Indepen­ dent Africa, as a pledge of· fraterni,ty and soli­ eighty-six young men and four hundred women have darity of all the peop+e of the Continent. joined us. It is to counter this offensive that the Portuguese bomb us. I believe that they ~ant to exterminate that part of the pop- · ulation which refuses to accept colonialism and slavery. QUESTION• Can you tell us what direotion your war is going to take? SONG OF THE NEGRO ON THE FERRY

That depends on the arms we'll have at our by Jos~ Craveirinha disposal. Rather than always attacking the weak­ est points, we're considering an offensive against the vital spots to cripple the Portuguese economy · and to raise the cost of their war. It isn't by putting a thousand Po~tuguese a year out of act~ ion that we'll make Portugal give up the. strug­ If you could see me die gle. Sabotage will become· widespread ••• and The millions of times I have been born ••• . our troops will close in on the strategic centers. Right now, they are a threat to sugar production in the refinery at Caxito, which -is about twenty If ,you could see me weep sev~n miles from Luanda. the millfons of times you have laughed ••• QUESTION• But isn't this war likely to be limit­ e_d to the extreme north of the country? . The If you could see me cry out southern and eastern regions are nonetheless The millions of times I have kept silent ••• more important and it seems suprising that in nine years no gUerilla base has been establish­ ed there. , If you could see me sing The millions of times I have died . ~ ~ Recently we have been able to establish And bled ••• two new camps in the Congo • o • one is the .northeast, where we'-ve ,opened Front number two and another in the east ~t Dilolo in Katanga, I tell you, European brother which corresponds to Front number three. For the time being, we're still very close to the border. We don't know the country well. But You would be born ,just last week on the eastern Front, we cap­ You would weep tured three Portuguese military personnel, in­ You would sing cluding a sergeant-major, In the Cabinda en­ You would cry out clave the other bank of the Congo river, we And you would die also carry out offensives which consist mainly Bleeding,,, · of raids, · Millions of times like mel 18 MOZAMBIQUE frelimo

The liberation mo~ement will not be able to claim success until, through it, the people achieve what the Portuguese denied them: a tolerable standard of living; education; the conditions for economic and cultural development; the opportuni~~ to participate in their own governrnent. Thus the question, "How long will th-e- "" armed struggle last?" is not as important as it seems to be. Whatever happens, whether we have to go on for ten or twenty years, fighting our way inch by inch do~n to Lourenco Marques, or whether the Portuguese give up and move out within the next few years, our problems will not end with independence. If the war has been long, however, these may be less acute. For the achievement of indepen­ dence in itself does not change overnight the attitudes of the people, and colo­ nial rule essentially discourages all the qualities which make for successful democracy. Among the uneducated, authoritarian rule discourages initiative, a sense of personal responsibility, and breeds instead an attitude of non-cooper­ ation with government; among the educated few, it -encourages an elitism imitated from the elaborate· hierarchy of colonial government. In the liberated areas, these are the sort of influences we have had to combat at the same time as cam­ paigning against traditional problems such as tribalism, superstition and the gene_ral low level of political and economic understanging. The urgency pro­ duced by war conditions has forced us to recognize these problems very early and shown us the ehormous importance of political education. As a result, att~tudes are beginning to change in the liberated areas. There are still local divisions, misunderstandings, some corruption, and a great deal of sheer in­ efficiency; but these are decreasing . People are beginning to realize that their) future is now in their own hands. This is why we can view the long war ahead of us with reasonable calm. from The Struggle for Mozambique by Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, first President of FRELU10; assassinated February 3, 1969 ·

The following four selections are brief excerpts from an 'extensive article on national reconstruc­ tion in the September 25, 1969 issue' of Mozambique Revolution.

fo~lowed in all countr~es by the specialized INTROOOCTION organizations. In the liberated areas (the provinces of Cabo In the last 3 years about 150,000 people have Delgado, Niassa and part of Tete) the whole been vaccinated against smallpox in the liberated Portuguese civil administration has already been areas. This fact is significant in that, under destroyed. The whole way of life has changed. , Portuguese rule, such a large number of people Portuguese occupation is limited, in these regions were never vaccinated in so short a period in to a few urban centers and to occasional military the same area. It should be emphasised that this outposts is~lated in the bush ..• was achieved during a time of war. The results in this field, however, have not _nearly satisfied In the three abovementioned provinces in which us, and we have recently started a general cam­ about 1,000,000 Mozambicans live, a new life is paign of smallpox vaccination which we hope taking shape. Under the direction of FRELIMO, a within a year will .immunis.e t he whole population new administrative system is being formed; of the liberated areas. This objective is some-· schools have been opened, hospitals and, medical what ambitious and has not yet been achieved in posts have been created, agriculture and home many countries already independent, but we are industry is developing; nei'J commercial circuits facing it with confidence as a practical possi­ are opening, etc. bility ..• In these areas, the responsibility for admini­ Apart from the campaign a gainst smallpox, we are· stration, education, medical assistance and concerned with other endemic diseases, particularly economic organisation has fallen on our party. yaws, scabies, malaria, bilharziasis, hookworm The people in these regions have shaken off the disease, leprosy, sleeping sickness, ~rachoma,etc. oppressive yoke of colonialism; they have abol­ ished the exploitation of man by man, and are We have carried out in some zones innoculations building for themselves a new society, thus against typhoid, tetanus and tubercuLosis, but writing a new page in their history. , much more must be done in this field. In par­ ticular, we are planning an intensive program of PROGRAM FOR PREVE1~IVE MEDICINE anti-tetanus · innoculations (very important in this period of war) and innoculations against It has been our constant concern in the field of typhoid. health to accompany our programs of curative medicine with campaigns of preventive medicine. We have developed a crash program of health With the development of our health services we education among the civilian population. We hope tq be able to give increasing attention to consider this program to be the cornerstone of preventive medicine. To do this, we b'elieve is the struggle against the main tropical parasitic in accordance with the most modern principle~ l~iseases endemic in our country .•.

------·- ON EDUCATION criticisms of the results by the s~udents have been useful, especially in reaching a form of language understandable and meaningful. These Achievements and Programs texts, which are used at every level of teaching, do not yet constitute a complete course. Some of those which have been completed show how the When the Portuguese left the areas which are now emphasis has switched from Portuguese and colonial lib'erated, there were practically no schools (in values to the new values of Mozambique and Africa. the whole province of Niassa there were only' 3 The history textbooks are a good example: not teachers!). In 1965, the first primary schools only the subject has changed, but the method has .were founded in the liberated areas, and by now also been radically modified from the old times, we have more than 12,000 pupils in 120 schools, since the effort is to show the socio-economic with a total of 191 teachers. In a. 4-grade course roots of events in the history of the people of they learn Portuguese, history and geography of the world. Other types of textbooks are the poli­ Mozambique with a general view of history and tical documents of FRELIMO, which are used espe­ geography of Africa and the world, arithmetic, cially for the ~ourses of politics. And finally, elementary science, civics, practical work, arts. sometimes we do without te.xtbooks altogether and In the course of civics (3rd and 4th grades) learn from each other, from nature, from the oral the pupils study the situation of their country, tradition of the people. the structure of FRELIMO, the definition of the enemy. Also important is the course of practical work, strictly linked with daily needs; students cultivate their own fields, ml\ke their 'own clothes The war has changed the people's situa­ tion. Where the war has already broken and equipment, build the school building and its out, the people are no longer beaten, furniture, etc. there are no longer taxes which exploit' It is 'not easy to be a student in 'Mozambique, the people, the people are not humili~ because the difficulties are many: sometimes ated. There are hardships but this is students cannot go home for days, because of the the price of victory. ' war, and some of them, especially girls, also face oppo'sition from their parents, still afflicted . --Joaqui~ Maqu'ival with old prejudices about the role of women. In spite of all this the students ~articipate en~ thusiastically in the program of educa.tion; they help over come the lack of teachers, with more ON ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION advanced pupils helping the less advanced or joining in literacy campaigns and so on. .••. The first problem which we encountered was: how to 'plan our economy? Theoretically, two. alternatives were open to us: a) to 9pecialise in the production of certain crops ( a,s for example Now there is the war. If I compare the rice, cashew nuts or cotton--in the last case present with the past, I see that ·itt my · making use of the experience gained from the region the people have a better life. Portuguese), to export them and in this way get There are difficulties but it's differ-. in exchange, goods for which we have need; or b) ,ent. When the people produce crops now, to produce all that we need ourselves. The ·they eat better•! the companies don't examples of other, countries already independent rob them1 there is no forced labour1 whose economy depends on external markets, but our people a~e free1 we can say that mainly, the circumstanc~s under which we are oper­ the war is liberating the people. ating, imposed the second solution on us. The fact that we are engaged in a war, the difficulty --Gabriel Mauricio Nantimbo in communications, the threat of _the destructlon of harvests by aerial bombardments and the subsequent ; risk of their concentration in one area necessitated that we should orientate our economy to become a subsistence economy.

Means of Education As soon as we had established the orientation, we had to study how to implement it. We found many difficulties. If on the one hand a· state of war does not favor an exchange economy, on the Learn from your teachers, but learn ot_her hand, the poor development of our country also. from t he people (Ho Chi Minh) does not favor a subsist,ence economy. As we have already said, 'the people were taught and forced by the Portuguese to cultivate cotton--but they A system of education geared to the requirements do not know how to use this·cotton for making of a ~~v olution comes up against the problem of textiles (clothing). There is no iron industry. what means must be used to convey information. The weapons which the people make have to be made The traditional means, textbooks, and teachers of with the metal from des'troyed enemy lorries. the old systems, can no longer be accepted because Salt has to go from the coast regions to the of their colonialist outlook. We found out that interior. The same with soap--the people did not even language must be revolutionised in order to know how to make it. ThiS means that we have to express .the new ideas. We accepted Portuguese for depend on the outside a great deal and to make practical purposes, but it is clear that it will exchange among the various regions. Thus, we be a modified Portuguese according to the exigen­ stuck to the principle of a subsistence economy, cies of our situation and our people. adapting it to the objective condi t ·ions: a sub- '·' sistence economy as a perspective, as a tendency . tempered with exchanges whenever necessary, And As regards books, an efx·ort is being made by th~ in this way, we encourage our people to produce teachers of t he Secondary School of FRELIMO, who ·also products for export to be exchanged with have start e d writing their own books, The ~c:t - goods which we still cannot produce ourselves, In this way, the agricultural products which we by the purchase of more suitable instruments (like. produce today are: for consumption--maize, wheat, plows). Here experience showed us that collective cassava, peas, beans, potatoes, rice. For export­ production eliminates egoistic spirit which makes groundnuts,, rye, cashew nuts, tobacco and rubber. the individual f~rmers unwilling to share what In the industrial field, we are teaching the they have produced with the guerrillas who people to weave cotton, in order to make textiles. defend them. Moreover, collective production is Jie make soap, and •~e encourage the development of more in keeping with the principles of FRELIMO-­ traditional industries--such as craft work. · against any form of exploitat-ion of man by man. For these reasons we are structuring the economy As regards commerce--the problem posed is the in the liberated areas into a cooperative system. following: the appearance of liberated zones caused the withdrawal of all the colonialist Thus, there are production cooperative~~~~arvings, structure. Having expelled the colonialist agricultural products, etc.), sale~ cooperatives merchants, there arose the problem of finding and those of consumption. The functioning of ways of · furnishing our people with the goods they these cooperatives is as follows: for example, need and used to buy from the Portuguese merchants­ in a cooperative of fishermen, the nets, hooks, as for example, matches, clothes, lamp paraffins; ropes--all the instruments of fishing--are the salt, etc. This responsibility had to be property of the members of the cooperative. The assumed by FRELIMO, which has created people's workers are members of the cooperative, who divide shops. Ix is here that the people bring their work among themselves: some fish, others dry the products, receiving in exchange that which they fish, the others transport it. In the end, they 1 need. At the time of handing over their pro­ divide the results among themselves and reserve a ducts, each person receives a document with indi­ part for the purchase of new equipment. cations of the value of his products--and with · 1this document, they can take whatever they wish Our problems--we have already referred to some of from any of the FRELIMO shops. them, such as the risks of aerial bombardments, mean that in our choice of camps we have to con- With respect tp the organisation of production, . sider not so much the fertility of the land, ' there were also two ways theoretically possible: as security conditions: many of the camps are individual or collective production. Again, it open clearings in the midst of forests. Trans_,. ;­ was our objective conditions which determined the port is another difficulty. The products have to choi·ce. We realised that a collective production be carried on shoulders from the place of pro­ system permits the better use of lands since, ruction to the exchange centers, across enormous organised in communities, the farmers oan more distances. A bag of beans ot cashews needs two rapidly combine ways which would permit them to people to carry it over a long distance, 4 improve their agricultural techniques, for example, people are needed to permit each other to rest. We thus have 4 people engaged in carrying one • ·bag of beans, when they should be engaged in -the actual cultivation. The inconvenience of this situation and the fact that our people accept it, is a good indication of the people 1 s ·level of revolutionary comprehension. The plan of FRELIMO is to a certain extent to resolve this problem by using bicycles and donkeys. The lack of cadres specialised in production also greatly prejudices the expansion of production. For example, for generations our people were ·not aware that on sloping lands, they should make terraces to make better use of the water to avoid its flowing away. Another example: one that we have learned recent·ly, is that in a rice field. nothing else must. be planted, as the rice may not grow. We know that there are regulations about soil exhaustion, diversified cultivation, etc.--but we still do not have the cadres which educate us on these difficulties. Some of our comrades are taking courses in agriculture. This is· our situation with respect to the economy in the liberated regions. We are in the middle of a gigantic task, of a fundamental task, because on our correct orientation of our economy hangs the Mozambique o~ tomorrow, whether it will be truly independent or a neo-colony.

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE REVOLUTION by Josina Maohel (reprinted from Mozambique Revolu­ tion, October, 1969.) It was in October, 1966, in a meeting of the Cen­ tral Committee, that FRELIMO decided that the Mo­ zambican woman should take a more active part in the struggle for national liberation, at all levels, It was decided that she should receive political Delegates at the Frelimo Second Conference, held and military training in order to make her more in a liberated zone of Mozambique, J.uly, 1968. ~apable of fulfilling whatever tasks 'bhe revolution Credit: Mozambique: Country at War 2/might nemand of her. Thus, a few months later,.. in the beginning of 1967, 'the first group of women guerrillas is fightin~ and thus they cannot always from Cabo Delgado and Niassa began their training. cultivate enough t~ supply their bases. We also At first this was merely an experiment to discover need extra supplies to assist our comrades in the just wha't contribution women could make to the · zones of advance where the constant military act­ revolution--how they would use their initiative, ivity and the presence of enemy troops makes regu­ whether they were in fact Qapable of fulfilling lar ag:dcul tural production difficult. '£here is certain ·tasks. The "experiment" proved highly suc­ no question of persuading the people to partici­ cessful and this first group of women became the pate in the war effort but they have to have founder-members of the women's detachment, and were explained to them the political basis and implica­ scattered throu~hout the interior each with her tions of the revolution, and while well aware that specific assignment. It was soon discovered that they themselves have certain important responsibil­ they could play a very important role both in the ities in the struggle, they need guidance as to military and political fields, but especially in which particular fields they should work in. Once the latter. the people are fully aware of the situation they act without hesitation. In addition to increasing One of the prime tunet1ons of a women's army is, agricultural output, they help transport the sick quite naturally, just like the men's army, parti­ and wounded, help care for the sick, help transport cipation in combat. In Mozambique the women's war materiel and organise themselves into militants. military activities are usually concentrated in the detenoe of the liberated areas, thus freeing In addition to its political work, the women's de­ the men for the offensive actions in the zones of tachment also has extensive duties in the field of .advance. However, many of the women prefer the social welfare. We assist and give comfort to more active combats in the advance zones and choose families who have lost relatives in the w~r. This to fight alongside the men in ambushes, and mining is extremely delicate work requiring,a great deal operations, where they have proved themselves as of patience. We also run the FRELIMO orphanage, capable as any of their male comrades. As another which not only cares tor orphans, .but also children aspect of this function, we have also women work­ separated from their parents due to the war. Some ing in. the Department of Security constantly on of our women are trained in first aid so that they the look-out for enemy infiltration. can help the medical assistants irl the health cen­ ters. Many of our women are also working in the . Although highly effective in the field of combat, Department of Education in their literacy campaigns their contribution has been less noticeable (just and in the primary schools. Here again we have to because of their relatively small numbers compared overcome the outdated prejudices of fathers and with the men) than their activities in the politi­ husbands regarding the idea of education for women. cal field, where their impact has been far out of But we are gradually winning the battle for they proportion t~ their numbers. ~ince 1967 the women realize that a literate and educated woman can have demonstrated that they have a key role in the make a far more constructive contribution to the mobilisation and political. education of bOth the revolution than an ignorant one. We now have many people and the soldiers themselve!s. In this work girls in our schools, some of whom have female we e~plain to the people the need to fight, what kind of struggle we are waging, with whom we fight, teachers, and some of these girls are already and against whQm. what are the reasons for our participating in literacy campaigns for older peo­ l!!trugglei what are our aims. and why we chose an ple• armed struggle as the only means to independence. We explain the work we are doing and the results we have achieved so. far. We explain how we are The revolution is transforming our life. dependent to a certain extent on foreign aid and Before I was ignorant, while now I which countries and organisations are helping us, speak in front of everyone at meetings. and that, despite this help, we must be as self- We are united. W~ discuss our problems . reliant as possible. among ourselves and that reinforces our unity. In this connection it is stressed that the ~uccess of the reYolution depends on the combined efforts --Rita Mulumbua ot everyone suc.h that no one can be omitted, and thus the traditional rather •passive" role .·of women must be changed so that their abilities are used to the full. Women are encouraged to give their opin­ ions in meeting~ to participate in the various com­ mittees, eto. Here we have the rather difficult task of .fighting old prejudices that women's tunc.., tiona should be confined to cooking, rearing chil­ dren, etc. It has been proved that we women can perform this task of mobilisation and education better than the men for two reasons. Firstly, it is easier tor us to approach other women, and sec­ onlly, the men are more easily convinced of the important role of women when confro-nted with the unusua1·sight of confident and capable female mil- 1tan~s ~who are themselves the best examples of what they are propounding. However, our activities are directed equally at the men and the presence ot euncipated women bearing arms often shames into tak1ng more postive action. (In relating to the people in the rural areas, one ot the very important tasks the women have is to)' explain to the people that agricultural production mu•t be increased, not only for themselves but also to help teed the army, as the first duty of the 2 GUINEA-BISSAU

Amilcar Cabral is one of t he most articulate theorists and practitioners of the African lib~ ~ ation struggle . Being t he mos t advanced in Africa, t he success of the war of liberation i~ . ~. Guinea -Bissau is crucial t o t he s t ruggles being waged in the southern third of the con~inent. The following selections have been taken from Revolution in Guinea, a collection of his speeches. (Rev.olution in Guinea i s a va i labl e f rom Africa Research Group in paper and from Monthly Review Press in h a rd cover. )

we shall end by conquering the -fear of nature, EXTRACTS FROM A PARTY DIRECTIVE IN 1965-­ and that man is the strongest force in nature. "TELL NO LIES 1 CLAIM NO EASY VICTORIES" Responsible members must take life seriously, con­ scious of their responsiblities, thoughtful about carrying them out, and with a comradeship based on Always bear in mind that the people are not work and duty done •••• Nothing of this is incompat­ fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone's ible with the joy of living, or with love for life head. They are fighting to win material and its amusements, or with confidence in the fu­ benefits, to live better and in peace, to see ture and in our work ••• their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children •••• We -must practice revolutionary democracy in every aspect of our Party life. Every responsible mem7 . And with all this as a proof of insufficient ber .must have the courage of his responsibilities, . political work among our armed forces, there exacting from others a proper respect for his work has appeared a certain ,attitude of ' m ilitaris~' and properly respecting the work of others. Hide which has caused some fighters and even some nothing from the masses of our people. Tell no leaders to .forget the fact that we are armed lies. Expose lies whenever they a~e told. Mask militants and not militarists. This tendency no difficulties, mistakes, . failures. Claim no ,_. must be urgently fought and eliminated within easy V:ictories, the army •••• . .· If ten men go to a ricefield and do the day"s ON NATIONAL LIBERATION AS A "RETURN TO HISTORY" ·work of eight, there's no reason to be satisfied. • •• The national literation of a people' is the It's the same in battle. Ten men fight like regaining of the historical personality of eight; that's not enough•••• One can always do that people, its return to history through the more. Some people get used to the war, and once destruction of the imperialist domination to you get used to a thing it's the end r you get which it was subjected•••• a bullet up the spout of your gun and you walk around. You hear the motor on the river and We can therefore conclude that national liberation you don't use the bazooka that you have, so the , exists only when the national productive forces Portuguese boats pass unharmed. Let me repeatr one can do more. We have to throw the Portuguese have been completely freed from every kind of out •••• foreign domination •••• . ••• create schools and spread education in all This means that, bearing in mind the essential characteristics of the present ~orld economy, liberated areas. Select young people between as well ·as experiences already gained in the _ 14 .and 20, those who have at least completed field of anti-imPerialist struggle, the principal their fourth year, for further training. Oppose aspect of national liberation struggle is the without violence all prejudicial customs, the struggle against neo-colonialism. Furthel'llore, negative aspects of the beliefs and traditions if we accept that national liberation demands a of our people. Oblige every responsible and profound mutation in the process of development educated member of our Party to work daily for of the productive forces, we see that this the improvement of their cultural formation •••• phenomenon of national liberation necessarily corresponds to a revolution •••• Oppose among the young, especially those over 20, the ,mania for leaving the country so as to study MOBILIZING TBE 'PEASANTS elsewhere, the blind' ambition to acquire a degree, the complex of inferiority and the It so happens that in our country the Portuguese mistaken idea which leads to the belief that colonialists did not expropriate the land; they those who study or take courses will thereby allowed us to cultivate the land, They did not become privileged in our country tomorrow •••• create agricultural companies of the European But also oppose any ill will towards those who type as they did, for instance, in Angola, _study or wish to study-- the complex that students displacing masses of Africans in order to settle will be parasites or future saboteurs of the Europeans. We maintained a basic struoture · - ~der Party •••• colonialism-- the land as co-operative property of the village, of the community. This is a very _ Educate ourselves, educate other people, the important characteristic of our peasantry, population in general, to fight fear and ignorance, which was not directly exploited by the colonisers to eliminate little by little the subjection to but was exploited through trade, through the. . nature and natural forces which our economy has _ differences be·tween the prices and the :real value not yet mastered. Convince ~ittle by little, 23 of products, This is where the exploitation in particular the militants of the Party, that · occurs, not in work, as happens in Angola with

f the hired workers and company employees. This violence, or at least of contradictions and created a special difficulty in our struggle-­ upheavals, in certain countries which have that of showing the peasant that he was being gained . ~heir independence by the so-called exploited in his own country. ••• peaceful way, show ·us not only that compromises with imperialism do not work, but also that the Telling the people that "the land belongs to those normal way of national liberation, imposed on .who work on it" was not enough to mobilise tnem, peoples by imperialist repression, is araed because we have more than enough land, there is struggle. all the land we need. We had to find appropriate formulae for mobilising our peasants, instead of using terms that our people could not yet under­ stand. We could never mobilise our people simply DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARMED STRUGGLE THROUGH 1969 on the basis of the struggle against colonialism-­ that has no effect. To speak of the fight against imperialism is not convincing enough. Instead We established our guerilla bases pefore the armed we use a direct language that all can understand• struggle began. In the North, initially, we had two or three bases. In that period, material was "WhY are you going to fight? What are you? What only brought in with great difficulty. Once is your father? What has hap•ened to your father inside the country, this material was looked after up to now? What is the situation? Did you pay by some of the people in our guerilla bases. taxes? Did your father pay taxes? What have you seen from those taxes? Bow much do you get for We beg~ by creating autonomous guerilla groups your groundnuts? Have you thOught about how in those zones. Each group was linked to the much you will earn with your groundnuts? Bow Party leadership. Tnis was until the end of 196). mdoh sweat has it cost your family? Which of you The struggle evolved very rapidly, much more so have been imprisoned? You are going to work on than we had expected. But with these groups we road-building• who gives you the tools? You found that, given the complete integration of the bring the tools. Who provides your meals? You population with the guerillas, some guerilla provide your meals. But who walks on the road? leaders became too autonomous-- not in relation Who has a oar? And your daughter who was raped-­ to the leadership as such (because in fact they are you happy about that?" were linked with the higher leadership of the Party), but in relation to some chiefs in the In our new mobilisation we· avoided· all generali­ area. Then certain tendencies towards isolation sations and pat phrases. We went into detail and developed, tendencies to d1 sregard other groups made our people preparing for this kind of work and not to co-ordinate action. In view of this, repeat many times what they were going to say. we decided to hold our Congress in 1964, and this This is an aspect which we considered of great marked a crucial turning-point in our struggle. importance, in our specific case, because we At this Congress we took a series of disciplinary started from the concrete reality of our people. measures, among these being the detention, trial We tried to avoid having the peasants think that and condemnation of certain guerilla leaders. We we were outsiders come to teach them how to do had to move on to collective leadership of the things, w_e put ourselves in the position· of guerilla, under the direction of the Party people who came to learn with the pea~ants and Committee. in the end the peasants were discovering for themselves why things had gone badly for them. We created zones and regions, each with Party They came to understand that a tremendous committees, so that the Party leaders were at amount of exploitation exists and that it is the same time the guerilla leaders. Things they themselves who pay for everything, even improved enormously; they were not perfect, but ror the profits of the people living in the they were much better • . In addition to this, we city. Our experience showed us that it is decided during the· Congress to mobilise part of necessary for eaeh.people to find its own the guerilla forces to create regular forces, so formula for mobilising for the struggle1 it as to extend the armed struggle to new areas. It also showed that to integrate the peasant masses is not necessary, in our 9pinion, to mobilise into the struggle, one must have a great deal everyone for the armed struggle• it is enough ·to of patience. mobilise a reasonable proportion of the population. After that you can move on to creating regular ON . THE NECESSITY OF ARMED .STRUGGLE forces and mobilise the rest. Once. our politico-military apparatus had been restructured, we organised ambushes and small Nobody o~ . doubt thilt, whatever its local attacks on the Portuguese, and other actions · characteristics, imperialist domination implies building up towards the present level of a state o~ permanent violence against the development of our struggle. With the creation nationali~t forces. Tbere is no people on of the regular armed forces we opened up new earth which, having been subjected to the fronts. At that ·time we still were not speaking imperialist yoke (colonialist or neo-colonialist), of fronts, but of regions and zones of struggle, has aanaged to gain its independence (nominal which corresponded to the regions and zones of the o• effective) without victims. The important Party. Later it was possible to create the true thing is 'to determine which ~orms of Tiolenoe fronts of the struggle. At first there were have t~ - ~e used by the national liberation only the Northern and Southern fronts, but then forces in order not only to answer the violence as the struggle developed we esta~lished the of imperialism but also to insure through the Eastern front. ' st-ruggle the fiDal victory of their cause, true national independence. The past and present Our armed forces now form a section of the army experiences of various peoples, the present within each front, and they can move ·to any situation of national liberation struggles in place within the front. In the next stage we will the worid (especially in Vietnam, the Congo and be able to move units to any front where they Zimbabwe) as well: as the situation of permanent ~Y be. needed. 24 I wish to emphasise that the leadership of the The past year has been filled with victories, struggle is the leadership of the Party. Inside although I do not claim that we have not suffered the Political Bureau there is a War Council of - any setbacks--these are normal in any war. We which I am president as Secretary-General of the attacked· all the urban centers in our country, · Party. There is no important military action in except Bissao--if we don't count the attacks on our .country that does not pass through my hands. Bissao airport. When there were fronts, sectors and units they had autonomy for normal, daily actions within 1969 has been a year of triumph in the political, certain limits, but any extensive modification, administrative, social and cultural fields. any new action, passed, and still passes through Militarily, the struggle has reached a new stage the hands of the War Council'. of development and we are already capable of taking the Portuguese camps. But we are fot in The commanders of the fronts execute the decisions a hurry& we move very calmly. We have to b~ very · made by the War Council. For example, the attack careful; we have to fight according ,to ou~- con- . on the port of Bissao was planne4 by us, in ditions, advanc i~g with caution. It seems to us every detail. It wasn't carried out on the that it is very important now to further concen­ planned date.because of material difficulties, but trate our action in the urban centers, to create it ~as planned by us in a meeting with all the great insecurity. We are definitely going to do comrades, at which we~ even chose the men who were this. We know that the Pprtuguese are going to to go. This gives an· idea of how much uur work use gas against us, but this is going to be very has been centralised~ difficult for them. We are prepared to face As regards the developaent of the struggle as a . N guerilla war, we consider ours as having developed 0 like a living being, . in successive stages. Often :E: a stage was completed rapidly, sometimes slowly. !=: We never rushed any stagea when one stage was com­ ..-i pleted, we moved on to the next. This gave an s 0 overall harmony to our struggle. At first we did '{j Q) not speak of an army, and even now we don't speak Q) of a general staff. We created small guerilla f-t groups which performed their activities, and these 1'<. f-t were tightened and tightened 'lllltil they constituted 0 an army, our regular for~es. ""' s. Moving from one stage to the next, in 1967 we s reached the final stagea all the guerilla 0 forces had become regular forces. Our armed u +> forces today consist of these regular forpes ..-i and the people's armed militia, based" in the '{j Q) liberated areas. f-t (.) I want to .point out that before this, our guerilla bases were actually villages, but we gradually altered this. We reduced the number of bases, joining the.m up in twos and threes, MOBILIZING PEASANTS then we finally eliminated this type of base altogether. Now they no longer exista there are The following passage is. quoted from The Lib­ our people's villages, and there are support eration of Gtiine , by Basil Davidson. The points for our armed forces. The elimination o:f speaker was Antonio Bana, a PAIGC political the bases was extremely fortunate, because the worker. Portuguese had pinpointed all of them on their j maps and they intended to bomb them. In fact We were sent into the countryside to mobilize the they did bomb some, but there was no one there. peasants. We used to make contact with the We had eliminated the famous guerilla bases elders, the homems grandes, They were the men just in time. with influence, and afterwards they talked to the others. Portuguese oppression was bad enough The tactics of the Portuguese are those common for them to take us seriously, we young men, in this kind of struggle. Once they realized when we talked to them of independence; and they that we were beating them badly, they began lis·tened to us. We explained what the Party was. bombing and burning our villages, to terrorise The Balante were the worst oppresseda they were the people and keep them from supporting us. ' the ones who had to build the roads. They The main concern of the enemy in this type of understood us more quickly than the others. struggle is to deny the guerilla the support of the population. I do not think there is any For the mobilization, Cabral used to make us need to describe in detail the tactics and play a scene. In hiS presence, each of us had strategy of the Portuguese, because they are a to pretend he was going into a village and talk­ more or less exact copy of those used by the ing to an elder. While each of us was doing United States in Vietnam. The only difference this, tpe others listened. If we got it wrong, is that the Portuguese do not have the same if it didn't work, Cabral made us begin again equipment as the United States, until we'd found the right arguments to use. Sometimes we had to do this several times over. At first the he.licopters hurt us a lot, par­ ticularly their surprise attacks on our people. Before going into a village to meet the elder, But now .we are successfully fighting back we asked for information about him. You had to against the helicopters, they are being downed be very careful. You found out about his every­ by our guns, and the Portuguese have been forcP~ day life, his standing in the village, his to conclude that their helicopters cannot win relations with the Portuguese. At the beginning the war for them. ~~e didn't go into villages where the elders were 2 ~,ostile... .

-·--·-····--... ~ ~ ...... - .... _· ····- ~ ------...... -- . ----~-~ - -...... ~--.... -- .J So you go into a village after finding out "Father, if by chance there's something that about the elder, the homem grande, the man who could give you a better life ·tomorrow, would has moral authority in the village; and you're you be in favor of_ it?" dressed as a peasant. First of all, I ask for the elder. rhen I greet him and ask for hospi­ "I would be in favor.;, ta~ltYo The ~alante are very hospitable. The -elder answers my greetings and shouts for food "Well then, think about it. For now we have a to be prepared. Party that fights the Portuguese so we can be free and so you /can keep what you get by work. When the food arrives, I look at what they've If you have a son or daughter, the Party will brought. It's rare they bring rice or chicken. send him or her to school. But keep the secret If there's only rice with pal moil sauce., I say of this, for if the Portuguese find out they'll to the elder: kill you. That doesn't mean you can't talk to other people about it. But. only talk to people "Father, why do you give me only rice? The you can trust. Me, for instance, I've trust Balante are a hospitable people." in you, father, and that's why I came to talk to you ••• " "!'Ill a poor man. No chickens." Then/ I leave after telling him that I want to "But how's that, father? You've been working meet the trustworthy p~ople of the village in all your life and you haven't even a single a quiet place, and talk with them ••• cock in your yard?" The second time I meet them, the elder has '"My son, why ask such things. I used to have called the trustworthy people ••• and I ask them cows, lambs too, but the whites have taken them to question me on what I've told the elder. for tax." , Often they'll say: "And does it suit you, father, what the whites a are doirig?" "We're blacks, we don't even know how to make a safety-match. The whites have guns, air­ "It doesn't suit me. But what can ' ! do? planes. However can we get rid of them? ••• " They're too strong."

So far I.'·ve been getting an idea about what the Lala kema: kau di sukundi ka te-­ old rna~ is like. He's already toJd me that -he The great humid plain has caught doesn't like the colonialists. But I have fire: they (the colonialists) have asked no big questionse I've said nothing impor­ nowhere to hide. tant yet. Now I go a bit further. --song of the Guinean people

( Nyerere: Justice demands we choose In his address to the UN on October 15, 1970, Julius Nyerere, long an active support­ er of the liberation movements, made clear that the time had come for countries to stop giving lip service to the cause of freedom while continuing to give very ex­ tensive military, economic and moral support to Portugal and Souj;h Africa. We are including these selections from the address because they are pertinent and timely. These (racialism a~d colonialism) represent the to side with the freedom struggle of Southern kind of tyranny and oppression which deny all Africa, it has at the present time very lit tle hope to men, and which therefore force them to power to affect t'he outcome. express their humanity through viorence. A man can change his religion if he wishes; he can But what of other--non-African--nations? ' hey accept a different political belief--or in both all claim opposition to apartheid, and to· eolon­ oases give the appearance of doing so--if this ialism. Yet the sad truth is that--far from would relieve him of intolerable circumstances. using their power for justice--many nations rep­ But no man can change his color or his race. resented in this Assembly give continuing and And if he suffers because of it, he must either expanding prac~ical support to South Afri ca, and become less than a man, or he must fight. And to the Portuguese colonial war effort. for good or evil, mankind has been so created · that many will refuse to acquiesce in their own National leaders do not like it when thei r sin­ . degradation; they will destroy peace rather than cerity is called into question. Let me just say, suffer under" it. therefore, that Africa and the Freedom Movements , As far as the peoplMi of Southern Africa are have to judge who are their friends and who are concerned, therefore~ the choice is now clear. the allies of their enemies, by actions not by They can acquiesce in their own hUmiliation and words. Yet we are s ometi mes given an explanation. accept their position as third class subjects of We are told that the arming of this racialist an alien ruling power, or they can fight for state is an aspect ,of the defence of the "free their manhood. They are now making that choice. world," and does not imply any support for apart­ And they are doing it for themselves. They are heid. Really: do words change their meaning? choosing future life at the cost of physical What have freedom and the present regi me in death and suffering for many. South Africa to do with one anot her? Can you avoitl aiding a murderer if you give him a weapon? So far the fighting is more a warning to the world than a real threat to the power of their oppres­ There is another aspect to thi s, which is of very great importance to the future of the world. For sors--although it has certainly frightened them. if the Eastern Bloc nations made arms available to the Freedom Fighters, and the Western Bloc One thing; however, the beginning of the fighting nations sell arms to South Africa and Portugal, has already done. It has forced the rest of the what is the likely result? Afri ca will become a world--all of us--to face up to the situation. hot front to the cold war. We can no longer pretend that we have no concern with affairs in Southern Africa. Now we have to Yet even now it would be possi bl e for us to re­ make up our mindsa whether we support the freedom store peace, if we only acted for justice. For struggle, whether we support the South African if the world would really recognise this evil and Portuguese racialist and colonialist govern­ for what it is 0 and isolate the nations concerned, ments, or whether we propose a new version of then change would be inevitable. The greater the "non-intervention" which helped the fascist the movement for justice, the greater the chances regimes of Europe in the late 1930s. of peace. I ask that all members of the United Nations should work for peace in Southern Africa For Africa ••• we have to support the Freedom by acting for justice now. Fighters ••• Yet although Africa has no cholce but

Movement Publications and Addresses ANC--Spotlight on South Africa P.o. Box 1791 SWAPO--Namibia Today Lusaka, Zambia P.O. Box 2603 Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania ANC--Spotl1ght on South Africa GRAE--Information Department P.o. Box 1791 B.P. 1541 SWANU--Information Department1 Lusaka, Zambia Kinshasa; Congo Jerum 2306 Studentbacken 23 Sechaba MPLA--Information Department Stockholm 11540, Sweden 49 Rathbone st. Box 20793 London,W.l, England Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania UNITA--Information Department P.o. Box 2246 COREMO--Valiant Hero PAC--Azania News Lusaka, Zambia Box 1493 P.o. Box 2412 Lusaka, Zambia Dar-es-Salaam ZANU--Zimbabwe News P.O. Box 2331 FRELIMO--Mozambigue Revolution PAIGC--Bulletin Lusaka, Zambia 1133 Broadway Rm 341 Box 298 New York City 10010 Conakry, Rep. of Guinea ZAPU--Zimbabwe Review 283 Gray's Inn Rd. P.O. Box 15274 London, W.C.l, England Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania 27

- Films SOUTH AFRICA MPLA Film Strip (1969). Contemporary account of MPLA•s struggle inside Angola. (Available: Lib­ Apartheid (UN, 1967. 16mm. 15lmin). Filmed at the eration Support Movement, P,O,Box 15210, Seattle International Conference on Aparthei~, Racial Discrimination, and Colonialism. Shows internat­ Washington, 98115. Sale: $4), ional concern and action against South Africa (Available: Contemporary Films~ 267 w.25th st: Other films on the activities of FNLA and GRAE NY, NY 10001. 212-971-5851. Rental:$7.50. Sale:$ can be obtained from:The Angola Office, 179 Linden 75 Blvd, Brooklyn, NY 11212. · · Black and White in South Africa (National Film Board of Canada, 16mm, 30 min). Shows South Africa's GUINEA-BISSAU acute racial problem and examines motives for · the creation of the apartheid policy. (Available: Madina-Boe (Cuban production, 1969, 16mm,40min,) Contemporary Films, address above. Rental$8. An intimate portrait of the lives of the guerri- Sale:$100), llas of PAIGC in southeastern Guinea, and of their preparation to attack the Portuguese-held town of Madtpa, (Available: Newsreel, 322 Seventh Ave, Come Back Africa (Lionel Rogosin, 1963. 16mm. NY, NY 10001. 212-565-4930. Rental:request amt.) 1 hr 24 min). The film classic made in South Af­ rica portraying the transition of an African from Nossa Terra (French prod, 1966, 16mm, 40 min), rural to urban life with all the realities of Narrated by Julius Lester. Concentrates ·on PAIGC human oppression in apartheid. (Available: Con­ activities inside Guinea,(Available: Newsreel, temporary Films, and American Documentary Films, 322 Seventh Ave, NY,NY 10001. 212-565-4930) l36 W,84th st. NYC 10024 212-799-7440. Rental: $100-125). West Africa, Another Vietnam? (Grenada TV, 1968, Heart of Apartheid (BBC, 16mm. 39 min). Filmed in 16mm, 4o min). Filmed by British Independent TV South Africa, Interviews with Africans and "Col­ travelling with PAIGC guerrillas, Interviews oureds", Revealing not only for what is said, with militants. Examines their goals, tactics but what is not said. (Available:Time/Life Films progress, (Available: American Documentary Films 43 w.l6th St. NYC 10011. 212-691-2930. Rental: 336 W. 84th St., NY, NY 10024, 212-799-7440. $30. Sale$300). · Rental:$75). Sabotage in South Africa (CBS Reports. 1962. 16mm. MOZAMBIQUE 1 hr), Interviews with South Africans, e.g. Min­ ister of Justice and Prime Minister Vorster1 ind­ Mozambi,ue (Dutch Kenmark TV, 1969. 16mm. color, ustrialist Harry Oppenheimer, and former banned 49 min • A study of FRELIMO's' political organ­ ANC leader Chief Luthulio Effective view of the ization, programs of national reconstruction South African economy, open apartheid, and inter­ inside Moz~mbique, Includes speeches by Mozam­ nal protest, (Available: Amerioan Committee on bicans about their own struggle. (Available a Africa, Rental: $25). . American Committee on · Africa, 164 Madison Ave, NY,NY 10016, 2127Le 2-3700, Rental: $25). South Africa (ABC/TV. 1967. 16mm. oolor.28min). Describes apartheid policy as the "slow death Venceremos (Novotsi Films, Yugoslavia, 1967. 16mm, and paralysis of a nation", but skims the rea­ 28 min). Filmed in liberated northern Mozambique. lity of apartheid with emphasis on understand­ "We Shall Win" examines FRELIMO in both military ing the Afrikaner. ~ood shots of the pass and non-military activities, (Available: Americ­ system and economy. (Available: Contemporary, an Committee on Africa, Rental:$25). Films, 267 W,25th St, NYC lOOOl,Rental:request),

South African .Essay (NET. 1965. '16mm.1 hr. each). 2 films, Part I: Fruit of P~ar - a social, eco­ nomic overview. Part II: One Nation, Two Nation­ alisms - a study of political ~partheid, inc­ luding the "Bantustan" policy, (Available: Ind­ Groups iana University, Audio-Visual Center1 Blooming­ . AFRICA RESEARCH GROUP ton, Ind, 47401. 801-337-8087. Sale:t200 each). P.o. Box 213 Cambridge, Mass 02138 White ~xica (BBC. 16mm. 40 min). Revealing int­ erviews, recordings and images of white South Africans, incl. a "Bantu Administrator","liberals" AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA etc, A striking study in attitudes, (Available: . 164 Madison Avenue Time/Life Films, 43 W,l6th St, NYC 10011., 212- New York City, 10016 691-2930. Rental:$30. Sale:$300). COMMITTEE OF RETURNED VOLUNTEERS ZIMBABWE 840 w. Oakdale Avenue Chicago, Illinois 6065? Time Bomb in Rhodesia (CBS News Special; ., available from CBS .• ' Sale only: $250), COMMITTEE FOR A FREE MOZAMBIQUE 616 West 116th Street ANGOLA New York City 10027

An~ola: Journey to A War (NBC White Paper,1962, 1 mm •• 1 hr.) Filmed at the beginning of the LIBERATION SUPPORT MOVEMENT Angolan revolution with a concentration of the P.o. Box 15210 UPA guerrillas in the north. Language and film Seattle, Washington 98115 style dated.(Available: American Committee on RADICAL EDUCATION PROJECT Africa. 164 Madison Ave, NY, NY 10016, (212) :J;>,O. Box 561 Le 2-3700, Rental: $25,) 28 Detroit, Michigan 48232 Minty, A., South Africa's Defense Strategy, Bibliography London: Anti-Apartheid, 1969. Arrighi, G., "Rhodesia: Class and Power," Modisane, B., Blame Me on History, Dutton, 1963. New Left Review, Sept/Oct. 1966. Mondlane, E., The Struggle for Mozambique, Penguin Benson, Mary, The Strug~le for a Birthright, African, 19b9. Penguin ~frican, 1 63. Portuguese and. Colonial Bulletin. ~ondon, Vols. 7 Bosgra S. and van Krempem, C., Portu~al and NATO, and 8, 1967,68, ·London. Angola Committee, Klarenburg 25 , Amsterdam, 1967. Rive, Richard, Emergency, London: Faber ~nd Fa.ber, 1964.. . Cabral, Arnilcar, Revolution in Juinea, Stage 1, -<: :• Theobalds Road, LOndon, W~i, England. Roux, E., Time Longer than Rope, W!sconsf n, 1964. Chaliand, Gerard, Armed Struggle in Africa, Segal, Ronald, Sanctions Against South Africa, Monthly Review Press, New York. Penguin African, 19b4. Chilcote, Ronald, Portuguese Africa, Englewood: Shamuyarira, Nathan, Crisis in Rhodesia, New Prentice-Hall, 1967. York, Transatlantic Arts, 1965. . Cole, Ernest, House of Bondage, Random House, 1967. Sithole Ndabaningi, African Nationalism, New Yo~k, Oxford Univ. Press, 1968. Committee of Returned Volunteers, Mozambique Will Be Free, available from CRV/NY, 65 Irving Pl., Simons, H. and R., Class and Colour in South N.Y.C. 10003; or CRV, 840 West Oakdale, Chi­ Africa, 1850-1950, Penguin African, 1969. cago, Illinois 60657. PERIODICALS Davi~son, Basil, The Liberation of Guinea, Penguin African, 19 9. Africa Confidential, 5/33 Rutland Gate, London s.w. · 7, England Duffy, James, Portugal in Africa, Penguin African, 1963. Africa Digest, Africa Bureau~ 2 Arundel St, Lon­ don w.c. 2, England First, Ruth, South West Africa, Penguin African, . 1963. . Africa Research Bulletin, Africa Research Ltd, 1 Parliament St, City of Exeter, England Harris, Marvin, Portugal 1 s At'rican Wards, New (2 series--economic, financial and technical, York, American Committee on Africa; 1958. and political, cultural and social) . Legum, Colin and Margaret, South Africa: Crisis for the West, Praeger, 1964. Africa Today, c/o Center for International Race Relations, University of Denver, Denver, Colo­ Luthuli, A.J., Let My People Go, McGraw--Hill, 1962. rado 80210 African Development, John Carpenter House, John Mandela,I Nelson, No Easy Walk to Freedom, ·Heine- Carpenter Street, London E.C. 4, England man, 1965. Anti-Apartheid News, 89 Charlotte Street, London Marcum, J., The Angolan Revolution, MIT Press, W.I., England

1969. A Guerrilhiero, Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, Mbeki, Gowan, The Peasants' Revolt, Penguin Angola, and Guinea, 531 Caledonian Rd., London I' African, 1964. _N, '?, England M1Gabe, Davis, "The Beginnings of Guerrilla War­ fare," Monthly Review, March, 1969. Southern Africa, Southern Africa Committee/UCM, 637 West 125th Street, New York City, 10027 UNITED NATIONS, N.Y. (Check in your area for a local U.N. Library or ·a library which receives U.N. documents). Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid produces monthly bulletins, "Notes and Documents" on South Africa;, Records of the Committee of 24 on Non-Self-Governing Territories and the Fourth Committee on Decolonization contain material on the Portuguese Territories, Zimbabwe, Namibia, etc,

LUTA/STRUGGLEa Voices of African Lioeration Bulk orders available from•

CltV/NY Committee of Re~rnen Volunteers CRV/DC 65 Irving .t'laoe (National·Office) Box 12014, Mid-City Station New York, 10003 840 w. Oakdale Avenue Washington. ~ ·20005 Chicago, Illinois 60657

Rates& 1-9 cop1es are 35~ eacha 10 and over are ~0~ each Please make checks payable tor "Committee' of Returned Volunteers" Z9 PORTUGUESE SOLDIER, RETURN TO YOUR COUNTRY! WE DON'T WANT '1'0 KILL YOU, WE ARE NOT YOUR .ENEMIES. · . BUT YOU ARE OUR ENEMY, YOU · ARE KILLING OUR PEOPLE. RETURN TO YOUR COUNTRY, PORTUGUESE SOLDIER, YOU MUST GO, OR FRELIMO GUERRILLAS WILL KILL YOU.

FAR AWAY, IN YOUR HOME, ARE YOUR PARENTS, YOUR BROTHERS, YOUR WIFE, YOUR CHILDREN. YOU .WILL NEVER SEE THEM AGAIN. YOU WILL DIE HERE, IN AN AMBUSH, WITHOUT GLORY, :,"\ AS HUNDREDS OF YOUR COMRADES HAVE ALREADY DIED.

PORTUGUESE SOLDIER, YOU DO NOT FIGHT FOR THE "DEFENSE OF THE COUNTRY". YOUR COUNTRY IS PORTUGAL, NOT MOZAMBIQUE. YOU ARE DEFENDING THE INTERESTS OF THE RICH. THEY STAY- IN LISBON AS BIG BOSSES, FULL OF MONEY, AND SEND YOU TO DIE IN THE BUSH. YOU WILL DIE TO DEFEND THE RICHES THAT THE CAPITALISTS HAVE IN MOZAMBIQUE. YOU YOURSELF ARE ALSO .DECEIVED AND EXPLOITED, PORTUGUESE SOLDIER~

REFUSE TO FIGHT IN THIS UNJUST WAR • .SAVE YOUR LIFE, SAVE YOUR HONOUR WHILE IT IS TIME. RETURN TO YOUR COUNTRY, PORTUGUESE SOLDIER. RETURN TO YOUR COUNTRY. ·

.- ..... • . :r

a FRELlMO leaflet translated from the Portuguese - (from Mozambique Revolution, March-May, 1966)