discussing current and emerging The Chongqing model is dead, policy issues in China long live the Chongqing model brief.policycn.com ‘Heavy state investment coupled with ersatz that traditionally headed to the southern and Maoist political slogans’ typifies the global me- coastal regions—are still poorly understood. dia’s misleading shorthand for the Chongqing Policy expert Luo Xiaopeng, normally no cham- model. With the downfall of Bo Xilai, some ar- pion of populist solutions, finds several strong gue, his model would be wound up as well. points in the Chongqing model. First it had, and Singing red songs and striking at crime—chang- still has, a rare talent at the helm—not Bo, but hong dahei—grafted onto the Chongqing pilot Huang Qifan, executive-vice mayor since 2001 programs by Bo after his arrival in 2007, indeed and mayor from 2009. Acording to Luo, greatly enlivened the latter Hu-Wen years. But Huang had been the heart and soul of Shang- they had little to do with the aims of the original hai’s financial reform, not only familiar with the program, in place well before his appointment, to operation of capital, but eclectic, open-minded, address income and citizenship disparities. Suc- and highly creative. Very clear as to the game of cessful as a pilot, though unlikely to be imple- central and local interests, he also knew how to mented as a model, the program belongs on the deal with international capital. ‘reform’, not the ‘conservative’ side of the ledger. The model moreover passes a funda- The Chong- The package was designed to bring into full play mental test, namely Amartya Sen’s qing model Chongqing’s potential as a sparkplug for develop- insistence that theory is idle unless it passes a ment in the West and Southwest. These are the addresses the most salient social injus- regions where much of China’s developing-world tices—in this case, the plight of China’s fundamental conditions are concentrated. It also addressed rural migrant workers. test . it reducing rural-urban gaps in public goods provi- A similar point was made by prolific addresses sion. Above all, the pilot policies set out to deal sociologist Sun Liping in the wake of the most with systemic problems, crises the Hu-Wen ad- Bo Xilai’s fall. He argues that the prob- ministration failed to address with resolution or salient social lems addressed by the model were far creative boldness. injustices from imaginary. In dealing with them, Although increased participation by the civil sec- it helped ‘stretch the political space,’ and stimu- tor was notionally on the agenda in recent years, lated the emergence of a local governance at Hu and Wen could never muster the political will odds with the standard China model. Bo Xilai’s to pursue it. Without some elements of a self- ultimate motives aside, the model was ‘formed in regulating civil society, complete with NGOs and deep social soil’, namely the growing polarisation citizen participation, welfare policies founder un- between rich and poor. We must look, however, der escalating expectations and the aging of the beyond the problems a model solves to its log- population. Bo Xilai provided the needed circuit ic and its mechanisms. Fascism too, writes Sun, breaker, but his campaign-style mobilisation of solved some pressing problems of its day. the grassroots was, in the end, a reversion to dis- What of the prospects of the Chongqing model credited tactics of the Mao era. under Bo’s replacement, new Party Secretary Given the continuing need to rationalise social Zhang Dejiang? While meeting several political policy, it is too early to ring the curtains on the criteria, with an interesting background in North Chongqing initiatives. The criminal tendencies of Korean relations—far more traditionally leftist local authorities and systematic discrimination than anything so far seen in Chongqing—he may toward migrant workers are in no way secrets; be no more than a temporary stopgap. What is rather they have been the targets of Party edito- clear is that the Southwest needs vigour and in- rialising for many years. Other facets of the pilot novation. If Zhang can blend these with order programs—how, for example, Chongqing posi- and justice, he will win a deserved place with the tioned itself to attract the skilled migrant labour powers that be. 28 March 2012 © China Policy 2012 information, research and consulting services policycn.com The Chongqing Model revisited Sun Wenhao discussing current and emerging Utopia, 9 February 2012 policy issues in China brief.policycn.com Ever since He Weifang set foot in Chongqing, a ‘model’? Of course, the notion of a ‘Chongqing sniffed the air and declared that they were ‘turn- Model’ is very much related to Bo Xilai and the ing back the clock and replaying the Cultural patrons who stand behind him. It is the political Revolution’, the chorus of liberals questioning appeal of the Chongqing Model and the ability to Chongqing and its model of governance has been restore the resources of governance that ensures unceasing. The dispute over the model has, in that its political decisions are carried out. The essence, evolved into a struggle over the future Chongqing Model draws on the experiences of direction of China. But what the liberals didn’t different regions and combines measures aimed expect was that under Bo Xilai, the governance at building social fairness. At a deeper level, it is a seems to have won the approval of the city’s resi- manifestation of the central government’s intent. dents. Allowing nearly three million peasants into Looking back across human history, there has the city and treating them as city residents, this never been a genuine socialist society. The no- struggle for popular sentiment is at the vanguard tion of absolute social fairness and justice simply of social morality. reflects utopian aspirations. As long as people -ex Despite this, the Chongqing government did not ist and participate in social activities, social strata engage in a traditional campaign-style, broad- will inevitably be produced. Social fairness and brush solution. Chongqing gave peasants a free justice are relative concepts. Apart from prevent- choice as to whether to enter the city. On their ing its citizens from suffering under the colonial arrival, Chongqing allowed them to retain their rule of other countries, the existence of the state rural land and resources for a limited period. and its degree of civilisation is intimately related The losses and gains entailed by this choice lay to the extent to which it provides for the welfare squarely in the hands of the peasants from start of its citizens. Only a state that cares for its citi- to finish. Therefore, it is only natural that the zens can obtain their heartfelt support. Of course, Chongqing model has captured popular senti- the degree of welfare that a state can provide is ment. Of course today, following its increasing so- directly proportional to its strength. In countries cial acceptance, exploring whether the model ex- undergoing rapid social transformation such as ists or how to express its essential content, would Iraq and Libya, despite having—to some extent— seem to be of little significance. Popular approval implemented democratic institutions, the limita- offers an index which is difficult for those in -pow tions of religious consciousness, sectarian tribal er to ignore. identity and other factors have meant that they remain inextricably ensnared in civil strife. In a It is not difficult to find why the model is success- country that has been unable to guarantee the ful. This project to win over popular sentiment, supremely important right to life, as far as the is not only consistent with central government’s aspirations of its citizens are concerned, social requirements, but it avoids of mistakes made by fairness and justice are far less important than other local governments in their exploration of stability. Freedom and democracy must yield to social equality and justice. The earliest reports of bread. What ordinary people want is simple and the accountability of officials and their concern tangible. That is to say, stability overrides all else. with grass-root sentiments came from Suqian, Ji- As Chinese people often say, ‘better to be a dog in angsu. The first steps towards encouraging peas- peaceful times than a human in times of chaos.’ ants into the city, exploring the integration of ur- Of course, the library-dwelling elite find this dif- ban and rural areas and common prosperity, were ficult to understand. Their disregard for matters taken in Jiaxing, Zhejiang. Campaigns against that are life and death to those beneath them is crime and corruption and constructing a peace- unchangeably set by their ambition. ful society are definitely not Chongqing patents. With so many similar examples, why then has The failure of the liberals is actually the common Chongqing alone planted a flag, and evolved into failing of Chinese literati. Intolerant to the bone, © China Policy 2012 information, research and consulting services policycn.com their intellectual inertia is difficult to change. The ing about eliminating social injustice. ingrained prejudices of this group means that Source: they would rather stick to their old habits than open their eyes and see the world as it is. On Sunwenhao123, ‘Zai lun “Chongqing moshi”’ closer examination, these prejudices have a sub- [Once again on the ‘Chongqing model’], Wu you tle connection with the Chinese literati’s cultural- zhi xiang, 9 February 2012 historical perspective. Over the last two centuries Sunwenhao123：‘ 再论“重庆模式”’，乌有之 of Chinese decline and Western ascendancy, as 乡，2012年 2月 9日 China scrambled to ‘learn from the West’, be- http://www.wyzxsx .com/Article/ lief in China’s supremacy gradually gave way to Class22/201202/291333.html faith in, or even fear of, the West.