Essays on the Political Economy of Governance
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Xi Jinping's War on Corruption
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) 2015 The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping's War on Corruption Harriet E. Fisher University of Mississippi. Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Fisher, Harriet E., "The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping's War on Corruption" (2015). Honors Theses. 375. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/375 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Chinese Inquisition: Xi Jinping’s War on Corruption By Harriet E. Fisher A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies at the Croft Institute for International Studies and the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi May 2015 Approved by: ______________________________ Advisor: Dr. Gang Guo ______________________________ Reader: Dr. Kees Gispen ______________________________ Reader: Dr. Peter K. Frost i © 2015 Harriet E. Fisher ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii For Mom and Pop, who taught me to learn, and Helen, who taught me to teach. iii Acknowledgements I am indebted to a great many people for the completion of this thesis. First, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Gang Guo, for all his guidance during the thesis- writing process. His expertise in China and its endemic political corruption were invaluable, and without him, I would not have had a topic, much less been able to complete a thesis. -
China's Troubled Quest for Order: Leadership, Organization and The
Journal of Contemporary China ISSN: 1067-0564 (Print) 1469-9400 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjcc20 China’s Troubled Quest for Order: Leadership, Organization and the Contradictions of the Stability Maintenance Regime Dali L. Yang To cite this article: Dali L. Yang (2016): China’s Troubled Quest for Order: Leadership, Organization and the Contradictions of the Stability Maintenance Regime, Journal of Contemporary China, DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2016.1206279 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2016.1206279 Published online: 05 Sep 2016. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 12 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cjcc20 Download by: [University of Chicago Library] Date: 08 September 2016, At: 15:39 JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY CHINA, 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2016.1206279 China’s Troubled Quest for Order: Leadership, Organization and the Contradictions of the Stability Maintenance Regime Dali L. Yang The University of Chicago, USA ABSTRACT China’s pursuit of rapid growth has gone hand-in-hand with the development and elaboration of a stability maintenance regime. If there is a China model, then a key element of that model is the stability maintenance regime. This article traces the origins and evolution of the multiple institutions that make up this regime and reveals a confluence of technocratic leadership and organizational factors that have shaped the character and dynamics of this regime, including its intensification in the 2000s. As successive leaders of the regime have turned to seemingly rigorous mechanisms of measurement, discipline and control to curb petitions, reduce crime or improve court efficiency, all in the name of preserving stability, they also sowed the seeds of various forms of excesses. -
CHEN-DISSERTATION-2018.Pdf (7.947Mb)
DISCLAIMER: This document does not meet current format guidelines Graduate School at the The University of Texas at Austin. of the It has been published for informational use only. Copyright by Yu Chen 2018 The Dissertation Committee for Yu Chen Certifies that this is the approved version of the following Dissertation: Advance in Housing Right or Accumulation by Dispossession? How Social Housing Is Used as Policy Tool to Promote Neoliberal Urban Development in China and in Mexico Committee: Peter M. Ward, Supervisor Bryan R. Roberts, Co-Supervisor Mounira M. Charrad Néstor P. Rodríguez Joshua Eisenman Edith R. Jiménez Huerta Advance in Housing Right or Accumulation by Dispossession? How Social Housing Is Used as Policy Tool to Promote Neoliberal Urban Development in China and in Mexico by Yu Chen Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2018 Acknowledgements I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my committee chairs, Dr. Peter M. Ward and Dr. Bryan R. Roberts, for their constant support and intellectual guidance. Their commitment to research and scholarship have inspired me throughout my graduate career. They have been such wonderful and dedicated mentors, and I cannot thank them enough for nurturing my academic enthusiasm. I would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Mounira M. Charrad, Dr. Néstor P. Rodríguez and Dr. Joshua Eisenman, for their extensive help in my dissertation research and writing. Their comments and feedbacks on my dissertation also motivated me to envision future research projects. -
Chinese Politics in the Xi Jingping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership
CHAPTER 1 Governance Collective Leadership Revisited Th ings don’t have to be or look identical in order to be balanced or equal. ڄ Maya Lin — his book examines how the structure and dynamics of the leadership of Tthe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have evolved in response to the chal- lenges the party has confronted since the late 1990s. Th is study pays special attention to the issue of leadership se lection and composition, which is a per- petual concern in Chinese politics. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses, this volume assesses the changing nature of elite recruitment, the generational attributes of the leadership, the checks and balances between competing po liti cal co ali tions or factions, the behavioral patterns and insti- tutional constraints of heavyweight politicians in the collective leadership, and the interplay between elite politics and broad changes in Chinese society. Th is study also links new trends in elite politics to emerging currents within the Chinese intellectual discourse on the tension between strongman politics and collective leadership and its implications for po liti cal reforms. A systematic analy sis of these developments— and some seeming contradictions— will help shed valuable light on how the world’s most populous country will be governed in the remaining years of the Xi Jinping era and beyond. Th is study argues that the survival of the CCP regime in the wake of major po liti cal crises such as the Bo Xilai episode and rampant offi cial cor- ruption is not due to “authoritarian resilience”— the capacity of the Chinese communist system to resist po liti cal and institutional changes—as some foreign China analysts have theorized. -
China Regulatory Enforcement Quarterly
CHINA REGULATORY ENFORCEMENT QUARTERLY WHAT’S INSIDE Executive Summary PRC Legal and Regulatory Updates Major Enforcement News Pharmaceutical Industry Blacklist Update Central Inspection Teams: What You Should Know Today In the Numbers Q2 – 2015 | www.dlapiper.com EXecutiVE Summary The Chinese regulatory enforcement landscape is still very active for the second quarter of 2015. In the absence of high-profile enforcement actions against Communist Party officials, Chinese authorities appear to be operating along the lines of a “new normal” where police enforcement and deployment of inspection teams by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (“CCDI”) are routine, on-going, and appear to be part of a new standard government initiative. The CCDI’s Central Inspection Teams, for example, have been carrying out several rounds of inspections focusing on central state-owned enterprises (“SOEs”). Additionally, based on our research, the CCDI has announced that 192 Chinese government officials were disciplined and/or investigated in this financial quarter alone. Also of significance, Chinese authorities are collaborating with foreign authorities and organizations including the Hong Kong Police, U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigations, International Criminal Police Organization (“INTERPOL”), and many others with increased success at repatriating suspected Chinese targets. We are now starting to see in the market how this “new normal” is beginning to impact the business environment for companies operating in China both in terms of compliance and operations. Companies are increasingly taking more proactive positions when conducting reviews of business partners, key city or provincial-level contacts, as well as third-party relationships such as agents, suppliers and distributors. The increase in Chinese regulatory investigations is also resulting in increases in the number of whistleblower complaints including those from competitors and anonymous third-party tipsters. -
Chongqing Is Not the Only Place That Has Fallen
A4 Wednesday, December 19, 2012 FOCUS In the dungeon of Bo Xilai In the first of a four- part series, Revisiting Chongqing, we look at one of the earliest and most high-profile victims of the disgraced party chief’s crackdown on so-called gangsters ................................................ Keith Zhai in Chongqing [email protected] In mid-July 2009, 21-year-old Li Jun , freshly graduated from an American university, tried to call her father in Chongqing from a Greek restaurant in down- town New York. She could not reach him but thought, “that’s all right, maybe he’s in a meeting”. In fact, her father Li Qiang , once one of the southwest- ern municipality’s most success- ful businessmen, had been shackled to a metal chair by police mounting the mainland’s largest anti-triad campaign in decades. A stocky man with a round face and big eyes, he was forced to sit in the straight- backed, custom-made chair which was too small for him, for 76 days. In addition he had heavy leg irons around his ankles and his wrists were in manacles, his daughter and a fellow prisoner said. A black robe was often draped over his head most of the time. For the first five days and six nights he was not given any food or water, or allowed to go to the bathroom. The fellow prisoner said Li was scared to sit on a bed after weeks on the chair, introduced by then Chongqing police chief Wang Lijun and widely used to torture suspects in the ruthless crackdown he oversaw. -
Patronage Politics and Authoritarian Resilience in China
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO FRAGMENTED UNITY: PATRONAGE POLITICS AND AUTHORITARIAN RESILIENCE IN CHINA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY JUNYAN JIANG CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2016 c Copyright by Junyan Jiang 2016 All Rights Reserved Contents Abstract v Acknowledgements viii List of Tables xi List of Figures xii 1 Introduction1 1.1 The Puzzle of CCP’s Resilience...........................1 1.2 Argument.......................................4 1.3 Literature.......................................6 1.4 Road map.......................................9 2 Patronage and Politics in Chinese Officialdom: Past and Present 13 2.1 The Historical Roots of Patronage Politics: The Retainer/Mufu System....... 13 2.2 Patronage Politics under the CCP........................... 17 2.3 The Micro-Level Dynamics of Patron-Client Relations............... 20 2.4 Patron-Client Relations and Behavioral Patterns: A Survey Experiment on Regime Insiders........................................ 30 2.5 Conclusion...................................... 35 3 Patronage Networks, Informal Power, and the Contingent Institutionalization of Leadership Succession in the Post-Tiananmen Era 36 3.1 Institutionalizing Leadership Succession in Autocratic Regimes: Challenges and Solutions....................................... 41 3.2 Patronage Networks and the Development of Successions Institutions in Post- Tiananmen China.................................. -
Preparing for the 18Th Party Congress: Procedures and Mechanisms
Preparing For the 18th Party Congress: Procedures and Mechanisms Cheng Li By now just about every China observer knows that the Chinese leadership will undergo a major generational change at the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in the fall of 2012. Knowledge of the leadership transition’s actual procedures and mechanisms, especially the concrete steps and important variables that may shape its outcomes, is less widespread. A better understanding of the inner workings of the system—the rules (both old and new) of the game of Chinese elite politics—is necessary to arrive at a well-grounded assessment of the upcoming leadership change in China. This essay describes the Chinese leadership’s ongoing preparation for the transition on both the personnel and ideological fronts. It aims to address two specific and crucial questions: According to which steps will the delegates to the congress and the members of the new Central Committee be chosen? Through which channels will the party’s ideological platform for the congress be formulated?* On November 1, 2011, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) issued a document, “The Communiqué on the Election of Delegates for the 18th National Congress of the CCP,” formally launching the preparation process for the leadership transition to take place at the upcoming national congress.1 At roughly the same time, several province-level party leaderships, beginning with Liaoning Province in mid- October, held regional Party congresses to select top provincial leaders and form new party committees. According to the CCP Organization Department, all local levels (i.e., province, municipality, county, and town) of the party leadership have gone through or will complete major turnovers of their party committees (党委换届) between April 2011 and June 2012, involving 30 million party cadres in China’s 31 province-level administrations, 361 cities, 2,811 counties, and 34,171 townships.2 Presently, the CCP has a total of about 80 million members and 3.89 million grassroots organizations. -
The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Staff Research Report March 23, 2012 The China Rising Leaders Project, Part 1: The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders by John Dotson USCC Research Coordinator With Supporting Research and Contributions By: Shelly Zhao, USCC Research Fellow Andrew Taffer, USCC Research Fellow 1 The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission China Rising Leaders Project Research Report Series: Part 1: The Chinese Communist Party and Its Emerging Next-Generation Leaders (March 2012) Part 2: China’s Emerging Leaders in the People’s Liberation Army (forthcoming June 2012) Part 3: China’s Emerging Leaders in State-Controlled Industry (forthcoming August 2012) Disclaimer: This report is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission's website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.-China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 108-7. However, the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report. Cover Photo: CCP Politburo Standing Committee Member Xi Jinping acknowledges applause in Beijing’s Great Hall of the People following his election as Vice-President of the People’s Republic of China during the 5th plenary session of the National People's Congress (March 15, 2008). -
Bo Xilai and Reform: What Will Be the Impact of His Removal?
Bo Xilai and Reform: What Will Be the Impact of His Removal? Joseph Fewsmith The unexpected flight of Chongqing’s Public Security head to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu in February started an unexpected sequence of events that led to the removal of Bo Xilai, the princeling head of the Chongqing party committee, and the subsequent decision to investigate him. Depending on the outcome of that party investigation, Bo could then be subject to civil proceedings (as is almost always the case). These events have disrupted what appeared to be the smooth transition planned for the 18th Party Congress later this fall. There has been much commentary on these events, and different observers look at the significance and impact of the Bo Xilai case on Chinese politics differently. Looking at Bo’s unique place in the Chinese political system and at the actions taken and commentary issued by the government in Beijing, this article concludes that Beijing is taking steps to narrow the case against Bo as much as possible, presenting it as a case of violating party discipline and the law. Although this makes sense in the short run, there may be ramifications of the case that will reverberate for a long time. The run-up to the 18th Party Congress scheduled to be held this fall has proven to be more interesting than anyone imagined. The escape of Wang Lijun, Chongqing’s vice mayor and head of public security, to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu and his subsequent arrest, followed by stories that Gu Kailai, wife of the Chongqing party secretary, was suspected of the murder of English entrepreneur Neil Heywood, and finally the removal and investigation of Bo Xilai himself have generated vast quantities of newspaper articles, lurid stories, and speculation. -
The Establishment of the National Supervisory Commission As a Faction- Al and Centralizing Tool
FLUX: International Relations Review Two Birds, One Policy: The Establishment of the National Supervisory Commission as a Faction- al and Centralizing Tool Maya Mainland-Gratton, Liam Olsen, and Naomi Shi Edited by Dan Bedford Comte and Amir Hotter Yishay ABSTRTACT - Xi Jinping has made “anti-corruption” campaigns a hallmark of his leadership. The campaigns promise to target both “tigers” - senior party, government, and military leaders - and “flies” - local party and government officials. This practice has included a drastic restructuring of China’s anti-corruption and judicial agencies, culminating in their centralization under the National Supervisory Commission (NSC) in 2018. Many scholars have debated whether Xi’s campaigns and the NSC are genuinely intended to combat corruption or are instead a tool to eliminate political opponents and consolidate power. The NSC’s establishment is considered in relation to the two predominant models of anti-corruption drives conducted in China, the “Chongqing” model, and the “Guangzhou” model. By deliberately reproducing the Chongqing model’s accountability defects, eliminating political opponents appears to be a core objective of the NSC’s establishment. However, owing to its centralized nature, the NSC also strengthens the central party’s power over local authorities. Local party branches are far less trusted by the population than their national counterparts. Thus, strengthening the party’s credibility - including a genuine attempt to decrease corruption - and strengthening local government oversight -
China Analysis 48
China Analysis Les Nouvelles de Chine n°48 - Avril 2014 Sommaire DOSSIER : LE DÉFI DÉMOGRAPHIQUE CHINOIS 1. La Chine après le dividende démographique (Agatha Kratz et Clare Chng) 5 2. L'assouplissement de la politique de l'enfant unique (Camille Boullenois) 10 3. Les droits des femmes à l'épreuve de la politique de l'enfant unique (Hugo Winckler) 14 4. Émigration chinoise vers l'étranger : constats et controverses (Simeng Wang) 18 5. Mettre fin à la fragmentation du système des pensions de retraite (Marie-Hélène Schwoob) 2 3 REPÈRES 6. L'intensification de la lutte anticorruption : bilan et nouvelles orientations un an après le XVIIIe Congrès du PCC (Camille Liffran) 27 7. Quel avenir pour la « trêve diplomatique » entre Taipei et Pékin ? (Tanguy Lepesant) 33 8. La main invisible du Parti à l'université (Jérôme Doyon) 37 © Asia Centre 9. La Chine et l'Asean : entre tensions et coopération 71 boulevard Raspail (Abigaël Vasselier) 41 75006 Paris, France 10. La nouvelle réforme foncière chinoise : rationaliser l'urbanisation en www.centreasia.eu libéralisant le foncier rural (David Bénazéraf et Carine Henriot) 46 [email protected] ISSN : 2101 - 0048 SOMMAIRE DOSSIER : LE DÉFI DÉMOGRAPHIQUE CHINOIS Le dossier de ce numéro 48 de China Analysis revient sur le défi démographique chinois. La question de la politique de contrôle des naissances a été remise à l’ordre du jour à l’occasion du IIIè Plenum du XVIIIème Congrès du PCC, et il semblerait que les autorités soient désormais prêtes à assouplir la célèbre « politique de l’enfant unique ». Néanmoins, cette question n’est que l’un des nombreux aspects de la question démographique en Chine, et nous nous efforçons, avec ce dossier, d’en couvrir au moins cinq composantes majeures.