Women: A Cultural Review
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Girls Return Home: Portrayal of Femininity in Popular Japanese Girls’ Manga and Anime Texts during the 1990s in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket
Kukhee Choo
To cite this article: Kukhee Choo (2008) Girls Return Home: Portrayal of Femininity in Popular Japanese Girls’ Manga and Anime Texts during the 1990s in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket , Women: A Cultural Review, 19:3, 275-296, DOI: 10.1080/09574040802137243
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574040802137243
Published online: 10 Nov 2008.
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Girls Return Home: Portrayal of Femininity in Popular Japanese Girls’ Manga and Anime Texts during the 1990s in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket
URING the later months of 2005, a live-action television drama entitled DHana yori Dango (the Japanese term for ‘Boys over Flowers’) aired on Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS) in Japan. This drama was based on a
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 record-breakingly popular sho¯jo manga (the term for girls’ comic books; no italics henceforth) that was serialised from 1992 to 2004, and which resulted in a series of thirty-six books, a television animation that aired in 1 Two drama series were Japan from 1996 to 1997, and two live-action television drama series produced in Taiwan, (shown in Taiwan).1 The Japanese television drama was such a success from 2001, under the title Meteor Garden. that the sequel aired on TBS from 5 January 2007 to 16 March 2007. Additionally, the four Additionally, in a TBS weekly report on 23 February 2007, Hana yori male characters (F4) featured in the Dango topped the charts with 26.3 per cent of viewer ratings (on the Taiwanese drama O¯ sama no Buranchi television programme). What is significant about this maintain their popular example is that many of the current Japanese live-action television dramas entertainer status in Taiwan under the are being adapted from popular comic books, mostly sho¯ jo manga, and same group name. this trend has gradually increased since the early 1990s...... Women: a cultural review Vol. 19. No. 3. ISSN 0957-4042 print/ISSN 1470-1367 online # 2008 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/09574040802137243 276 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... When a series such as Hana yori Dango is continuously reproduced, over a fifteen-year span, in various media such as anime (the Japanese term for animation; no italics henceforth) and live-action television drama, one may wonder what elements attracted such unprecedented popularity. Analysing such texts, as John Fiske states, is to ‘Expose their contra- dictions, their meanings that escape control, their producerly invitations; to ask what it is within them that has attracted popular approval’ (1989: 105). The emergence of the sho¯ jo manga industry during the 1960s to 1970s may have provided female artists and their viewers with a sphere where they could openly resist, subvert and reappropriate the limited social participatory roles to which they were confined. However, since the 1990s there has been a shift towards a more domestic portrayal of femininity that seems to suggest a new formation of gender relationships. By scrutinising the trends of popular Japanese sho¯ jo manga, I hope to provide a broader understanding of the gender dynamics in contemporary 2 Anime adapted from Japanese popular culture and media. This article will examine the manga series may portrayal of idealised femininity as depicted in contemporary popular sometimes differ in sho¯ jo manga and anime texts in order to better understand how Japanese narrative content * 2 which may highlight females construct their own concepts of femininity. violence that was not In 2005, the four highest-grossing sho¯ jo manga were Nana (2000), depicted in the original Hana yori Dango (1993), Fruits Basket (1999) and Peach Girl (1998). I have manga (as in the case of Fruits Basket). selected Hana yori Dango (1993, 1996) and Fruits Basket (1999, 2001) However, the overall manga and anime series because of their vast popularity in both the portrayal of idealised domestic and global market. Spanning over eleven years, Hana yori Dango femininity does not change very much has been the highest-grossing sho¯ jo manga series in Japanese history. when manga is cross- Fruits Basket has occupied the annual top-ten sales position in Japan since produced into anime its first publication in 1999. Most importantly, the series is the highest- (Hana yori Dango is 3 identical in terms of grossing Japanese sho¯ jo manga series in the US market. This paper narrative content). All examines the narrative content of such highly popular series to illustrate the images provided in what kind of femininities are being produced, consumed and appropriated this paper are from the Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 anime series. in Japan and the global market. Both Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket 3 According to the feature a female protagonist who enters into the male protagonist’s Tokyopop website, household as a housekeeper or maid. Through exhibiting domestic the official US devotion to prove themselves worthy of acknowledgement by the male distributor of the series, Fruits Basket is protagonists’ families, the females endure domestic drudgery and even the top grossing sho¯ jo violence inflicted upon them. To analyse this pattern in the popular sho¯ jo manga title sold in the manga plot structure, I will raise the following questions: How are these US. Furthermore, among the USA Today female protagonists portrayed within the gender relations in the 150 Best-Selling Books narratives created by female authors? How do the texts construct ideal Database, Fruits Basket femininity and how is it manifested in the texts? And how is the ranked at #93 in 2005 and #96 in April, relationship of domesticity and social independence negotiated within 2006. these narratives? As more and more Japanese anime, television live-action GIRLS RETURN HOME × 277 ...... drama and manga series continue to flood the global market, tackling these questions may not only give us insight into the representation of gender relationships in Japanese culture, but also contributes to a geographical feminist resistance against gender stereotypes on a global media scale.
The Popularity of Japanese Manga
According to the Japanese 2005 Information Media White Papers (2004), manga publication reaches up to forty per cent of the entire Japanese publication industry*a statistic that makes manga a medium whose scope and social influence cannot be ignored (Fukushima 1992: 29). Manga is divided into various genres in Japan, and the division between genders is the most prominent: sho¯ nen (boys), sho¯ jo (girls), women, young men, boys’ love and so on. Furthermore, sho¯ jo manga accounts for approximately thirty per cent of the entire manga publication industry. The majority of authors are female and the readership consists mainly of females of all ages.4 Although sho¯ jo manga mainly targets adolescent girls, women in their twenties, thirties and forties may well continue reading popular sho¯ jo manga even when beyond the targeted age group. Gender stereotypes may be strengthened through simplistic narratives aimed at children, and the fact that readership continues on into adulthood may have an internalising, recycling effect. It might be difficult for people who are not familiar with Japanese culture to grasp the domination of manga as a print media industry. With annual publications of over 20,000 titles, many of the manga titles are serialised in weekly, bi-weekly and monthly magazines, ranging up to 300 magazines per year (Figure 1). Furthermore, the average annual manga sales figure in Japan is approximately $4.5 billion, accounting for forty Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 per cent of the entire publication market share (Information Media White Papers, 2005). Manga magazines are divided into various sub-genres with approxi- mately thirty-seven per cent (Girls Women Boys’ love) aimed at female audiences of all ages (Figure 2). However, this number excludes 4 Although sho¯ jo manga Hobbies/Sports and Adult-oriented manga magazines, providing an includes male estimated additional three to five per cent, which adds up to a total of authorship and readership, it is still forty to forty-two per cent (my estimation). considered less Although the Japanese government launched a fully fledged interna- acceptable for a male tional promotion of anime and video games into the global market after to openly associate himself with the passing the Contents Industry Act in 2004, there was a lack of emphasis female genre in Japan. on promoting manga because it is not as popular as anime in the West. 278 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ......
300
66 63 65 64 66 65 63 61
200
For Children For Adults 223 228 100 207 209 215 215 216 217
0 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
Figure 1. Total number of published manga magazines. Resource: Japan’s Information Media White Papers, 2005.
However, the massive anime industry depends on the solid presence of the manga industry in Japan because the majority of anime are adapted from popular manga titles. This is also true for many contemporary live- action television dramas and films. The scope of manga’s influence on Japan’s mainstream media culture is unmatchable. In general, sho¯ jo manga artists may start their career during their teens and then move onto producing more mature content as they grow older. There is no age limitation on becoming a manga artist. However, it seems likely that sho¯ jo manga artists might have more restrictions because of their marital conditions; sho¯ jo manga artists may start during their teens
Adult-oriented Comics Boys' Comics 23 (8%) 56 (19.2%) Girls' Comics
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 40 (13.7%) Hobby/Sports 4 (1.4%) Boys' Love Comics 11 (3.8%)
Pachinko 26 (8.9%) Young Men's Comics 58 (19.9%) 4 Frames 18 (6.2%)
Women's Comics 55 (18.9%)
Figure 2. Detailed genres of the 291 manga magazines published in 2003. Resource: Japan’s Information Media White Papers, 2005. GIRLS RETURN HOME × 279 ...... and may more or less disappear from the scene after getting married, unless they become successful. If an artist is able to produce a ‘hit’, then the magazine publisher would demand that the artist drag out the series in order to sell more issues over a longer period, as was the case for Kamio Yo¯ ko, the creator of Hana yori Dango. The series lasted for over eleven years and the stories became formulaic as the series continued. Since there are no accessible official records of contract details or payment records to artists, it is difficult to accurately enumerate Kamio Yo¯ ko’s net profit. Nonetheless, considering the licensing of her manga series into anime production, numerous international live-action drama productions and the vast-ranging, related merchandising goods, it is not difficult to imagine the scale of her success.
Japanese Sho¯jo Manga and Anime Studies
Even with such high circulation and popularity, manga and anime studies are still underdeveloped both inside and outside Japan. Though many studies on anime have emerged in the West since the late 1990s, few have become established as trend-setting. Anne Allison has explored the relationship between the male gaze and fetishised female body parts in erotic manga (1998). Sharon Kinsella focused on the shifting organisa- tional aspect of manga as both a subculture and a mainstream industry 5Napier’sanalysis (2000). Sharalyn Orbaugh, who examines the visual hybridity of gender focuses on Urusei in sho¯ jo manga, anime and video games, has provided an analysis of how Yatsura, Oh My the female body has crossed over into the male realm, thus producing Goddess and Video Girl Ai, none of visually androgynous sho¯ jo characters (2003). In her book, Anime: From which were produced Akira to Princess Mononoke (2000), Susan Napier examines the character- for the sho¯ jo audience. istics of sho¯ jo in Miyazaki Hayao’s anime films and romantic comedy 6A studybyMary anime (2000: 141). Although Napier provides an analysis on sho¯ jo, Grigsby fails to Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 mention the targeted however, her argument is mostly based on female protagonists within 5 age-group for selected sho¯ nen titles popular in the United States. Nakayoshi readership, Since the late 1990s, many studies have emerged focusing on both which is considered an introductory Pokemon and Sailor Moon as global phenomena, with some of them magazine to manga for paying attention to gender dynamics. Sailor Moon, however, was pre-adolescent girls. primarily targeted at pre-school and pre-adolescent girls, an age group As Schodt states, if the that does not accurately fall under sho¯ jo (which would generally be female readership of 6 manga ranges from comprised of elementary school girls in their later years and upwards). five to eighteen years Overall, many of the western studies on the sho¯ jo genre have either been old (35), then untimely (analysing titles from the 1970s or 1980s), inaccurate (undiffer- Nakayoshi is aimed at five years and entiating in relation to the children and sho¯ jo manga audiences) or upwards. misleading (focusing on the homoerotic ‘boys’ love’ Yaoi genre, that only 280 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... accounts for 3.8 per cent of the manga publication industry). This trend has dominated the field of manga and anime studies in the West and painted for the western audience an obscure picture of sho¯ jo manga and its readership in Japan. As for Japanese scholars, manga and anime are yet to be considered worthy of academic attention. The literature on manga and anime is mostly on the history, genre distinction or personal impressions of certain manga. O¯ tsuki Takahiro’s study on the rabukome (love comedy) formula in sho¯ jo manga is one such example. He argues that the differentiation of the sho¯ jo manga genre from sho¯ nen manga is meaningless because of the cross-over effect of the love comedy narratives into the boy’s realm, and the ‘blood, sweat, and tears’ sports’ spirit themes into the girl’s realm (2003: 168 71). Furthermore, O¯ tsuki claims that owing to this spill-over effect, many male readers regularly enjoy sho¯ jo manga and, thus, it has become unnecessary to differentiate between sho¯ nen/sho¯ jo (172). Although interesting, O¯ tsuki’s argument focuses on his own experience and seems to trivialise the sho¯ jo genre as a spin-off imitation of the sho¯ nen, confirming the gender bias within Japan, which assumes that sho¯ jo manga could never be as important as sho¯ nen manga.
What Girls Want: Trends in Popular Sho¯jo Manga and Anime
Popular sho¯ jo manga of the 1970s and 1980s focused on female protagonists who were active in public realms, such as sports, entertain- ment, art or politics. This is evidenced by series such as The Rose of Versailles (1972), Aim for the Ace! (1973), Candy Candy (1975), The Mask of Glass (1976), Swan (1976), Yukan Kurabu (1982) and Encore ga Sankai (1985). Although these titles also focused on romance, the careers of the female protagonists were the major driving force of the narrative. For Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 example, in Candy Candy, the female protagonist Candy is an orphan who enters a wealthy family as a maid, but ends up being adopted by a wealthier benefactor and travels around the world receiving a good education. Candy then gains employment as a social worker after she receives her education. Although romance is an important element throughout the plot, it does not preclude Candy from pursuing her own ambitions in the public realm, nor is it the driving force of the narrative. In contrast, popular series during the 1990s seemed to focus more on the romance itself, without the female protagonist having any particular public goals. Unlike the wish-fulfillment narrative structure of the 1970s and 1980s, where the female protagonist would prioritise her GIRLS RETURN HOME × 281 ......
career (and romance would come naturally), contemporary sho¯ jo narratives focus more on the romance itself*how to get the boy-of- their-dreams is the driving force of the narrative. Like the sho¯ nen genre that often follows the narrative trend of ‘loser male surrounded by many females’, the contemporary sho¯ jo genre focuses on ‘loser female gets prince charming’ (Ninomiya 2005: 11). Kinsella notes that since the 1960s, Japan has equated ‘[t]he qualities of introspection, immaturity, escapism, and the resistance to entering Japanese society’ with ‘youth, youth culture, and manga’ (1998: 292). Yet, I would argue, the seemingly immature and escapist narratives were empowering tools and outlets for the female political voice. Kinsella further asserts that
In the mid-1970s early girls’ manga was perceived by some leftist critics as a reactionary cultural retreat from politics and social issues to petty personal themes. Girls’ manga and soft (yasashii) culture were associated with the decline of political and cultural resistance in the early 1970s, sometimes referred to in Japanese as the ‘doldrums’ (shirake). But by the 1990s, individualistic personal themes in girls’ manga were being perceived as stubbornly self-interested, decadent, and antisocial (Kinsella 1998: 314).
From the 1960s to the 1980s there was a lack of social venues for sho¯ jo to be politically active. This may explain the trend towards empowered female individuals (with individual desires and success) in sho¯ jo narratives. They might have been fulfilling their political desires through ‘escapist’ narratives that centred on romantic European periods in political turmoil, such as in The Rose of Versailles (1972) and Candy Candy (1975). Furthermore, Kinsella seems to collate the individualism of the 1970s (in terms of personal, social and political success) with the individualism of the 1990s (and a self-absorbed personal success in being ‘getting the Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 boy’). The shifting narratives in mainstream sho¯ jo manga over the 1990s seem actually to counter what Kinsella notes as being ‘antisocial’*where successful relationships with the male protagonist only conform to the hetero-social norms, thus making the female protagonists more ‘social’ than ‘antisocial’. More noteworthy is that many of the highly popular series depict the female protagonists as housekeepers who enter the male protagonists’ households. Though this may simply appear to be a loss of social status, especially from a western feminist standpoint, it is important to understand the Japanese context of being a housekeeper, and how it may function in these sho¯ jo texts. This cultural context does not necessarily negate the fact that being a maid appears to be a step-down from previous sho¯ jo depictions. 282 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... The overwhelmingly popular series Hana yori Dango, and many other contemporary top-ten popular sho¯ jo manga series, such as Kaikan Phrase (1997), Fruits Basket (1999) and Paradise Kiss (2000), all contain this typical romance-driven plot structure. Although series such as Peach Girl (1998), Kareshi Kanojo no Jijo¯ (1999), Nana (2000) and Nodame Cantabile (2002) seemingly portray the male and female protagonists on equal grounds in terms of ability, the female protagonist’s unconditional acceptance of the male remains unchallenged. Such ‘unconditionally-accommodating’, ‘ideal’ female figures have been one of the trademarks for sho¯ nen manga, yet why has it been emerging as a mainstream narrative trend among sho¯ jo manga as well? The following sections will analyse the intricate gender relationships in contemporary sho¯ jo manga, especially the dynamics of female figures in the multi-faceted role of mother, strong independent girl, and cute and sexualised female. Not only do the recent female characters have to be strong and independent, like those in the earlier sho¯ jo manga narratives, but they also have to be cute, submissive, sexy and even be willing to endure physical abuse. Where is the pleasure in all of this for female readers? A thorough analysis of the portrayal of femininity in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket will give us a better grasp of the shifting gender dynamics in Japan.
Plot Summaries of Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket
Created in 1992 by Kamio Yo¯ ko for Magaret, a sho¯ jo comic magazine, Hana yori Dango is about a modern day Cinderella. Female protagonist Makino Tsukushi, a poor student who enters a private high school beyond her family’s means, wants to spend her high school days
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 peacefully, without being noticed, since the school has a notorious ijime (bullying) gang called F4 (Flower 4). F4 consists of four of the wealthiest, most good-looking, and thus most spoiled male students at the school. When F4 posts a red flag on a targeted student’s locker, the rest of the student body will voluntarily bully the marked student. No one dares to stand up to F4 except Tsukushi who, after witnessing a classmate being harassed, loses her temper and kicks the leader of F4, Do¯ myo¯ ji Tsukasa, in the face. Since this incident, Tsukushi has been subjected to endless bullying and harassment by F4 and, consequently, by the rest of the student body. However, after declaring war against F4 by placing red flags on each of their foreheads, Tsukushi becomes a semi-heroine among the weak students. Before long, Do¯ myo¯ ji becomes infatuated with Tsukushi GIRLS RETURN HOME × 283 ...... because she reminds him of his headstrong older sister. Hence the long courtship begins. The entire series centres around Tsukushi’s oscillating behaviour towards Do¯ myo¯ ji. Tsukushi and Do¯ myo¯ ji struggle to learn how to adapt to each other’s communication style and class differences. Tsukushi constantly tries to throw Do¯ myo¯ ji off, yet whenever he seems to give up on her, Tsukushi reconfirms her affection towards him. However, as the storyline introduces various characters that interfere with the protago- nists’ romance, including Do¯ myo¯ ji’s snobbish mother Do¯ myo¯ ji Kaede, the destiny of the two seems to drift apart. However, when Tsukushi enters the Do¯ myo¯ ji household as a maid, to gain the approval of his mother, the romance between the two protagonists blossoms. The other popular series, Fruits Basket, was created by Takaya Natsuki for the Hana to Yume sho¯ jo comics magazine in 1999. Aired on TV Tokyo from July to December 2001, the anime series was popular not only among female viewers, but also among male viewers. Importantly, this series was purchased by FUNimation Entertainment Ltd., a distribution company in the US that already holds rights to famous series such as Dragon Ball Z. The story is based on twelve Chinese traditional mythological animal gods (junishi) in a modern setting. The So¯ ma clan is cursed by fate to carry on the twelve animal gods’ spirits into their family members. Depending on the corresponding animal spirit that aSo¯ ma clan member is born with, s/he turns into that animal when a person of the opposite sex embraces them. The female protagonist Honda To¯ ru is an orphaned high school student who ends up living in a tent on the So¯ ma family’s premises after her mother dies (her father died when she was a child). After So¯ ma Yuki, the student president of To¯ ru’s high school, and other So¯ ma members discover her tent, they invite her to stay with them. To¯ ru agrees to become their housekeeper in order to pay back the favour.
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 To¯ ru is considered incompetent in many aspects of her daily life. Because of her weaknesses, she has a hard time asserting herself when difficult situations arise. However, after To¯ ru befriends So¯ ma Yuki, her lifestyle changes drastically. Through various encounters with other So¯ ma clan members, To¯ ru learns about their family secret and the pain that each member experiences because of the curse. Through To¯ ru’s emotional acceptance and support, each So¯ ma member learns how to deal with their problems, and To¯ ru also receives the benefit of having their support in return. Furthermore, when To¯ ru becomes the target of bullying by the head of the So¯ ma clan, So¯ ma Akito, the other So¯ ma members fight to protect her. Throughout the series, Akito is portrayed as a violent male. However, towards the end of the series, it is revealed that he is in fact a 284 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... female raised as a male, and thus his/her angst has another gender twist. By accepting and forgiving Akito, To¯ ru is able to win his/her heart in the end. The series shows how To¯ ru slowly becomes a part of the wealthy and powerful So¯ ma family, and her status as a housekeeper is bizarrely appropriate throughout this process.
How Kawaii! (cute): The Sho¯jo’s Struggle for Independence
Being a sho¯ jo in Japan not only requires behaving according to one’s physical age, but it also necessitates behavioural traits that are related to kawaii (cuteness). John Treat explains, ‘The word most often associated with this sho¯ jo culture is kawaii, or ‘‘cute’’’ (1996: 281). Though the term ‘cute’ may be associated with a more positive, out-going attitude in the West, the Japanese idea of cuteness includes a degree of weakness that makes the sho¯ jo dependent on others. According to Sharon Kinsella, the terms ‘cute’ (kawaii) and ‘pitiful’ (kawaiso¯) may produce similar reactions in Japan: Although cute was principally about childishness, a sense of weakness and disability*which is a part of childishness*was a very important constituent of the cute aesthetic. In fact cute and pitiful were often the same thing (Kinsella 1995: 236).
In Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi works part-time at a traditional Japanese bakery in order to help her family. They send Tsukushi to an expensive private high school beyond their means, expecting that she will one day marry a rich man. After her father loses his job, Tsukushi feels as though she is pushed by her family to marry Do¯ myo¯ ji under financial constraints*the source of the constant oscillation of her feelings towards him*which causes her to further evade his love. The series portrays Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 Tsukushi as a headstrong girl who wants to help her family without receiving any help from Do¯ myo¯ ji. Her attempt to help her family financially, ‘on her own’, without the means to do so, makes Tsukushi appear to be kawaiso¯ (pathetic) and kawaii (cute) at the same time: kawaiso¯ because she cannot substantially help her four-member family living in a single-room house; kawaii because of her attempt to avoid the acceptance of financial help from Do¯ myo¯ ji by being independent. She eventually gives in to his affluent support (although she tries to pay it back through being a maid in his house). In Fruits Basket,To¯ ru’s kawaiso¯ (pitiful) life*her struggle to earn her meagerly wage as a night janitor*is glossed over by her kawaii attitude: a smiley, absent-minded and childlike behaviour. To¯ ru’s overcompensating GIRLS RETURN HOME × 285 ......
Figure 3. To¯ ru standing with Arisa (left) and Saki (right), who are considered marginalised characters in the series. To¯ ru appears to be the most innocent and ‘cute’ in her maid outfit. # 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA×TV×TOKYO×NAS Fruba
behaviour further entices the So¯ ma family members and her friends to feel more sympathetic towards her. Even though To¯ ru experiences more hardship than her friends Arisa and Saki, both of whom are considered marginalised by Japanese society for being a gangster and a ‘goth’, it is To¯ ru who offers emotional support to both of them by being optimistic and innocent (Figure 3). Even though To¯ ru works amongst older women at a tough night job, she is not jaded by the harshness of her reality and maintains her ‘cute’ attitude. The same can be said about Tsukushi, who does not lose her innocence and integrity even when surrounded by wealthier girls who consider money to be the most important aspect of life: Tsukushi is considered to be ‘cuter’ than her high-class school mates who are dependent on their family’s wealth. Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 Sex, Violence and Sho¯jo
In contemporary Japan, a sho¯ jo being kawaii is not always related to innocence alone*it can be sexualised as well. As Treat states, ‘A kawaii girl is attractive, and thus valorised, but lacks libidinal agency of her own’, which can be applied to both Tsukushi and To¯ ru because they do not have any sexual agency. However, as Treat further adds, ‘Others may sexually desire the sho¯jo’ (1996: 281). Brian McVeigh (2000) also explains that this cuteness and weakness can be used by the media to portray sexual images of females that are less threatening to men: 286 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... The strong association of the characteristics of children with women indicates a symbolic attempt on the part of men to place females in a controllable social position. This is most clearly seen in the portrayal of women in commercials, manga (comic books; read by all ages in Japan) and pornography (pornography cuteness) (McVeigh 2000: 147).
If such is the case for sho¯ jo sexuality, being cute (and weak) may mean that the sho¯ jo has a resigned disposition when they encounter a sexual situation, which is often accompanied by violence in many manga texts. Referring to ero manga (erotic comics) in Japan, Anne Allison notes that, ‘Sexuality is heavily imbricated with violence in Japanese comics’ (2000: 71). Both protagonists in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket appear to be innocent and pure, yet it is through the subtle manifestation of violence that they are sexualised. In Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi is attacked by a group of male students when she is blacklisted by F4. The male students chase Tsukushi around and when they finally ‘capture’ her (Figure 4), they pin her to the ground and start to assault her in a manner that resembles gang rape. The students tear Tsukushi’s school uniform, but fail to follow through with more violence when Do¯ myo¯ ji appears and stops them. As Do¯ myo¯ ji is responsible for the attacks on Tsukushi by blacklisting her, he is also the one who can protect her from the aggression of other males. In this regard, Do¯ myo¯ ji owns Tsukushi’s body because he gets to decide when, where and by whom her body can be sexualised. Another scene where violence is mixed with sexual aggression is when Do¯ myo¯ ji finds out that Tsukushi has feelings towards Rui, another F4 Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016
Figure 4. Tsukushi is bullied by a gang of fellow schoolmates after being blacklisted by the F4 members. # 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation GIRLS RETURN HOME × 287 ......
male student. Out of jealousy, Do¯ myo¯ ji randomly assaults fellow students at school and eventually chases after the fearful Tsukushi. After Tsukushi stumbles and falls to the ground, Do¯ myo¯ ji grabs onto her and ignores her plea to let go (Figure 5). After kissing Tsukushi, Do¯ myo¯ ji attempts to tear off her clothes. When Tsukushi starts to cry, he feels remorseful and apologises for his actions. Do¯ myo¯ ji’s violent aggression is absolved through Tsukushi accepting his apology. This scene leaves the viewers with mixed emotions about how to process Do¯ myo¯ ji’s behaviour*whether to accept or condemn it. The main violent offender in Fruits Basket is So¯ ma Akito, the head, and the so-called ‘god’, of the So¯ ma clan who is destined to die for the family in order to ‘contain’ the curse. Each reincarnation cycle has a designated sacrifice and Akito is the current generation’s victim. Out of sympathy (and perhaps filial piety), So¯ ma family members allow Akito to behave according to whim and often endure the physical violence he 7 7 At the time of writing, inflicts upon them. Akito is jealous and obsessed with To¯ ru because he only the anime series feels that his relatives pay more attention to her than to him. He lurks was completed. Although Akito is behind To¯ ru’s every move for an opportunity to find fault with her. In revealed to be a female the final anime episode, To¯ ru visits the main So¯ ma household where at the end of the Akito resides. Although she tries to empathise with Akito’s painful manga series, she is portrayed as a male destiny, he ends up brutally attacking her. Akito grabs To¯ ru by her hair throughout the anime and pushes her body down as if to make her kneel. The other two So¯ ma series. Thus, I will members, Yuki and Hatori, try to stop Akito by holding him back, but refer to Akito as a male. However, after Akito does not let go of his grip on To¯ ru’s hair (Figure 6). However, the manga series was she does not resist and appears to be submitting through bowing. This completed in 2006, the evokes a sexualised imagery that is commonly associated with adult twist of the narrative only further confirms manga. As Allison explains, the relationship between female submission my analysis on gender as performance. Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016
Figure 5. Tsukushi struggles to get away from Do¯ myo¯ ji as he grabs her. # 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation 288 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ......
Figure 6. Akito pulls To¯ ru’s hair while Yuki (right) and Hatori try to stop him. # 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA×TV TOKYO×NAS×Fruba
and sexual violence is a common theme in manga texts geared towards mature women: ‘Women,’ of course, is primarily what and who men attack, and the construction of femaleness is based ...on this position ...Unlike men, they do not, often cannot, run away; and despite being attacked, they typically do nothing to defend themselves, let alone try to fight back (Allison 2000: 17). This type of violence was uncommon in early sho¯ jo manga. In both Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket, the narratives position both protagonists in a situation where they are subject to violence and enforced sexualisation, which is similar to that of ero manga. Such a narrative undermines the independence they experience by exposing them to situations where they are dependent on the mercy of male characters. Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016
Sho¯jo and Motherhood
Besides being kawaii, independent and sexualised, the female protagonists in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket also take on the role of the ‘mother’. Commenting on the role of being a caretaker and mother in a Japanese household, Takie Lebra states, ‘The average woman is assumed to orient herself primarily to her family and kinship, and her life to center in and around the domestic realm’ (1984: 20). According to Lebra, this means a ‘corporate body of co-residents’ where each member performs his/her role to maintain the structure. Most importantly, Lebra claims that ‘a GIRLS RETURN HOME × 289 ...... functionally indispensable member may happen not to be a member of the stem family, as in the case of a competent servant or household employee’ (1984: 20). This point is crucial in understanding Japanese women’s view of being a person who is in ‘service’ for others in a household situation and how this concept is further manifested in texts created by them. As Tsukushi and To¯ ru both enter the male protagonists’ households as housekeepers, we can see how they are constructed as replacements for the absent mother figures. In Hana yori Dango, when Tsukushi enters the Do¯ myo¯ ji household as a maid, a grandmother-like character named Tama trains Tsukushi. Tama has been a servant to the Do¯ myo¯ ji family for many years and used to be a nanny to Kaede (Do¯ myo¯ ji’s mother). Tama’s position in the Do¯ myo¯ ji family is that of a mother, especially to Kaede. An interesting trajectory is portrayed through how Tama trains Tsukushi to become a good servant, or ‘mother’, to Do¯ myo¯ ji, as Tama herself was to Kaede. Tama is revealed to be the most indispensable person in the Do¯ myo¯ ji household, not only for being in charge of the household chores, but also for providing solid emotional support for Kaede. She trains Tsukushi to be a ‘mother’ to Do¯ myo¯ ji, which becomes a threat to his actual mother, Kaede. Not only does Tsukushi replace Kaede’s position as a mother, but she also replaces her role as a daughter to Tama. The power relationship within the household becomes obvious in a scene where Kaede finds out that Tsukushi has been working as a servant in her home. While trying to oust Tsukushi, Kaede is stopped by Tama, who threatens to leave her life-long position in the household if Tsukushi is made to leave. Tama, a short and crouched woman, stares defiantly at Kaede, the tall, elegantly-dressed, career-oriented breadwinner of the house. After a short pause, Kaede yields to Tama’s demands and allows Tsukushi to stay*not doing so would indicate being a bad ‘daughter’. This scene shows that Tama is in fact the central ‘mother’ figure of the
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 Do¯ myo¯ ji household, even though her position is that of a housekeeper. Similarly, in Fruits Basket,To¯ ru enters the So¯ ma household as a live-in housekeeper. She takes care of cleaning, cooking and miscellaneous household chores. Not only is To¯ ru a ‘mother’ through doing household labour, but also through her taking care of the emotional needs of each So¯ ma family member. When To¯ ru realises that most of the cursed So¯ ma family members have been rejected by their own parents, she is able to empathise with their pain. Having lost both her parents through illness and a car accident, To¯ ru understands the importance of parental love. She gives the So¯ ma family members a feeling of yasuragi (comfort), which enables them to open up and emotionally rely on her (even Akito who has been rejected by his own mother). As Lebra claims, ‘A woman 290 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... through motherhood becomes the most indispensable person in the household’ (1984: 160). To¯ ru’s role as a mother wins her unconditional support and devotion from the So¯ ma family members, which resembles that of mother child relationships. Contrary to Robertson’s argument that being a sho¯ jo was considered to be the antithesis of being a mother (1998: 174), the female protagonists embody both the ‘mother’ and sho¯ jo. Adapting to the position of a caretaker may be a conscious role that the females take on to compensate for their lack of social status. As evidenced in the cases of Tama and Kaede, and To¯ ru and the So¯ ma family, the sho¯ jo’s ability to perform the role of a ‘mother’ seems to transcend the class barrier. In order for the females to assert their status proportionate to all the Prince Charmings, they may be reverting back to the most traditional and most con- servative*the ‘ultra’ domestic and nurturing*‘mother’ figure.
Hierarchy of Gender Through Performance and Class
The class system in manga and anime texts is something that is prominent, but rarely analysed. There are numerous sho¯ jo narratives featuring middle- or lower-class female protagonists longing for upper- class male protagonists. In addition to Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket, recent popular manga series such as W Juliet (1999), Kareshi Kanojo no Jijo¯ (1999), Kaikan Phrase (1997), Paradise Kiss (2000) and Nodame Cantabile (2002) have female protagonists who are involved with male protagonists from ‘high-class’ families. It is rare to see a female protagonist in a sho¯ jo text belonging to an upper-class family. In a scene in Hana yori Dango,Do¯ myo¯ ji visits Tsukushi’s one-room tatami (traditional Japanese flooring) household*a stark contrast to his
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 western-style mansion. Tsukushi feels embarrassed by her humble living conditions. When her mother serves him dinner, he is not familiar with some of the common Japanese dishes. However, after witnessing how elegantly Do¯ myo¯ ji conducts himself while eating, Tsukushi admiringly thinks to herself, ‘No wonder he is from an extremely wealthy family.’ Tsukushi does not behave like an ojo¯san (lady) as her fellow classmates do. Tsukushi is emotional and spontaneous. She talks loudly and can be physically aggressive, which makes her what Russo calls an ‘unruly woman’ (1986: 216) (Figure 7). Although Tsukushi claims that she is proud of her lowly background throughout the series, the fact that she is awed by Do¯ myo¯ ji’s high-class mannerisms indicates her secret desire to be ladylike. GIRLS RETURN HOME × 291 ......
Figure 7. Do¯ myo¯ ji is surprised at Tsukushi’s unladylike language. # 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation
Interestingly enough, it is not the female characters who exhibit and define what ladylike femininity should be. Rather, more often than not, it is the male characters who embody feminine physical traits such as pretty faces, slender bodies and the aforementioned graceful mannerisms that place the female subject as inferior to the male. In sho¯ jo texts, being effeminate does not detract from the male character’s appeal. Instead, it only enhances his charm and social status. As a matter of fact, the female subject is put in a lesser position because she is not able to ‘perform’ femininity better than the male characters. As Judith Butler notes about gender construction, ‘Identity is performatively constituted by the very ‘‘expressions’’ that are said to be its results’ (1990: 25). What Butler claims is that the performance aspect of one’s gender is itself the process of constructing one’s own gender identity. In an episode of Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi is kidnapped by Do¯ myo¯ ji and taken to his mansion, where he pampers her with spa treatments, expensive fashion items and a proposition for her to ‘become’ his
Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 girlfriend. When Tsukushi realises that Do¯ myo¯ ji is trying to ‘buy’ her love, she points out his arrogance and refuses the offer. Feeling rejected, Do¯ myo¯ ji exclaims that he is a ‘walking brand’ and asks Tsukushi what makes her think a poor girl like her can refuse him. Tsukushi answers, ‘I am a no-brand woman.’ Since fashion and femininity are closely associated with each other, Do¯ myo¯ ji’s knowledge of beauty and fashion makes him much more feminine than Tsukushi*as Butler argues that ‘regulatory norms of sex’ are constructed through repeated performance, which further normalises gender (1993: 532, 538). In sho¯jo manga, feminised masculinity is normalised through repeated performances of femininity. Associating gender construction with the modernisation process in Japan, Ayako Kano, following Butler, explains that acting 292 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ...... like a woman in Japan was ‘taught, learned, rehearsed, and repeated’ (2001: 5). Kano uses male Kabuki actors as an example of gender 8 8 Kano explains that performance. since theater Similar to taking on the role of ‘mother’, embodying traditional performance in Japan was related to the male Japanese qualities may function as a tool to narrow class discrepancy. domain, they also When Tsukushi counters Do¯ myo¯ ji’s materialistic proposal by stating that took up performing he should not view her like the other girls around him, he then truly falls ‘female’ roles. Kano notes that in love with Tsukushi. Although Do¯ myo¯ ji initially viewed Tsukushi as a ‘prostitution temporary girlfriend, after Tsukushi claims that she is ‘different’ from continued to be other western-fashion-brand-driven ‘high-class’ girls, he then becomes associated with the theater, with the male more serious in his pursuit of her as a future bride. Tsukushi’s lowly actors available as background accentuates her domesticity and, thus, that she is authenti- sexual partners for cally Japanese and, ironically, this elevates to her a position equal to male patrons, but the practice of onnagata Do¯ myo¯ ji. eventually led to the By contrast, the high-class environment in Fruits Basket is depicted development of a through the So¯ ma household that strictly adheres to Japanese traditions. stylised art and made idealised femininity The architecture in which the head of the So¯ ma clan resides resembles something that was that of a historical palace, indicating how powerful and wealthy the So¯ ma represented by men’ household would be in a Japanese context. Furthermore, So¯ ma Yuki (Kano 2001: 5). speaks in a very polite manner with a feminine voice*aspects which symbolise gentility*and he has a pretty face (Figure 8). Not only To¯ ru’s social position, but also her femininity, is no match for that of So¯ ma Yuki. For her to be accepted by So¯ ma family standards, she has to follow their traditional rules, such as delivering extremely respectful locution and by becoming a household caretaker. As the examples have shown, the inferiority of the female characters is not established solely through the discrepancy in social status, but also through the physical beauty that the male protagonist embodies. With the female subject looking up to the male subject, who emits signs of more adequate femininity, the male body becomes the source of oppression for Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016
Figure 8. To¯ ru (centre), Yuki (right) and Kyo¯ (left) in Fruits Basket. # 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA×TV TOKYO×NAS×Fruba GIRLS RETURN HOME × 293 ...... the female protagonist. The female subject has to work hard, often by enacting traditional feminine nurturing roles, to match not only the male protagonist’s superior social position, but also his femininity. This is why the females may take on a role in which the males could not position themselves without threatening their masculinity: that of the domestic realm.
Summary and Conclusion
Recent popular Japanese sho¯ jo manga and anime texts portray femininity as embodying both the traits of a mother-like caretaker and an independent sexualised girl. This portrayal differs from the dualistic media portrayal that, until the 1980s, was previously strictly divided into public versus domestic, and onto separate female bodies (Lebra 1984: 9). Through performing certain roles, the protagonists construct a femininity that is becoming more complex and demanding for an audience that may look up to such portrayals as desirable. If we agree with McVeigh that popular media texts in Japan function as self-presentation and self- preservation for Japanese women (2000: 147), neither the domestic nor the independent female is troublesome within their own realm. However, when debating which role to take, the female authors may be manifesting their own struggles. In the past, the sho¯ jo manga and anime narratives focused on female protagonists aiming for higher public roles in the texts. One explanation could be that during the 1970s and 1980s there were less public positions for Japanese women, and there was more social discrimination against women who were publicly active, as witnessed in media portrayals up to the 1980s (Lebra 1984; Fukunishi Suzuki 1995). However, as Japanese women gained more social power through increased participation in the Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016 public domain, a nostalgic romanticisation seemed to be surfacing in relation to the domestic role. Moreover, with the increase in males taking on roles of fashion-conscious consumers during the 1990s (Brasor 1995)* an area that was previously accepted as belonging to women*Japanese women may feel pressure to reclaim their femininity and thus push for the ‘more’ feminine. This would be through positioning themselves in a role that even feminised males cannot perform*that of a traditional mother who is bound to domesticity. Similar to the female protagonists who often transform from an independent high school student to a traditional role of ‘mother’, the female manga artists themselves might also face similar struggles between work and family. Tsukushi has the option of accepting Do¯ myo¯ ji’s love 294 × WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ......
and becoming a wealthy housewife, and To¯ ru could live with her relatives who are financially secure. But both female protagonists choose to live in poverty and work in part-time menial jobs in the public domain. This contradictory fragmentation of roles embodied in each protagonist is troublesome, in that it complicates and confuses the social identity of these females. On the one hand, they are an epitome of independent sho¯ jo, but on the other, they are domestic ‘mothers’ who take care of other characters in the series. By taking on both roles, the female characters go through hardships and are placed under many emotional and physical burdens. However, this aspect is erased through the romance code of getting the male(s). With the Japanese government enthusiastically promoting the con- tents industry on a global scale, manga and anime have become ever more important means to showcase culture and values. The type of cultural ideology manifested in these texts is no longer significant to Japan alone. As audiences around the globe become more accustomed to manga and anime texts, so are the texts produced with the understanding that they may some day be consumed by a global audience. Gender relations within both manga and anime media, regardless of whether sho¯ nen or sho¯ jo, become important to western audiences as well. What are the implica- tions of the glamorised Japanese-style sho¯ johood and motherhood, along with the implied virtue in enduring sexually-nuanced violence, for the younger audience in Japan and overseas? As sho¯ jo anime texts are becoming more complex in their construction of femininity, and in order to better understand how these texts may be influencing females, especially girls, further media studies exploring the production industry and audience reception for both sho¯ jo manga and anime are called for.
Note Downloaded by [Tulane University] at 06:03 15 January 2016
The Japanese names in this paper follow the Japanese order, which is family name first.
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