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Dealing with Uncertainty: Shamans, Marginal Capitalism, and the Remaking of History in Postsocialist Mongolia

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Dealing with Uncertainty: Shamans, Marginal Capitalism, and the Remaking of History in Postsocialist Mongolia MANDUHAI BUYANDELGERIYN Harvard University Dealing with uncertainty: Shamans, marginal capitalism, and the remaking of history in postsocialist Mongolia ABSTRACT ore than 15 years have passed since the collapse of social- In this article, I explore the proliferation of ism in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and Mongolia.1 Most previously suppressed shamanic practices among people in these regions have been subjected to unexpected, ethnic Buryats in Mongolia after the collapse of contradictory, and often confusing transformations because socialism in 1990. Contrary to the Buryats’ of the “unmaking” (Humphrey 2002) of socialism and the si- expectation that shamanism would solve the Mmultaneous arrival of a market economy and implementation of neoliberal uncertainties brought about by the market economy, economic reforms. Because the economic transformations have been the it has created additional spiritual uncertainties. As most visible and pertinent aspects of the transitions to postsocialism, a rich skeptical Buryats repeatedly propitiate their angry body of work has discussed the restructuring of property and privatization, origin spirits to alleviate the causes of their state institutions, and the rethinking of political categories (Berdahl 1999; misfortunes, they reconstruct their history, which Borneman1992,1998;BurawoyandVerdery1999;Caldwell2004;Humphrey was suppressed by state socialism. The Buryats make 2002; Verdery 1996). Scholars elsewhere have also noted that the feelings of their current calamities meaningful by placing them uncertainty, insecurity, and anxiety that result from the dangerous volatil- within the shifting history of their tragic past. The ity, disorder, and opaqueness of the market are being articulated through sense of uncertainty, fear, and disillusionment the medium of popular religion, shamanism, witchcraft, and spirit posses- experienced by the Buryats also characterizes daily sion (Comaroff and Comaroff 2000; Kendall 2003; Moore and Sanders 2001; life in places other than Mongolia. This study reflects Weller 1994). broader anthropological concerns about the In Mongolia, among ethnic Buryats, previously suppressed shamanic emergence of new cultural spaces and practices in practiceshaveproliferated,atleastinpartasameansofdealingwiththeanx- former socialist and preindustrial societies ieties and uncertainties brought about by the collapse of socialism and the undergoing transitions to market economies. incipient market economy. The Buryats attribute their current misfortunes [shamanism, market, state, postsocialism, to their origin spirits (ug garval), who have returned to seek revenge against uncertainty, Mongolia, Buryats, violence] their descendants for abandoning them during the socialist state’s suppres- sionofreligion.2 Skepticalaboutthepowersofnewlyemergedshamansafter decades of state disruption of the shamanic tradition, the Buryats sponsor endless rituals in search of more powerful shamans and authentic origin spirits. While appeasing the angry origin spirits in the hope of alleviating the causes of their misfortunes, the Buryats accumulate memories of their tragic past, silenced by state socialism. Almost inadvertently, the shifting history of the Buryats reemerges as an outcome of the search to make mis- fortunes meaningful. AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 34, No. 1, pp. 127–147, ISSN 0094-0496, online ISSN 1548-1425. C 2007 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/ae.2007.34.1.127. American Ethnologist Volume 34 Number 1 February 2007 Anthropologists Michael Taussig (1980), Aihwa Ong among residents of the administrative center of Bayan-Uul (1987), Lesley Sharp (1993), Robert Weller (1994), and oth- district of Dornod province. Mostly descendants of migrants ers have shown that in places with incipient capitalism, the from Russian Buryatia who emigrated to Mongolia hoping to new conditions have been interpreted through local beliefs escape the Russian Bolshevik revolution and the subsequent and symbols before they have been accepted as natural. In civil war, the Buryats were caught by Soviet socialism, which the Buryat case, the arrival of vengeful spirits seeking propi- spilled over to Mongolia in the 1920s. Like other Mongols, tiation has been a creative way of dealing with the calami- they endured the state violence that was imposed by Josef ties bred by the changed economy. But the same angry spir- Stalin on Mongolia in 1937–40, the subsequent forced collec- its also carry the history that the state violently suppressed tivization and modernization, and the collapse of socialism during socialism. Through possession by their origin spirits, and the arrival of a market economy in the 1990s. Buryat shamans turn into metaphoric condensations of dis- Today, the origin spirits of the Buryats in Dornod rupted ancestral genealogies and living nodes of oral history. province reside on the island of Oikhon in Lake Baikal, on They “bear their histories” (Lambek 2002) against the offi- the Aga steppes, and in Ul’han on the Russian side of the cial account constructed by the socialist state. By sponsoring Mongolianborder.TheborderbetweenRussiaandMongolia shamanic rituals, the Buryats accumulate the dispersed sto- was established not by the local population but by the colo- ries of their past, develop a sense of place of their ancestral nial governments of Russia and China (the Qing Dynasty) lands, and encounter the spirits of the victims of purges dur- through the 1729 Treaty of Nerchinsk. The border divided ing socialism. Through shamanism, the Buryats creatively the Buryats among Russia, China, and Mongolia.3 Buryat link their current misfortunes with historical oppression.It shamanic practices have been conditioned by their resis- is only the formulation of Buryat spiritual and social history tance to Russian colonialism and Enlightenment projects, that makes their present misfortunes meaningful to them. Christianmissionariesfromthewest,and17th-centuryBud- The remaking of histories since the collapse of socialism dhist missionaries from the south. Along with shamanism, in Europe and parts of Asia has taken diverse cultural forms, today the Buryats of Mongolia also practice Tibetan Bud- for example, autobiographies (Borneman 1996, 1998), dhism (Lamaism)4—the religion of most Mongols (including mythmaking and narratives (Humphrey 2002, 2003), secret the politically dominant majority Khalhas). Shamanism is memories (Watson 1994), and rearticulation of histories one of the hallmarks of Buryat ethnic identity, whereas Bud- (Kaplonski 1999, 2004). The rearticulation of Buryat history dhism is a sign of belonging to the nation-state. The Buryats through shamanism is unique because it takes place almost maintain the two practices in strict separation—shamanism inadvertently. Those who consult shamans believe that the is based on the powers of origin spirits, whereas Buddhism propitiation of their angry origin spirits will alleviate the involves the worship of deities. They do not substitute for causes of their misfortunes, but they are also skeptical about each other. The socialist state persecuted both shamans and the agency of shamans. Magnified because of the recent lamas. Since the collapse of the state, the origin spirits have marketization of shamanic practices and the socialist state’s behaved particularly fiercely because of their neglect by their rupture of the tradition of shamanism, the Buryats’ skep- descendants. ticism fuels their search for ever more powerful shamans, In the following sections, I discuss the economic anxiety who can summon more authentic spirits. This search leads that has pushed the Buryats to seek help from shamans to to the rearticulation of their histories. propitiate the spirits that have returned from suppression. Recent research on shamanic practices in the post- I consider how the socialist disruption of shamanism and Soviet world shows their resilience to persecution under so- suspicion of the agency of shamans create additional spiri- cialism and their diverse and creative forms of resurgence af- tual uncertainties. I then present individual accounts exem- ter the collapse of socialist states (Balzer 1993a, 1993b, 1996; plifying how dealing with economic anxieties and spiritual Humphrey 1983, 1999a, 1999b; Vitebsky 1995, 2001, 2005). uncertainties through shamanism has led to rearticulation In this article, I attend to the paradox created by the social- of Buryats’ histories. ist state’s disruption of shamanic tradition. The more the Buryats believe in the loss of that tradition during socialism, Economic anxiety: From socialism to the more shamanic rituals they generate. Instead of allevi- “shock therapy” ating the economic anxieties brought about by the market economy, shamans aggravate those anxieties by answering The extent of the devastation and the feeling of loss and anx- people’spractical request for aid in survival with history from iety that the Mongols have experienced since the collapse of the distant past. socialism can be comprehended only against the backdrop My argument is based on 18 months of ethnographic of the relative slowness (even stillness), tranquility, and se- research in 1996–2000, during which I lived and traveled curity of everyday economic life during socialism.5 The so- with the families
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