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The State and Cultural Dynamics of Canadian Inter-War Anthropology Andrew Nurse
Document généré le 28 sept. 2021 17:02 Scientia Canadensis Canadian Journal of the History of Science, Technology and Medicine Revue canadienne d'histoire des sciences, des techniques et de la médecine The Ambiguities of Disciplinary Professionalization: The State and Cultural Dynamics of Canadian Inter-war Anthropology Andrew Nurse Volume 30, numéro 2, 2007 Résumé de l'article La professionnalisation de l’anthropologie canadienne dans la première moitié URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/800546ar du 20e siècle fut étroitement liée à la matrice de l’État fédéral, tout d’abord par DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/800546ar l’entremise de la division anthropologique de la Comission géologique du Canada, et ensuite par le biais du Musée national. Les anthropologues de l’État Aller au sommaire du numéro possèdent alors un statut professionnel ambigu à la fois comme fonctionnaires et comme anthropologues dévoués aux impératifs méthodologiques et disciplinaires de la science sociale moderne, mais limités et guidés par les Éditeur(s) exigences du service civil. Leur position au sein de l’État a favorisé le développement de la discipline, mais a également compromis l’autonomie CSTHA/AHSTC disciplinaire. Pour faire face aux limites imposées par l’État au soutien de leur discipline, les anthropologues de la fonction publique ont entretenu différents ISSN réseaux culturels, intellectuels, et comercialement-orientés qui ont servi à soutenir les nouveaux développements de leur champ, particulièrement dans 0829-2507 (imprimé) l’étude du folklore. Le présent essai examine ces dynamiques et suggère que le 1918-7750 (numérique) développement disciplinaire de l’anthropologie ne crée pas de dislocations entre la recherche professionnelle et la société civile. -
American Cultural Anthropology and British Social Anthropology
Anthropology News • January 2006 IN FOCUS ANTHROPOLOGY ON A GLOBAL SCALE In light of the AAA's objective to develop its international relations and collaborations, AN invited international anthropologists to engage with questions about the practice of anthropology today, particularly issues of anthropology and its relationships to globaliza- IN FOCUS tion and postcolonialism, and what this might mean for the future of anthropology and future collaborations between anthropologists and others around the world. Please send your responses in 400 words or less to Stacy Lathrop at [email protected]. One former US colleague pointed out American Cultural Anthropology that Boas’s four-field approach is today presented at the undergradu- ate level in some departments in the and British Social Anthropology US as the feature that distinguishes Connections and Four-Field Approach that the all-embracing nature of the social anthropology from sociology, Most of our colleagues’ comments AAA, as opposed to the separate cre- highlighting the fact that, as a Differences German colleague noted, British began by highlighting the strength ation of the Royal Anthropological anthropologists seem more secure of the “four-field” approach in the Institute (in 1907) and the Associa- ROBERT LAYTON AND ADAM R KAUL about an affinity with sociology. US. One argued that this approach is tion of Social Anthropologists (in U DURHAM Clearly British anthropology traces in fact on the decline following the 1946) in Britain, contributes to a its lineage to the sociological found- deeper impact that postmodernism higher national profile of anthropol- ing fathers—Durkheim, Weber and consistent self-critique has had in the US relative to the UK. -
The State and Cultural Dynamics of Canadian Inter-War Anthropology Andrew Nurse
Document generated on 09/30/2021 5:47 p.m. Scientia Canadensis Canadian Journal of the History of Science, Technology and Medicine Revue canadienne d'histoire des sciences, des techniques et de la médecine The Ambiguities of Disciplinary Professionalization: The State and Cultural Dynamics of Canadian Inter-war Anthropology Andrew Nurse Volume 30, Number 2, 2007 Article abstract The professionalization of Canadian anthropology in the first half of the URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/800546ar twentieth century was tied closely to the matrix of the federal state, first DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/800546ar though the Anthropology Division of the Geological Survey of Canada and then the National Museum. State anthropologists occupied an ambiguous See table of contents professional status as both civil servants and anthropologists committed to the methodological and disciplinary imperatives of modern social science but bounded and guided by the operation of the civil service. Their position within Publisher(s) the state served to both advance disciplinary development but also compromised disciplinary autonomy. To address the boundaries the state CSTHA/AHSTC imposed on its support for anthropology, state anthropologists cultivated cultural, intellectual, and commercially-oriented networks that served to ISSN sustain new developments in their field, particularly in folklore. This essay examines these dynamics and suggests that anthropology's disciplinary 0829-2507 (print) development did not create a disjunctive between professionalized scholarship 1918-7750 (digital) and civil society. Explore this journal Cite this article Nurse, A. (2007). The Ambiguities of Disciplinary Professionalization: The State and Cultural Dynamics of Canadian Inter-war Anthropology. Scientia Canadensis, 30(2), 37–53. -
Diamond Jenness (1886-1969)
Diamond Jenness (1886-1969) HENRY B. COLLINS and WILLIAM E. TAYLOR Jr. Canada’smost distinguished anthropologist, Dr. Diamond Jenness, formerly Chiefof the Division of Anthropology, National Museums of Canada, and Honorary Associate of the Arctic Institute of North America, died peacefully at his home in the Gatineau Hills near Ottawa on 29 November, 1969. He was one of that rapidly-vanishing, virtually extinct kind - the all round anthropolo- gist, who, working seriously, turned out first-class publications in all four major branches of the discipline : ethnology, linguistics, archaeology, and physical anthropology. One must also add a fifth: applied anthropology, a fitting designa- tion for theseries of monographs on Eskimo administration in Alaska, Canada, and Greenland which he wrote after his retirement and which were published by the Arctic Institute between 1962 and 1968. Diamond Jennesswas born in Wellington,New Zealand, on 10 February 1886, and attended Victoria University College, one of the four branches of the University ofNew Zealand, wherehe graduated withfirst class honours in classics in 1908. Later he studied at Balliol College, Oxford, under one of the outstanding ethnologists of the time, Professor R. R. Marett. He received both a B.A. in Lit. Hum. and a diploma in Anthropology at Oxford in 1911. In 191 1-12 he was designated Oxford Scholar in Papua and was sent by the Uni- versity to make anthropological studies among the Northern d’Entrecasteaux, a primitive tribe dwelling on the islands of the D’Entrecasteaux Archipelago off the east coast of New Guinea. The results of this first field-work were published by Oxford University (1 920a). -
The Hairless Mutation Hypothesis
Genes and Environment, Vol. 36, No. 3 pp. 78–88 (2014) Review The Hairless Mutation Hypothesis: a Driving Force of Humanization by Enforcing Bipedalism to Hold a Baby, by Allowing Immature Baby Delivery to Enlarge the Brain after Birth, and by Making Use of Fire to Get Meat and to Cook Foods Shizuyo Sutou1 School of Pharmacy, Shujitsu University, Okayama, Japan Received February 27, 2014; Revised June 8, 2014; Accepted June 13, 2014 J-STAGE Advance published date: June 19, 2014 Three characteristics, i.e., bipedalism, nakedness, and Three Major Characteristics of Humans the family reproductive unit, distinguish humans from Bipedalism other primates. Once a hairless mutation was initially in- There are several characteristics which separate hu- troduced, these three could be explained inseparately. All mans from other primates such as bipedalism, practical primates except humans can carry their babies without us- hairlessness, a family as a social unit, a large neocortex, ing their hands. A hairless mother would be forced to stand small canine teeth, uses of tools, ˆre, and language, and walk upright to hold a baby. As her activities were culture, and civilization. Especially, bipedalism, practi- markedly limited, the male partner had to collect food and carry it to her to keep their baby from starving. He must cal hairlessness, and family as a social unit are consi- have been sexually accepted by her at any time as a re- dered to constitute basic key factors of the origin of ward for food. Sexual relations irrespective of estrus cy- humans. Other important characteristics such as a large cles might have strengthened the pair bond, leading to fa- neocortex and the use of tools and ˆre are considered to mily formation. -
Strong Cultures and Subcultures in Dynamic Organizations
02-091 The Role of Subcultures in Agile Organizations Alicia Boisnier Jennifer A. Chatman1 1 The second author wrote this paper while a Marvin Bower Fellow at the Harvard Business School and is grateful for their support. We also thank Elizabeth Mannix, Rita McGrath, and an anonymous reviewer for their insightful suggestions. Copyright © 2002 by Alicia Boisnier and Jennifer A. Chatman Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author. The Role of Subcultures in Agile Organizations Alicia Boisnier and Jennifer A. Chatman1 Haas School of Business University of California, Berkeley May 24, 2002 To appear in, R. Petersen and E. Mannix, Leading and managing people in dynamic organizations. Forthcoming, 2002. 1 The second author wrote this paper while a Marvin Bower Fellow at the Harvard Business School and is grateful for their support. We also thank Elizabeth Mannix, Rita McGrath, and an anonymous reviewer for their insightful suggestions. 2 Organizations face increasingly dynamic environments characterized by substantial, and often unpredictable technological, political, and economic change. How can organizations respond rapidly to such changes or become more agile? Organizational agility, according to Lee Dyer, “requires a judicious mix of stability and reconfigurability” (2001: 4). We consider an unlikely source of agility: organizational culture. This may seem like an odd juxtaposition since strong unitary cultures exert a stabilizing force on organizations by encouraging cohesion, organizational commitment, and desirable work behaviors among members (e.g., Deal & Kennedy, 1982; Nemeth & Staw, 1989; O'Reilly & Chatman, 1986). -
Culture and Materialism : Raymond Williams and the Marxist Debate
CULTURE AND MATERIALISM: RAYMOND WILLIAMS AND THE MARXIST DEBATE by David C. Robinson B.A. (Honours1, Queen's University, 1988 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS (COMMUNICATIONS) in the ,Department of Communication @ David C. Robinson 1991 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July, 1991 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL NAME: David Robinson DEGREE: Master of Arts (Communication) TITLE OF THESIS: Culture and Materialism: Raymond Williams and the Marxist Debate EXAMINING COMMITTEE: CHAIR: Dr. Linda Harasim Dr. Richard S. Gruneau Professor Senior Supervisor Dr. Alison C. M. Beale Assistant Professor Supervisor " - Dr. Jerald Zaslove Associate Professor Department of English Examiner DATE APPROVED: PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENCE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis or dissertation (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Dissertation: Culture and Materialism: Raymond Williams and the Marxist Debate Author : signature David C. -
Papers of Beatrice Mary Blackwood (1889–1975) Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford
PAPERS OF BEATRICE MARY BLACKWOOD (1889–1975) PITT RIVERS MUSEUM, UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD Compiled by B. Asbury and M. Peckett, 2013-15 Box 1 Correspondence A-D Envelope A (Box 1) 1. Letter from TH Ainsworth of the City Museum, Vancouver, Canada, to Beatrice Blackwood, 20 May 1955. Summary: Acknowledging receipt of the Pitt Rivers Report for 1954. “The Museum as an institution seems beset with more difficulties than any other.” Giving details of the developing organisation of the Vancouver Museum and its index card system. Asking for a copy of Mr Bradford’s BBC talk on the “Lost Continent of Atlantis”. Notification that Mr Menzies’ health has meant he cannot return to work at the Museum. 2pp. 2. Letter from TH Ainsworth of the City Museum, Vancouver, Canada, to Beatrice Blackwood, 20 July 1955. Summary: Thanks for the “Lost Continent of Atlantis” information. The two Museums have similar indexing problems. Excavations have been resumed at the Great Fraser Midden at Marpole under Dr Borden, who has dated the site to 50 AD using Carbon-14 samples. 2pp. 3. Letter from TH Ainsworth of the City Museum, Vancouver, Canada, to Beatrice Blackwood, 12 June 1957. Summary: Acknowledging the Pitt Rivers Museum Annual Report. News of Mr Menzies and his health. The Vancouver Museum is expanding into enlarged premises. “Until now, the City Museum has truly been a cultural orphan.” 1pp. 4. Letter from TH Ainsworth of the City Museum, Vancouver, Canada, to Beatrice Blackwood, 16 June 1959. Summary: Acknowledging the Pitt Rivers Museum Annual Report. News of Vancouver Museum developments. -
Subculture and the Consumer Behavior
SUBCULTURE AND THE CONSUMER BEHAVIOR 5 Apparently it seems that culture of a particular country or a society is homogeneous, but in reality it is composed of a larger number of more or less distinct groups. Each of these groups is known as a subculture. The knowledge of subculture provides important guidelines to marketers in formulating strategies for effective performance of marketing activities. School of Business Blank Page Unit-5 Page-120 Bangladesh Open University Lesson - 1 & - 2 : Different Types of Subculture and Their Influences on Consumption Objectives of these lessons After reading these lessons, you will be able to: Understand the subcultural context of consumer behavior Define subculture Identify different types of subcultures Know how different subcultures affect buying behavior Explain them for marketing decision making. Introduction Subculture is a part of the culture containing the important features of the main culture. In this lesson we shall highlight on the subcultural context, types of subcultures, subcultural influence on consumer behavior as well as marketing implications of the concept of subculture. Subcultural Context Affecting Consumer Behavior Culture, you know, is an extremely broad and encompassing term. It includes what we have learned, our history, values, morals, customs, art, and habit. Marketing takes place within a given culture. Marketers should know that experience, history, values, morals, customs, art, habit, etc. vary within a given culture requiring different marketing programs. Not everyone in the same country or society shares the same behavioral pattern of the dominant or main culture. It clearly indicates that there are subcultures, such as those of northerners, southerners, city-dwellers, the poor, teen agers, elderly, religious groups and so on. -
Dealing with Uncertainty: Shamans, Marginal Capitalism, and the Remaking of History in Postsocialist Mongolia
MANDUHAI BUYANDELGERIYN Harvard University Dealing with uncertainty: Shamans, marginal capitalism, and the remaking of history in postsocialist Mongolia ABSTRACT ore than 15 years have passed since the collapse of social- In this article, I explore the proliferation of ism in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and Mongolia.1 Most previously suppressed shamanic practices among people in these regions have been subjected to unexpected, ethnic Buryats in Mongolia after the collapse of contradictory, and often confusing transformations because socialism in 1990. Contrary to the Buryats’ of the “unmaking” (Humphrey 2002) of socialism and the si- expectation that shamanism would solve the Mmultaneous arrival of a market economy and implementation of neoliberal uncertainties brought about by the market economy, economic reforms. Because the economic transformations have been the it has created additional spiritual uncertainties. As most visible and pertinent aspects of the transitions to postsocialism, a rich skeptical Buryats repeatedly propitiate their angry body of work has discussed the restructuring of property and privatization, origin spirits to alleviate the causes of their state institutions, and the rethinking of political categories (Berdahl 1999; misfortunes, they reconstruct their history, which Borneman1992,1998;BurawoyandVerdery1999;Caldwell2004;Humphrey was suppressed by state socialism. The Buryats make 2002; Verdery 1996). Scholars elsewhere have also noted that the feelings of their current calamities meaningful by placing them uncertainty, insecurity, and anxiety that result from the dangerous volatil- within the shifting history of their tragic past. The ity, disorder, and opaqueness of the market are being articulated through sense of uncertainty, fear, and disillusionment the medium of popular religion, shamanism, witchcraft, and spirit posses- experienced by the Buryats also characterizes daily sion (Comaroff and Comaroff 2000; Kendall 2003; Moore and Sanders 2001; life in places other than Mongolia. -
The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: a Cautionary Tale
The “Fateful Hoaxing” of Margaret Mead: A Cautionary Tale Author(s): Paul Shankman Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 54, No. 1 (February 2013), pp. 51-70 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/669033 . Accessed: 03/04/2013 14:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Current Anthropology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.138.170.182 on Wed, 3 Apr 2013 14:08:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Current Anthropology Volume 54, Number 1, February 2013 51 The “Fateful Hoaxing” of Margaret Mead A Cautionary Tale by Paul Shankman CAϩ Online-Only Material: Supplements A and B In the Mead-Freeman controversy, Derek Freeman’s historical reconstruction of the alleged hoaxing of Margaret Mead in 1926 relied on three interviews with Fa’apua’a Fa’amu¯, Mead’s “principal informant,” who stated that she and another Samoan woman had innocently joked with Mead about their private lives. -
Mathematical Modeling and Anthropology: Its Rationale, Past Successes and Future Directions
Mathematical Modeling and Anthropology: Its Rationale, Past Successes and Future Directions Dwight Read, Organizer European Meeting on Cybernetics and System Research 2002 (EMCSR 2002) April 2 - 5, 2002, University of Vienna http://www.ai.univie.ac.at/emcsr/ Abstract When anthropologists talk about their discipline as a holistic study of human societies, particularly non-western societies, mathematics and mathematical modeling does not immediately come to mind, either to persons outside of anthropology and even to most anthropologists. What does mathematics have to do with the study of religious beliefs, ideologies, rituals, kinship and the like? Or more generally, What does mathematical modeling have to do with culture? The application of statistical methods usually makes sense to the questioner when it is explained that these methods relate to the study of human societies through examining patterns in empirical data on how people behave. What is less evident, though, is how mathematical thinking can be part of the way anthropologists reason about human societies and attempt to make sense of not just behavioral patterns, but the underlying cultural framework within which these behaviors are embedded. What is not widely recognized is the way theory in cultural anthropology and mathematical theory have been brought together, thereby constructing a dynamic interplay that helps elucidate what is meant by culture, its relationship to behavior and how the notion of culture relates to concepts and theories developed not only in anthropology but in related disciplines. The interplay is complex and its justification stems from the kind of logical inquiry that is the basis of mathematical reasoning.