Table of Contents Table of

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ECCLESIASTICA POTESTATE ECCLESIASTICA HISTORICAL EXEMPLARITY IN GILES OF ROME’S OFROME’S GILES EXEMPLARITYIN HISTORICAL MA ThesisinMedievalStudies Central European University Valentina Covaci May 2008 Budapest PAPE

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DE RENUNCIATIONE DE CEU eTD Collection

Central European University, Budapest, inpartial fulfillment of therequirements ECCLESIASTICA POTESTATE POTESTATE ECCLESIASTICA HISTORICAL EXEMPLARITY HISTORICAL EXEMPLARITY Thesis submittedtothe Depa Accepted inconformance with ______of theMasterArtsdegreeinMedievalStudies Chair, ExaminationCommittee Thesis Supervisor Valentina Covaci (Romania) May 2008 Examiner Examiner Budapest AND by rtment ofMedieval Studies, thestandardsofCEU IN GILESOFROME’S DE RENUNCIATIONE PAPE PAPE DE RENUNCIATIONE DE CEU eTD Collection

CEU eTD Collection

rtment ofMedieval Studies, thestandardsofCEU IN GILESOFROME’S

DE RENUNCIATIONE PAPE PAPE DE RENUNCIATIONE DE CEU eTD Collection

Central European University, Budapest, inpartial fulfillment of therequirements ECCLESIASTICA POTESTATE POTESTATE ECCLESIASTICA HISTORICAL EXEMPLARITY HISTORICAL EXEMPLARITY Accepted inconformance with Thesis submittedtothe Depa ______of theMasterArtsdegreeinMedievalStudies External Supervisor Valentina Covaci (Romania) Budapest May 2008 AND By

rtment ofMedieval Studies, thestandardsofCEU IN GILESOFROME’S

DE RENUNCIATIONE PAPE PAPE DE RENUNCIATIONE DE CEU eTD Collection

Budapest, 26May2008 institution of highereducation foran academic degree. also declare thatnopart of the thesis has been submitted inthis form toanyother of others,andnopartthe bibliography. Ideclare thatnounidentified andillegitimate use wasmade of thework research and onlysuch externalinforma declare herewiththatthe present thesis I, theundersigned, Valentina Covaci thesis infringesonanyperson’s , candidatefortheMAde is exclusivelymy ownwork,basedonmy tion asproperlycreditedinnotesand ______or institution’scopyright.I gree inMedievalStudies Signature CEU eTD Collection ICUS...... 15 DISCOURSE. PAPAL INTHE ANDREPETITION 2:CONTINUITY CHAPTER CHAPTER 1:INTRODUCTION...... 4 INTRODUCTION...... 1 ii ...... ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PAPE RENUNCIATIONE OFROME’S INGILES 3:CANONICALEXEMPLARITY CHAPTER ...... i TABLE OFCONTENTS BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 62 ...... 60 CONCLUSIONS 2.3. Therhetoricof Law,” the“AgeofGrace” 2.2. Aspectsofpontificalauthority:the 2.1. Typologicalexegesis inGiles of Rome’s 1.2. GilesofRome’slifeandcareer:abiographical sketch Boniface VIII(1294-1303) 1.1. Historical Circumstances:The Strugglebetween PhilipIV(1285-1314)and 3.2. CanonicalexemplarityinDerenunciatione pape abdication inthecontemporaryscholarship 3.1. Thecircumstances of 2.3.a. Biblical 2.3. b.Christianexemplarity exempla exempla ...... 28 ...... 28 ...... De renunciationepape TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF ...... 37 ...... 37 i

“age ofnature,”the “ageofthe Written De ecclesiastica potestate ...... Theproblemofpapal ...... DE 28 26 20 10 44 48 44 4

CEU eTD Collection N., sinequanon. My parents,forunconditionedsupport. Lauren Professor AzizAl-Azmeh, forcontinuedhelpthroughout the academic year. following: Acknowledging thosewhosupportedme towrite ţ iu R ă dvan, formanybooksandarticleswhichhecopiedme. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

this thesis,Iwouldliketothankthe CEU eTD Collection 1304, (hereafter: Rivière, positive théologie de leBel.Etude Philippe renunciatione pape. of Rome’s De ecclesiastica potestate 3 2 1 history ofLate MedievalEurope. works treating thestruggle between Bonif scholarship. The this thesis Iconsider theuseof the sources, namely, theOldTestament andhistory references inthe personality isgivenaswell. Secondly,Iprocee main events whichframedtheirhistorical c survey of thesetwotreatises intoabroader standard worksdedicatedto 1950), 123-130; Walter Ullmann, Ullmann, Walter 123-130; 1950), (hereafter: Romanus, Political Theory in the West in Theory Political potestate Lagarde, (London: Routledge, 1996) (hereafter: Canning, Canning, (hereafter: 1996) Routledge, (London: 1450, Coleman, “Property and poverty,” in 1450, c.350-c. Thought Political Medieval 127; recent compendia: J.A. Watt, “Spiritual andtemporal powers,” in The classical The references Among thegeneral works dedicated tomedi Aegidius edition: for his R. Eastman John used titlewhich ofthe medieval spelling the Iwilluse 2(Paris: Sirey, 1936) (hereafter: Digard, ed. J.H. Burns, 637-640; Joseph Canning, 300-1450 Thought. Political Medieval AHistoryof Giles ofRome’s politicalwritings have This thesisisdedicatedtoananalysis canmentioned:be classicstudiesas 2 Age Moyen du audéclin laïque l’esprit de La naissance DRP De renunciatione pape, ed. John R. Eastman (Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1992) ). Le problème De ecclesiastica potestate De ecclesiastica potestate

are sill: Jean Rivière, Rivière, aresill:Jean 3 ), 394-404; Georges Digard, rd medieval politicalwriting. ed., 5(Edinburgh: W.Blackwood, 1950), 402-409;Georges de Medieval Political Thought Thought Political Medieval

The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. c.350-c. Thought Political Medieval Historyof Cambridge The INTRODUCTION 3 Some studieshavebeendevotedexclusivelytothis ed. J. H. Burns (Cambridge: CUP, 1988), 400-402. Janet Janet 400-402. 1988), CUP, (Cambridge: J.H.Burns ed. (Louvain-Paris: Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 1926) eval politicalthinking and R. W. Carlyle and A. Carlyle and J. Carlyle, R. W. Philippe A History history of thepapalinstitution inthe

De renunciationepape Le problème de l’Eglise et del’Etat au temps de ace VIIIandPhilipIV,awatershedinthe

, structuredaccording tothenatureoftheir ontext. Ashortdescriptionof theauthor’s context, inthefirst chapter I describethe is amongthemostanalyzedtractsin of thehistoricalargumentation inGiles ), 248-254. ), 248-254. d toananalysisoftheusehistorical beenthoroughlydiscussedinmodern of Christianrulers. Inthe thirdpart of ), 142-144. Philippe le Bel et le Saint-Siège de 1285 à (London: Penguin Books, 1979), 124- Books, 1979), Penguin (London: 2 Ithas alsobeen introduced in

which analyze the

nd ed.,2 The Cambridge History of

(Louvain: E. Nauwelaerts, 1 . A History ofMedieval In order tosetthe De ecclesiastica De ecclesiastica De 1 CEU eTD Collection the ideologyofpapalsupremacy. Ithasbeen commonplaces ofthemedieval politicalthi used tomeet thisgoal.Thus,theDeecclesiastica potestate both tractshavebeenwrittento act byhisownfreewill,Gilesupheldthes rubric, namely, thepope’sright former. The spiritual powerinordertoprovetheprim ecclesiatica potestate pape, sheddingnewlightonthisratherforgot has beenfocusedonhis modern analysesofmedieval government. The potestate, hasthusenjoyedthethoroughattentionof work of oneof themost fascinating medieval political theorists, the tract. 6 5 4 Eastman’s recent works Abdication,” (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999) (hereafter: Kempshall, Kempshall, (hereafter: 1999) Press, Clarendon (Oxford: Analecta Augustiniana Raphaël Kuiters,“Deecclesiasticasivedesummi pon l’Occident médiéval religion de l’Etat. Laconstruction de la République étatique dans le discours théologique de Eastman, Papal Papal Abdication in Later Medieval Thought Thought Later Medieval in Abdication Papal John R. Eastman, “Giles of Rome andCelestin V: The Franciscan Revolution and the Theology of S. Matthew Kempshall, Forinstance: Bross, Stanislaw 4 Contemporaryapproachescontinueto Previous research hasbeen dedicated to The secondtreatise,the As hasbeenestablishedinthesec The Catholic Historical Review Historical Catholic The ). De renunciationepape Gilles de Rome et son traité du du traité etson Gilles Rome de (Paris: LesBellesLettres,200 20 (1945-1946): 146-214. 146-214. (1945-1946): 20 was toframe apattern of theinterplay betweenthe secular and 6 De regimineprincipum areamajor contribution tothestudy of the

bolsterthepapalmonarchy. toabdicate.Arguinginde De renunciationepape,hasreceivedlessattentionin The Common Good in Late Medieval Political Thought Thought Political Medieval Late in Common Good The addressedaspecific (Lewiston: TheEdwin Mellen Press,1990)(hereafter: 2 (1990) (hereafter: Eastman: “Giles”): 195-211 and

De ecclesiastica potestate(Paris: Beauchesne, 1930); 6) (hereafter:Boureau, acy andsuperiorityof overeign claims ofthepapacy.Therefore, ondary literature,thepurposeof nking whichGilesreferred toinframing foster constant interest init. tificis potestatesecundum Aegidium Romanum,” ten workoftheAugustinianfriar. analyzedfromdifferentpointsofview: thediverse means that GilesofRome and interest inGilesasapoliticalthinker The Common The De ecclesiaticapotestate modern research. fense ofpope’scapacityto hasbeensurveyed forthe ), 266-272; Alain Boureau, Boureau, Alain 266-272; ), matter underthisgeneral La religion the latter over the De renunciatione De ecclesiastica ), 217-223. 217-223. ), 5 Themature . JohnR. De La 2 CEU eTD Collection Ages M.Blythe, 1955), 66;orrecentlyinJames Age Moyen au formation politiques la théories sur des Essai 1989), 26. 26. 1989), and the“Petrine doctrine.” instance ofarguingbymeans to athorough understandingofGilesRo have, inmy view,inthe because Iintend to facilitate chapter dedicatedtoeac term inthespecificcircumstances of the mainly focusedonbiblicaltypologyand type ofargument wasverycommon inth arguments fromprecedent-scriptural andlegal -inmedieval politicalthought.This argumentation inthetwo treatises.Throughthis references inthetwotracts.Thisstudy willfocusontheuse ofthisparticular kind of by previousresearch.Mystudyaims to view onpapalinstitution, but thisfeature of hisreasoning hasbeenrather neglected by papalabdication.Gilesalsousedahist researched mainly inthe context ofdiscus concerning Augustinian 10 9 8 7 of the common good in the framework of the Forinstance, Boureau, Forinstance M. Kempshall, thisH.-X.Arquillière, topic: to work dedicated standard the in Forinstance Forinstance, Marcel Pacaut, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 62-63. 1992), Press, University Princeton (Princeton: A detaileddefinitionoftheparticular In my approach,Iusetheconceptof La religion, religion, La 7 h of them. I define them in the introduction of these chapters h ofthem. Idefinethemintheintroductionofthesechapters The Common, andAristotelian arguments context ofthetwoworks. La Théocratie. L’Eglise et lepouvoir au Moyen Age 10 theunderstanding ofthepa

221-222. 221-222. Inits turn, the historicalreasoning. Ideal Government and the Mixed Constitution in the Middle Middle the in Mixed Constitution the and Government Ideal 266-272 for the analysis of Giles’ particular understanding utilitas ecclesiae. examine thisparticulartopic.

e LatinMiddleAges,butresearchonithas two works is given at the beginning of the two worksisgivenatthebeginningof sions dedicated to the legal aspects implied

exempla orical argument toupholdhistheocratic me’s politicalwritingintheparticular exemplum understandingwhichI

analysisIaim toexploretheuseof De renunciationepape

My intention is thus to contribute My intentionisthustocontribute more restrictivelyunderstood.

(Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, (Paris: LibrairiePhilosophique 8 , forthetwoswordsallegory to refer the use of historical to refertheuseofhistorical rticular meaning thatthey L’Augustinisme politique. politique. L’Augustinisme ascribe tothis (Paris: Desclée, (Paris: Desclée, hasbeen 9 3 , CEU eTD Collection

consent. Thisaffectedthe interestsof the August 1296,whichinterdictedtheexportation clergy withouthisapproval. under thethreat ofexcommunication, the Boniface repliedwiththebull the pope’sconsent.Heneededmoney tofinanceawaragainsthisvassal,EdwardI. decision toimposethecollectionofdeci sovereignty evenintemporal matters. Th the year1296byFrenchopponentsof dramatic incidentssuch asthe sovereign authorityofthepapalmonarchy in concerning theinterplayofpapalauthority to itsjudgment.Thiswasanoveltyraisedbythepope’sadversariesindebate Council, representingtheChurch,hadtoconstraint anerringpopetosubjecthimself arguing thesuperiorityof Facing theraisingclaims of witnessed thesharpeningofconflict its history.Theepochof 1.1. Historical Circumstances: TheStruggl Boniface VIII(1294-1303) De ecclesiastica potestate Giles ofRome wroteindefenseofthe the Church over an unworthy pope. Thus, the General the Churchoveranunworthypope.Thus,General De renunciationepape animperializedpapacy, Philip answered thebullwithordinance given in attack atAnagni. INTRODUCTION Clericis laicos was written toansweraccusations formulated after CHAPTER 1: CHAPTER

papacy becausealarge part ofitsfinancial which opposedthepapacytolaypower. imposition ofanyfinancialburdenonthe e origin of theconflict was PhilipIV’s with secularpower.Thepopestressedthe me totheFrenchclergywithoutasking hisreply.Thisconf e between PhilipIV (1285-1314) and thepopeagainstallegedpapal papal poweratadramatic moment of of wealthoutFrancewithouthis (February 1296)whichinterdicted, and secular rulersfoughtthem De ecclesiastica potestate rontation endedin 4

CEU eTD Collection Paravicini, decisions concerningtheChurch. Rome inNovember 1302.Togetherthey were same time,thepopecalledFrenchbishopstoacouncilwhichwasbeheldin kingdoms,” referringtohimself astheone jurisdiction. BonifacemodifiedJer.1:10“I maintaining thatthekinghadtobe 1297. Also,on5December,headdressedthebull Clericis laicos With thebull with thecardinalswhorebelledagainsthi to papaljurisdiction. (September 1296),inwhichhed mundi October 1301thebishopwasimprisoned. he wasunfaithfultotheki thanks theintervention of Foix,withwhom hedisputedthejurisd case ofBernardSaisset,thebishopPamiers. InconflictwithCountRoger-Bernard Boniface canonizedLouis IX revenues came from France. 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 letters causedindignation:thetextof Rivière, Paravicini, Digard, Paravicini, 297. Ibid. Rivière, Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, (4 December), whichannulledthepriv The conflictstartedagainin1301overa Philippe, Le problème, Le problème Boniface , 199-302. , 199-302. Boniface Boniface, Romana materecclesia , allowingthekingto 51-53; 70-81. 70-81. 51-53; ), 140-141. 194 , 73-75. 73-75.

67. 67. 12 Thenextyear,giventheproblems thatthepopehadinItaly of hisfriendthepope. Boniface VIII. Un pape hérétique? ng, whose jurisdiction he did not acknowledge. Thus, in ng, whosejurisdictionhedidnotacknowledge.Thus,in , Philip’s grandfather.

11 Thepoperepliedwiththebull eclared thattemporal rulers 17 ask the clergy formoney. Received bytheFrench courtin January, the (7February) Boniface Ausculta fili

iction of Pamiers, the bishop won the case iction ofPamiers, thebishopwoncase 16 obedient towardsthepope’ssovereign m, heconcealed thepeacewithking. “setoverkingsandkingdoms.” Atthe have setyou overthenationsand Bonifacereacted 15 In reply thecount accused Saissetthat ileges bestowed onthekinginJuly tojudgethe lawfulness ofPhilip’s 14 jurisdictional debateregardingthe had beenfalsified.Thenewtext,

Ausculta fili (Paris: Payot, 2 (Paris: Payot, hadtosubjectthemselves

annulled theterms ofthe 13 with thebull Moreover,inAugust, Ineffabilis amoris directly toPhilip 003) (hereafter: Salvator 5 , CEU eTD Collection king wroteananswertothefalse bull, entitled that thecollationofchurcheswasaroyalright. also made public. Thekingsaidthathec pope. Anassembly ofthethreees indignation againstthepopeinFrance, absent from therealtext. Thisparticular additionwastheelement whichraisedpublic the popethatPhilipalsohadtoobeyhim matters, intemporal astatement whichwas known asthebull 21 20 19 18 both spiritualandtemporal matters. of Rome, andBonifaceVIIIinthe bull secular ruler. matters. Theexerciseofthispower,under papal supervision, wa implied thepope’ssovereignjurisdictionnot went even furtherthan BonifaceVIII.Hemaintained thatthe the content ofthe potestatis. Matthew ofAquaspartade consistory whichreceivedtheFrench Boniface’s callforthecouncil. actions. Undertheking’spre feelings. Thethreeestates counselor, PierreFlote, readthetextof Rivière, 311-312. Ibid, Paravicini, Digard, Philip wantedtohavethesupportofkingdom forhisactions againstthe Philippe, Le problème, Heassuredtheambassadors thatth , 306-307. , 306-307. Boniface 21 Thiswasthetime ofradicalstatem 97-98. 97-98. Deum time Ausculta fili 76-77;Digard, livered adiscoursesustai addressed memoranda toth ssure, the representatives ofthe clergyrefused toanswer

or and receivedtheir approval. Scire tevolumus, Philippe, 20 Thepontificalpositionwasdefendedinthe tates wascalledfor10April1302.The Unam sanctam when theforgedbullwasmade public. ambassadors on24June1302.Cardinal 107-114. 107-114.

ould notsubjecthimself toavenalpopeand theforgedbulltoexhortanti-papal 19 e popehadconsultedthecardinalson only inspiritualbutalsotemporal Sciat tuamaximafatuitas

contained theallegeddeclarationof ents. MatthewofAquasparta,Giles ning thepapalclaim for stated thatthepope waslordin e popeupholdingtheking’s Matthew of Aquasparta MatthewofAquasparta plenitudo potestatis plenitudo potestatis s reserved to the s reservedtothe , whichwas plenitudo 18

royal The The 6 CEU eTD Collection Revue desquestions historiques necessitate salutis. joining it.The councilendedwith VIII wasabletohold thecouncilarrangedforNovember, many bishops French France. diplomatic mission toItalymeant tostreng papacy anditexplainstheviolenceof stated thesovereigntyofth November 1302) by theFlemishatCourtrai( 26 25 24 23 22 accusations forwhich,inaccordancewithcanon law,thepopecouldbejudgedby wielded bytheColonnacardinalssince1297, decision wasmade inhis case.With Nogaret’sspeech, the solution of thecouncil, were reluctantaboutthesolutionofcounc council, whichwastheonlyauthoritywhocouldactagainstpope.Ifpope Since hehadnosuperiorwhocouldsuspe speech ofaccusationagainstthepope. Boni days later,on12March1303,inaroyalcounc the papal lordship evenintemporal affairs. the papacy. TheUnamSanctam H.-X. Arquillière, “L’Appel c “L’Appel au H.-X. Arquillière, 82. Ibid., Rivière, Canning, Ibid., 83-91. On 7March1303,thekingappointedhiscounselor,William ofNogaret,toa The situation changedover thesummer Frencharmy whenthe wasdefeated 26 Le problème, Aformer ofcanonandcivil professor A History . 22 , 142. , 142. 24 InspiredbyGilesofRome’s 80. 80.

This was the official affirmati official This wasthe 89 (1911) (hereafter:Ar (1911) 89 e papalmonarchy inspiritualand in temporal matters 11 July).Thedefeathelped oncile sous Philippe le Bel et la genèse des théories conciliaires,” leBeletlagenèse des théories sousPhilippe oncile

expressed theclimax of thepromulgation ofthebull the FrenchreactionagainstBoniface.

nd him, the king was asked to summon the nd him,thekingwasaskedtosummon then the alliances against the pope. A few then thealliancesagainstpope.Afew 25 face VIIIhadtobejudgedfor hiscrimes. This was a novelty in the history of the Thiswasanoveltyinthehistoryof was broughtforwardfor il, hehadtobe quillière, “L’Appel”): 40. 40. quillière, “L’Appel”): il heldinLouvre,Nogaretdelivereda law atMontpellierNogaretlistedthe De ecclesiastica potestate, on oftheimperializedclaims of the papalcauseandBoniface papal vindications,arguing ld in custody until a ld incustodyuntila Unam sanctam the firsttime in 23 thebull (18 de 7 CEU eTD Collection the conflictwhichopposedkingdom toth councilandto his requesttosummonthe agreed tosustaintheseaccusa masters, barons andpeopletoagreeupon Church from thewebofBoniface’scrimes. Therefore, Nogaretexhortedtheking,whowa manifest heresy, council. 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 French,” whoweretoacknowledgetheemperor astheirsuperior. emperor hadtoacknowledgehim assuch. maintained thathewas “Caesarand emperor, fighting theFrenchking.Insermon de imperial dignity,butintheconditionsof pope hadrefusedhim coronationin the Albert ofHabsburg,electedkingGerma displayed publiclyhisviewofanimperi Philip’s actionsagainst thepope. few daysafterhisspeech,Nogaretleftfo and eliminating thelegitimate s Coste (Rome:“L’Erma” diBretschneider, 1995) (hereafter: Digard, “L’Appel,” 40. Arquillière, Ibid., 119. Ibid., 120. Ibid., 117. Ibid., 116. Ibid. Boniface VIII en procès. Articles d’accusation et dépositions des témoins (1303-1311) témoins des dépositions et d’accusation Articles procès. VIIIen Boniface In France,anewroyalcouncilheld On theother side, Boniface VIII, followingthetone of 27 Philippe, Bonifacewaschargedwithacquiring 161-166. 161-166. 29 simony, andother “manifest andenormous crimes”

tions beforethefuturecouncil. 33 pouse oftheChurch,CelestineV;

the year1303,thiscoronationwasawayof 1298, whenhefoundhim unworthyofthe al papacy.On30April1303hecrowned take thepopeintocustody.Nevertheless,a the convocationofcouncil.Hehimself ny in1298,asemperor oftheRomans. The r Italy,togarnerdiplomatic supportfor in Louvreon13and14Junedebated He spokeagainst“thearroganceofthe 31 ” lordinspiritual andtemporal andthe e papacy.Onthisoccasion, William of justice to free the s anointedtodefendjusticefreethe Also,heaskedtheclergy,university livered with this occasion, the pope livered withthisoccasion,thepope Boniface VIII en procès the pontificalthrone through fraud 32 Philipdidnotanswer 34

28 Unam Sanctam, ): accusationsof 30

112-113. 112-113. wereadded. , ed. Jean 8

CEU eTD Collection soon after,on11October. September). Thepopewasfreedthreedaysla cardinals Colonna,attacked avoid theking’sexcommunication,Nogaret excommunication. Thebullwastobepubl pope respondedwiththebull appointed toconvincethepopesummoncouncilwhichwouldjudgehim. The responsibility oforganizing.AfterPhilip’s They offeraninsightinto theimperial in theirhistorical context, thetwotreatises lose the conflicts ofhispontificate, papal monarchy. With hiswritingheserved speech, inwhichhegavehisconsentfo the accusationslistedbyNoagretwhich, ac request addressed toPhilipactagainst Plaisians, Nogaret’scollaborator, readan 36 35 They offeredthesupportof destroy theprideofFrench.” allegedly declaredthatheacknowledgedAl emphasized that thepopehadbecome areal kind ofargument wasmeanttoincitethea Besides these charges, Plaisians evoked B liable tothejudgment oftheGeneralC Rivière, Paravicini, What didtheseeventsmean forGile Le problème, Boniface, 157. 157. 93-95. 93-95. 36 with theColonnacardinalsa

the pope’sresidenceatAn

scholastic scholarshiptoon 35 Super Petrisolio, Plaisians’ discourse wasfollowed byPhilip’s stageofthepapalinstitution. r summoningthecouncil,whichhetook

accusationagainstthepope,endingwith a the unworthyvicarofCh ouncil: manifest heresy,simony, andlust. oniface’s alleged hateforthe French.This udience to take action against the pope. He udience totakeactionagainstthepope.He cording tothecanonlaw,madepope bert ofHabsburgasemperor “inorderto ished on8September 1303.Inorderto threat fortheFrench decision, Nogaret,still inItaly,was ter bythetownsmen ofAnagni.Hedied s ofRome? Histreatises echoedthem. Boniface VIIIinthemost embittered and SciarraColonna,arelativeofthe

dryness ofscholasticexercises. nd theFrenchking.Perceived whichcontainedPhilip’s agni andimprisoned him (7 e ofthesides,namely, the kingdom. Thepope rist. Plaisianstook 9 CEU eTD Collection de Rome,” in DizionarioBiografico degli Italiani, 6 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1967): 385-390; F. Del Punta, S. Donati and C. Luna “Egidio Romano,” in in “GillesGutiérrez, Rome,” de beginning inAugust1281,whenheattended 38 37 licentia docendi. incriminating propositions.Consequently, In his defense before the commission of the university, Giles refused toretract the Aristotelianism andsomeofGiles’ statements Tempier, bishopofParis,inMarch,1277.Th among whofacedtheconsequences those of condemnations pronouncedbyStephan commentary onthefirstbookof and commentaries on Aristotle’s works. Aquinas. Whileabachelorhewroteanap belonging toanotherorder.Itisprobable theology, hehadtofollowthelessonseither theological studies.Since atthe time th studies. Bytheyear1266hewas Maria delPopolo inRome. In1260hewasse When hewasfifteenenteredtheOrder 1243. and Universityc. 1275-c. 1525 Charles F.Briggs, Charles Giles’ careerare about lifeand draw data the mentioned, otherwise Unless 37 Afterthiscondemnation hereturnedto Giles ofRome Romanus, (Aegidius Egid Thetraditionthathe 30 laFrance, littérairede Histoire 1.2. GilesofRome’slifeandcareer:abiographical sketch

Giles of DeregimineGiles of Rome’s principum. (Cambridge: CUP, 1999), 9. Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique. Doctrine ethistoire Doctrine etmystique. ascétique spiritualité de Dictionnaire belonged totheColonnafa

(Rome: Insituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1993): 319-341. 319-341. 1993): Italiana, dellaEnciclopedia Insituto (Rome: Sentences magister artium

(Paris: Imprimérie nationa e Augustiniansdidnothaveamaster of

he was censuredandhewasdeniedthe preciable number ofth of theHermits ofSt.AugustineatSanta 38 theGeneralChapterofPadua.Between that hewasadiscip Becausesome propositionsofhis ey weredirectedagainsttheheterodox were considered to belong tothis trend. nt by his order to Paris to continue his nt byhisordertoPariscontinue wereconsideredheterodox,Gileswas ofasecularmaster orofamaster io Colonna)wasborninRome about Italy, wherehispresenceisattested Reading and Writing Politics at Court Court at Politics Writing and Reading mily isprobablyunfounded. and thenheproceededto le, 1888): 421-566; David David 421-566; le, 1888): n “Gilles n from: F.Lajard, le of St. Thomas le ofSt.Thomas eological treatises 10 , CEU eTD Collection became PopeClement whileBertrand deGotwasstillin V.Theyhadaconflict declined evenmore fromJune1305, when there inNovember 1302.Onthewaneafte forbade theFrenchclergy from attendingthecouncil summoned byBoniface,hewas conflict between Philip IVandBoniface VIII. Inspitethe king’sprohibition which his diocesedirectly,hewasagainatthe administering hisdiocesethroughrepresentatives.Afteraperiodwhenhegoverned Between July1296andAugust1299Gileslivedmostly atthepapalcuria, academic year1293-1294. Paris, being replacedinhischairattheuniversityonly atthebeginning ofthe Chapter ofRome, Gileswaselectedpriorgene defended byallstudentsandmasters ofthe was vicarofthepriorgene 1281 and1285,GileswasinItaly,involvedthelifeofhisOrder.ByMay1285he he wasdeclaredtheofficial authority intheAugustinian fundatissimus continued tobeaprolificauthor.His became amaster oftheology,the firstin solution wasfavorabletoGiles,whoawardedthe assembled a commission ofmasters oftheologytoreexamine request, thebishopofParis,Ranulphe was readytoretractthesentencesforwhichhehadbeencondemned. Bypapal Tempier’s condemnation, diedandGileswrot In April1295 BonifaceVIIIassigned him archbishopric the ofBourges. and doctor verbosus. doctoroftheOrder.Hiswr Order. Thus,attheGenera ral. In March128 Hisstatusofmaster oftheologyincreasedhis vast eruditiongained

papal curiaduringthefinalphaseof Bertrand deGot,archbishop of Bordeaux, d’Hombières, whosucceededTempier, Order. On6January1292,attheGeneral his Order.Asamaster oftheologyhe e to the new pope, Honorius IV, that he e tothenewpope,HonoriusIV,thathe death, Giles’ career r BonifaceVIII’sdeath,Giles’career ral ofhisOrder.Hecontinuedtolivein 5, MartinV,whohadmaintained licentia docendi. l Chapter of Florence (1287) l ChapterofFlorence(1287) itings shouldbestudiedand him theepithets doctor Giles’ case.The By 1287 he By1287he 11 CEU eTD Collection Aquitania secunda,whichledGilestoexcommunicatehim. acknowledge Giles’primacy andended which wasgovernedbyGilesasarchbishop Bordeaux. Hisdiocesewasencompassed inth Philip IV.Traditionmakes him the tutor of thededicatee intheperiod between De regimineprincipum, royal monarchy tothechampion ofpapalth made adramatic changefrom beingoneofth He puthisskills intheservice ofthe Fren December 1316. doctrine oftheEucharist. and 1306,wasamong thetheologianswhoexam contained inOlivi’sworks.Thistask Peter Olivi’sdoctrinewasconc dedicated tostudy.Atthe and directdependenceonthepopewerelegi to aMendicant order,Gilesadmitted thatexemptionfrom theepiscopal jurisdiction excesses such asthoseof theTemplars. Neve in whichhearguedagainstexemption from episcopaljurisdiction,whichallowed Onthisoccasionhewrotethe suppression oftheTemplars. the CouncilofVienne(1311-1312).ItwasconvokedbyClement Vtodiscussthe despoiled thechurchofBourges,th An interestingaspectof GilesofRome’s Giles diedasarchbishopofBourges The lastimportant event whichmarked G whichhededicatedto Council ofViennethetria luded. Gileswasappointedtowritealistoferrors rowing Giles intomaterial misery. was nonoveltyforGiles,who,between1305

ch king andBonifaceVIIIsuccessively. He eocracy. Abouttheyear1280hewrote timate inthecaseofMendicantorders by proclaiming himself aprimate of e main theorists of thesovereignty of the rtheless, given thefact the heirtothe Frenchthrone, thefuture ofBourges.Thefuturepopedidnot at thepapalcour e ecclesiasticalprovince ofAquitania, careerishisparticipation inpolitics. ined andcondemned JohnofParis’s iles’ careerwashisparticipationat l concerningtheorthodoxyof

Elected pope, Clement V Contra exemptos,atract t inAvignonon22 that he belonged thathebelonged 12 CEU eTD Collection Columbia University Press, 2004) (hereafter: (hereafter: Press,2004) University Columbia Ecclesiatical Power university inJanuary1286.Later, for whom, allegedly,hedeliveredtheorati monarchy wasthebestform ofgovernment. tract he used theprinciples of Aristotelian moral philosophy tomaintain thatroyal 1277/1278 and1281,whilehewassuspendedfrom 40 39 creature.” Boniface, whowasreferredas“theonly Lo potestate pope andthekingbecame acuteduring1301,Gileswrote the surrender inthesummer-autumn ofthey toconvincethemand theColonnas.Hewasamong thosesentbyBoniface to which hewroteforthispurpose,wasactiveinthenegotiationsbetweenpope Order. ThedonationbroughtGiles convent oftheFriarsSack,an contested bythecardinals Boniface’s cause.Moreover,hewastheprinciple defenderofhislegitimacy, conflict betweenthepopeandkingin1296,heprovedaconstantsupporterof friendship withthepopebroughthim theSe France and Gilesdedicatedhiscommentary SuperDecausis significant shiftinGiles’car appealed fortheintervention of the king’sjurisdictionoverconvent Thomas Renna, “Aristotle and the French Monarchy, 1260-1303,” … domino singulari, domino Bonifacio…Frater Egidius, eius creatura… humilis Egidius, domino Bonifacio…Frater singulari, domino The election ofCardinalBenedictCaet (end of 1301-November 1302)indefense ofpapalsovereignty (endof1301-November 40

. A Medieval Theory of Government, Colonna. BesidesthetractDerenunciationepape eer. Theymet in1299,whenthecardinalwas alegatein

the pope,whoabsolvedhim. into conflictwiththebi DEP order suppressedin1274,totheAugustinian April 1293,thekingdonatedParisian

), 1,1,1-2. . Excommunicatedbythebishop,Giles ear 1297.When thestrugglebetween rd,” thetractwasworkof“hishumble 39 on for hiscoronationinthename ofthe e ofBourges.Aftertheoutbreak e Tradition makes him PhilipIV’sfriend, ed. and tr. R. W. Dyson (New York: York: (New Dyson R. W. tr. and ed. ani tothe pontifical thronemarked a hisacademic activities.Inthis Viator shop ofParis,whodenied 9 (1978): 313. 313. (1978): 9 to his friend Giles of Rome’s Gilesof De ecclesiastica . Dedicated to (1297), . His On On 13 CEU eTD Collection (Paris: Fayard, 2002), 48-50. change inGiles’attitude towards the 42 41 from beingthetheoristofroyal m quite differentpurposeswithhiswritingth exercise external supervision. nevertheless wasencompassed in theunity Therefore, heascribed if encompassed inthesame unity.Hea in hisopiniontheessenceandexistenceof thought therewasadistinctionbetween theelements same unity.Accordingly, ofthe analysis ofGiles’philosophical andpoliti stated inhistract particular interpretation of thereal dis are notincompatible. The differencebetween regimine principum authority oftheraisingCapetianmonarchy.In principum arguments wereusedtoillustra that the differencebetweenthetwo workswa of thepapalmonarchy, respectively. meant toserve,namely, toupholdtheFren difference hasbeenexplainedthroughthedi handled the Alain Boureau, “Le prince médiéval et la science politique,” politique,” “Leetlascience prince médiéval Boureau, Alain Kempshall, 271. Various attemptshavebeenmade to Beyond thedifferencesbetweentwotexts treated thenaturalprinciplesof topoi Theoremata deesseetessentia. of theocraticdiscoursetoma gnify thepowerofpope.The to the a certainauthoritytotheseculargovernment which De ecclesiasticapotestate. 42

te oppositetypesofgovernment. The 41 Accordingtoanother onarchy tobeingthedefender ofthepapal tinction betweenessence andexistence, as spiritual andsecular powers, from the

pplied thesame viewtohisecclesiology. roughout hiscareer.Thus,afterhechanged cal thought reveals that in both cases he cal thoughtrevealsthatinbothcaseshe ch king’s sovereign power and the claims ch king’ssovereignpowerandtheclaims stinct purposes whichthe two tracts were oftheChurch,whichusuallyhadto anobjectorqualityweredifferenteven themisexplainedbyGilesofRome’s offer anexplanationforthedramatic s explicable bythefactthatdifferent government inordertoupholdthe It hasbeen saidthat aparallel De ecclesiastica potestate there isthefact Le savoir du prince, For instance,ithas beensaid opinion, thetwotracts that Gilesserved ed. Ran Halévi De regimine Giles De 14 CEU eTD Collection pass overinsilence.” data abouthim seems toindicate.There writing inthe service of thosewhose causesu memory. Poitiers in1308 andthe CouncilofVienne During theposthumous trialofthepope,evenifheattendedproceedingsin monarchy he wasnot maintained among Boni 43 that Gilesof Rome livedhis spite ofloftyphilosophicalexplanationsforhischangingattitude justification ofhisdeeds. of GilesRome cannotofferafullpict Anjou afterhebecame thekingofSicilyin1309. Clermont, andhiscommentary on thesecondbookof influential patrons:hededicatedhis Eastman, “Giles,” 311.

Thus, whicheverinterpretationattempts 43 Moreover,afterthedeathofhi I cannotgobeyondthefactsof vocation ofapolemic

Hexameron

st, “what we cannot speak about we must st, “whatwecannotspeakaboutmust in 1311, Giles did notdefendthepope’s ure ofhischaracterorasatisfactory ited hisowninterests. This iswhatthe s protector,Gileslookedforother face VIII’sdefendersafter hisdeath. to explain the contradictory behavior to explainthecontradictorybehavior ist untiltheend.He to PhilipIV’suncle,Robertof his lifeandcareerin Sentences Iwouldrathersay chose to put his chosetoputhis toRobertof 15 CEU eTD Collection described theissue,theybe defining the homiletical the strict meaning oftherhetorical illustrious predecessors. Moreover, itsuse towards priestly authority andtoconfine theirclaims tothe limits respected bytheir and secularrulerstopersuadehisaudien exemplum exemplum theocracy anditssecular claims. Throughout ecclesiastica potestate

44 discours (engénéralunserm sermons with“unrécitbref,donnécommevéri raise of themendicant ordersinthethirteen ascribed tothem. Thehomiletical the context inwhichthey havebeen us dedicated to them inthe last ye has beenmadebetweenrhetorical médiéval. Mélanges de L’École Française de Rome sec.),’’ Alessandro Vitale-Brovarone, “Persuasione e narrazione: l’ Rhétorique et histoire. L’Exemplum IN THE PAPAL DISCOURSE INTHEPAPALDISCOURSE ANDREPETITION CONTINUITY This analysisoftheusagehistor to referto,anddescribeGilesofRome ’s use,ofhistoricalreferences.By I refertotherhetorical device bywh exempla exemplum. used inmedieval texts,because, aims topresent adifferentap Thereisanongoingdebateconcerningthedifficultyof longed tothesame culture.

ars. Thehomiletical andrhetorical on) pourconvaincreun exempla exemplum exempla CHAPTER 2: CHAPTER et le modèle de comportement dans le discours antique et

ed andbythefunctionswhichhavebeen

92 (1980): 87-112. 87-112. (1980): 92 in this work should be understood only in in thisworkshouldbeunderstoodonly flourished inpreachers’

ce tofollow theirinstitutional behavior and homiletical century, and were used to illustrate the century,andwereusedtoillustratethe ical references in Giles of Rome’s without anyimplicati thisworkIwillusetheconceptof dique etdestinéàêtreinsérédansun ich Gilesevokedfiguresofbiblical as Alessandro-Vitale Brovarone asAlessandro-VitaleBrovarone exemplum proach tothesubjectofpapal 44 Nevertheless,adistinction auditoire paruneleçon exempla tra due retoriche (VI-XII (VI-XII retoriche tra due ons concerningthe literature, due the exempla in theliterature differ in in differ De De 16 CEU eTD Collection de Cicéron,” Xerox Microfilms:38. University thesis, 1975), Ph.D. Berkeley, 37. 1996), Brepols, (Turnhout: 40) occidental, Age other purposesthan“l sermons, such as obligatory precedent. Thus, onecannoticethatthe aim insuring thesalvation of thefaithful the imitation of theirinstitutional modelin pastfiguresandevents,frominvoked famous assuring thereligiouseducationof fa medieval and classical edification buttoendowapa this particular rhetoric giventhefact that the Addressing collectivememory theyreferr situations orpersonsandth aiming topersuadewas itshistoricity. salutaire.” 50 49 48 47 46 45 constrained it. the element compared, whichhadtofollow thepattern that bothlegitimized and significance wasknownto between them. nouvelles perspectives, Marie Anne Polo de Beaulieu (Paris: Honore Champion Editeur, 1998), 67-82. les “L’ (hereafter: Tilliette, 1998), 43-65 Editeur, Champion Maiorum exempla sequi: sequi: exempla “Maiorum David, Jean-Michel Tilliette,“L’ Ibid., 62-63. J.Price,Paradeigma Bennet Jean-Yves Tilliette, “L’ Claude Bremond, Jacques Le Goff, J.-Cl. Schmitt, exempla 45 des prêcheurs,” in Mélanges deL’EcoleFrancaise de Rome Therefore, the homiletical Exemplum 49 48 Iwillalsoreferthroughoutthisch Thesefeatures characterized medieval rhetorical specula principis,nugaecurialium ” ed. Jacques BerliozandMarieAnne 50 a leçonsalutaire.” , exemplum

52. exemplum and Les theaudience; eir remote counterpartsalso exempla

Exemplum rhétorique:questions dedéfinition,”in exempla st rule withlegal force in the present time, asan by itspurposeinpreachin médiévaux: nouvellesperspectives, ed.Jacques Berliozand inAncientRhetorical Theory ithful. Ontheotherhand,rhetorical exemplum 46 were used in avariety

but wereusedtoservemore mundane goals. 47 Thequalityof L’ Establishinganalogiesbetweenpresent Exemplum the present historical time. Theydid not ed to past figures and events whose ed topastfigures andeventswhose L’Exemplum 92 (1980) (hereafter: David, “ David, (hereafter: (1980) 92 both sacred and profane history, to infer both sacredandprofanehistory,toinfer exempla exemplum” is distinguishedfrom otherforms of exempla apter tothepragmatic effectsof historique dans les discours judiciaires or theological treatises, serving transferred symbolic powerto implied amimetic relationship Polo de Beaulieu (Paris: Honore (Paris:Honore Beaulieu de Polo (Typologie des sources du Moyen du des sources (Typologie ); Peter von Moos, “L’ exemplum werenotusedonlyfor g toanaudience andin (University ofCalifornia, of genresotherthan Les as rhetoricalproof exempla exempla Maiorum exemplum médiévaux: exempla as well. ”): 81. 81. ”): 17 et CEU eTD Collection d’Aristote. Tradition et commentaires etcommentaires Tradition d’Aristote. (Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1998), 134; Kempshall, Kempshall, 134; 1998), J. Vrin, Philosophique Librairie (Paris: historical treatises, setting forth thenecessityofmimesis. referring torulerswhoseauthoritywa political present.Theauthordisplayedasu Old Testament andChristianpatternsofru contextual use ofhistorical ecclesiastica potestate Giles setforthforpersuadinghisaudien or shouldnotbeimitated. Giventhefactth which lookedtoforgepatternsofpolitical 53 52 51 conditioned extensionoftheancient power, settingareadingcodewhichtr determining either the imitation or mentioning examples ofthosewhohadserv in thesame waythatinancient rhetoric analysis ofrhetorical delle tradizioni latine della della latine tradizioni delle Aristotle’s of influence Forthefirst of commentary,in writing. probable Gilesthe Latin use rhetoric valorized political der Antike zur Neuzeitund die Historiae im “Policraticus” Johanns von are: ofinvestigation this type for paradigmatic are which Moos’s Petervon writings approach. myown leads framework political and a in historical ancient models inshaping the expectedbehavior Egbert Forsten, 1988), 55-84. 1988), Forsten, Egbert Literature, Medieval Referencein of Heroes asPoint Nase’ der ‘wächserne Autorität im Mittelater,” 1994), 207-261; also, for themethodological background: “Dasargumentative Exemplum und die Salisbury,” of John Olms Verlag, 1988), available tome David, “ asthe Acknowledged of use the analyzed who works, Moos toPeter von am I indebted themethodology, Concerning By “political exempla 52 Maiorum, basingthepresentresearchof in Johnin ofSalisbury’s ” 78-79. The WorldJohnof of Salisbury, Rhetoric expositor exempla exempla Retorica Giles quotedbiblicalpassagesor

on Giles’ political thinking see: Costantino Marmo, “L’utilizzazione exempla, for the Latin the for West of Aristotle’s ”

nel commento di Egidio Romano (1272-1273),” in isconcordantwiththerh I understandallthoseinstan in its English abstract “The use use of abstract“The itsEnglish in de l’Antiquité XVIIesiècle,ed.au de l’Antiquité G.Dahan and I.Rosier-Catach Policraticus “larépulsionparadigmatique.” exemplum. 51 the authorintendedtoemphasizetheirbinding Exemplum et Similitudo. Alexander the Great and Other Other and the Great Alexander Similitudo. et Exemplum Gileswroteinthetradition of ancientrhetoric res praeterita Geschichte als Topik. Das s generallyacknowledged byhisaudience,

of the prince. His analysthe prince.His of ansformed thecontemporary rulerina behavior bydisplayingfiguresthatshould ce. Hence, onecansaythatinthe ccession ofpatternspoliticalbehavior, lership involvedconsequencesforGiles’ in order to emphasize to order th in ed thepublic utilityor endangered it, at Gilesusedrhetor ed. M. Wilks (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, Publishers, Blackwell (Oxford: M.Wilks ed. ed. W. J. Aerts and M.Gosman (Groningen:

De ecclesiastica potestate 132-142. 132-142. Common, The and Rhetoric, referred tohistoricalevents etorical constructionwhich mos maiorum ces inwhichevokingboth

exempla Salisbury is of the rhetoric of rhetoric is ofthe rhetorischevon Exemplum on which he provided the e constraining power of in the in 53 ic inhispolitical (Hildesheim: Georg Concerningthe wereevoked, Policraticus La Rhétorique upon the uponthe exempla De 18 of of

CEU eTD Collection historical mission asbothspiritualandpoliti the traditional chain of papalist argumentation, whichtried to present the papal ecclesiastica potestate an analysis oftheparticular exempla alleged monarchic authority of thepapacy.Hedisplayed the politicalsignificance of secular rulers.Consequently,Gilesselectedhis interpretation uponwhichGiles potestate power ofthepapacywithin kingship, hehadtofollowthesemodelsa kings. Sincehewassymbolicallytheheir beginning withConstantine the Great, fulfilled the Philip theFair. Royaltheorists included hi papal claims forsupremacy. IntheMiddleAgesrhetorical 55 54 in the Christian order. Using conceived alsoas power ofancientmodels. establishing aninterpretative tradition of in their Christian fulfillment. Thus,thepast continuity ofpriestlysupremacy, beginning antique andmedieval rhetoricalparadigm. chapter, the author stressed the repetitive value that the (hereafter: Stierle,“L’Histoire”): 185. Ibid., 186-187. Karlheinz Stierle,“L’Histoire comme Moreover, theinvestigationofhistorical in his is concordantinstructur De ecclesiasticapotestate, figura, and totheir useincreating the 54 55 referringtoanOldTestam Gilestreatise targeted the the limits acknowledgedhistori

instances wheretherhetorical figura relayed inhisattempt topr e with typological exegesis exemple,l’exemple comme histoire,” as a rhetorical device, device, asarhetorical

salvationhistorybasedontheconstraining an ecclesiological treatise, placing them in ofboththeOldTestament andChristian nd restrain his actions towards the sacred nd restrainhisactionstowardsthesacred was represented asa m inthechainofChristian rulerswho, with ancienttypes thatwereperpetuated cal. Therefore,thischapterisdevotedto He useditto forgeanimage ofthe exempla exempla ent model whichwascontinued figurae contemporary kingofFrance, papal theocraticpattern. This so thatthey could serve the cally bothbyspiritualand exemplum inthe ove thehistoricalbasisof oftheOldTestament exempla as Iwillshowinthis , thetypeofbiblical succession oftypes, De ecclesiastica Poétique Poétique enjoyed in the enjoyedinthe exemplum are setin 10 (1972) was was De 19 CEU eTD Collection (hereafter: Caspary, TwoSwords the Exegesis: Origen and and Politics théologie ancienneet médiévale figures. Thetypologicalinterp allowed Gilestoset forth apolitical handling of biblicalsourcesinthefram Giles’ viewonpapalpower.Therefore,in this subchapterIintendtoanalyzehis in thepresent workas Church. political interpretationof Developed intheeleventhcentury within theexegetical and theo constitutive elements of thisdiscursive tr which the theorists, andconfininghiswr excelled atreproducing commonplaces,taking supreme authority overboth defending theendangeredpapacyandofoffe through usingrhetorical sacred textaspoliticalallegory,andjudged chapter isorganizedaroundtheexegetical 56 J. S. Robinson, “Political Allegory in the Biblical Exegesis of Bruno of Segni,” Segni,” Brunoof of Exegesis Biblical the in Allegory “Political J.S.Robinson, Applying apoliticalreading Giles ofRome wrotehis 2.1.Typological exegesisinGilesofRome’s 56 Theexegetesfrom thecircleofth De ecclesiastica potestate Politics exempla, ), 185. ), 185. exempla the Biblesoughttoaffirm theprimacy oftheRoman 50 (1983) (hereafter: Robinson, “P Robinson, (hereafter: (1983) 50

cratic traditions that hewantedtoserveandpreserve. iting withintheboundariesof spiritual andsecularmatters retation of the biblical retation ofthebiblical provided bothbysecularandsacredremotehistorical . De ecclesiasticapotestate readingofbiblicalpassages. to the sacred text, Giles placed himself firmly can beconsideredtheclimax. Among the adition arethehistoric

ework of thetypological exegesis, which (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979) Press,1979) California of (Berkeley: University the rectitudeofrulersaccordingtotheir context oftheinvest e CountessMatildaofTuscanyreadthe ring theoreticalsupportforitsclaims of andhistoricalinstancesconstructed over the usual arguments ofpontifical De ecclesiasticapotestate exempla olitical”): 72; Gerard E. Caspary, E.Caspary, Gerard 72; olitical”): . Inhisexposition,Giles the theocratictradition,of with themanifest goalof al arguments, analyzed analyzed arguments, al served thepurposesof iture struggle,the Recherches de

20 CEU eTD Collection Smith, 1973) (hereaft 1973) Smith, 1993) (hereafter: de Lubac,Exégèse French original of this volume was not available to me. to was available ofthis original volume not French Company Publishig B.Erdmans William (Edinburgh: Moreover, thetypological of thelater,butindeterminate waysmimetic ones,intheNew Dispensationsociety. the OldDispensationsuchaspriesthoodor kingship, wereconsideredprefigurations new order.Thus,consideringthe institutional as Testament and OldTestament societieswith veritas of theOldCovenantweretobefulfilledSt Paul,figura,littera,imago,umbra inthe obedience ofpapacy,inordertoentail 62 61 60 59 58 57 which wasinherenttomodelsexpected to primacy intothetypologicalexegesis,Giles speculatedonthepow confining thebiblical generally acceptedfounda terms wereusedbytheLatinwrite was a determine Matilda toact inthepope’s favor. to become true inthe order of theNew Testament. of Reality in Western Literature Western in Reality of Literature and Bible Litterarum this reserve. Henri de Lubac, MedievalExegesis. context ofan analysis dedicated to Giles ofRome’s typological exegesis should be considered under histori asthe literalsense torefer the preferring sense of the Scripture, he did not agree with the pattern this thefactthat acknowledges he although (hereafter: Auerbach, Ibid., 60. 60. Ibid., Erich Auerbach, “Figura,” in 68. “Medieval,” Chydenius, deLubac, Henri the Old Testament,” and Institutions “Medieval Chydenius, Johan Ibid., 76-82. typos According tothetypological exegesis of theNewCovenant. , 1-3 (1965) (hereafter Chydenius, “Medieval”): 7-11; Northrop Frye, Frye, Northrop 7-11; “Medieval”): Chydenius, (hereafter , (1965) 1-3 (translated intoLatin as figura Exégèsemédiévale. Lesquatresens del’Écriture, (London: Routledge, 1983), 79-86; Erich Auerbach, er: Auerbach,“Fig Mimesis exempla tion for the medieval interpretation of history. ), 16-17. Regarding Henri deLubac’s consideration ontypology, interpretationof , tr. Willard R. Trask (Princeton: (Princeton: R.Trask , tr. Willard Scenes from the Drama of European Literature 59

), 443. This implied a mimetic relationship between the New that he used in his exposition in defense of papal that heusedinhisexpositiondefenseofpapal ura”), 47-48. 47-48. ura”), rs, yetwithapreferencefor

a type of rulers’ ex

cal sense. My references to de Lubac’s the Lubac’s workin Myreferencesto cal sense. de The Four Senses of Scripture, ), aprefigurationof term “typology”assuch, dueto its“modernity,” be fulfilled inthe contemporary historical of interpretation seems to preserve the historical 57 typos, figura, Grand Rapids and T&T Clark, 1998), 259. The 1998), 259. andT&TClark, Rapids Grand

what was relatedintheOldTestament the perpetuation of past models in the the perpetuationofpastmodelsin pect of these societies, institutions of 58 Following thepattern initiatedby Princeton University Press, 2003) Press, 2003) University Princeton 2 littera Commentationes Humanarum

Mimesis. The Representation (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer: Brouwer: (Paris: Descléede emplarity which could something which was figura or The Great Code.The 1, tr. Mark Sebane exemplum er ofcontinuity (Gloucester: Peter ) providedthe 62 Therefore, 61

(all 21 60

CEU eTD Collection (hereafter: Buc, “Pouvoir’’): 692. they placedandinterprete St Paul’somniainfigura which readthehistoryofChosenPeopleas The MiddleAgesfollowed theinterpretative monarchic rulewastotackle which confined itsgoals tothelimits expected salvation, papal theorists genera monarchic patternofgovernment rootedin behaviors imitating different typesofaut medieval institutions of power,especially the papacy,aimed toentailinstitutional context, 68 67 66 65 64 63 as writers aspersuasivedevicestaketheliterallyshapeof derive political patterns for th exegetical tradition,continuedanden their textswithmeanings which,without political interests,fromboththepapala manner whichcouldservepontificalclaims Pontiff. envisaged inwhich“lefé their acceptance andmakethem binding.Thefoundationof adogmatic societywas de Lubac, Exégèse, ICor. 10:11. 185. Stierle,“L’histoire”, Philippe Buc, “Pouvoir royal et commentaires dela Bible (1150-1350),” Ibid., 184-186. Pierre Legendre, figurae In histurn,GilesofRome employed m 64 Oneofthepropagandisticwaysframing theidealofpope’s exempla exempla (Giles’case) L’amour du censeur. Essai sur l’ordre dogmatique 4, 62-69. being perceivedasrepetitionofconsecrated

ticheur n’est pasloin.” d thehistoryofsalvation. or became forthemedieval exegetestheframework inwhich biblicalquotationswhichbor exempla, normae,imitationes

e context ofhistimes. The riched itwithpoliticalsignificance. allowed bytheuniquepow

nd imperialorroyalcamp, triedtoendow horitative models whichcoulddetermine ted theframework ofapoliticalsociety remotemodels andhavingthekeyof breaking withthema tradition rootedinthe Paulinepattern, . The exegetes engaged in defending . Theexegetesengagedindefending 63 figura odels ofbiblicalrulersinorderto Projectingthepapalinstitutionasa 68 Theyreferredtobiblicalmodels for thehistoryofGentiles. figurae (Paris: Seuil, 1974), 24-25. 24-25. Seuil, 1974), (Paris: e apoliticalmeaning ina exempla because theseconcepts Annales ESC in medieval texts. er oftheSupreme in stream ofthe used by antique used byantique scenarios. 65

44:3 (1989) The The 22 67 66

CEU eTD Collection 83. putare quod veni solvere legem aut prophetas; non enim veni solvere, sed adimplere.” V: Matthaei “Nolite illud iuxta sed adimpleta, evacuata sunt in non que ad Novo moralia, quantum estin veritatem immolatus secundum Veteri qui in Chistum figurabat immolatus agnus ut Novo, in Veteriverificatur in figurabatur qoud que secundum Vete similiain Testamento respondent plurimum Que enim hic sunt clara, ibi erant figurative; propter quod hiis que videmus in Testamento Novo, ut visionem qu iuxta in alio, continetur Giles exposedhisviewonhistoryofpapa topoi In hisscenario, theOldTestament institutions were his goalofemphasizing thecontinuityof papal primacy throughoutBiblicalhistory. Giles adopted for treatin wheels allegoryfamous, thequotationfrom persuasive force tohisaims. ReferringtoEz wanted toroothisarguments inaninterpretative tr from inferred significance connoted patternsthat 71 70 69 was workingwithinthistrad de Lubac, Exégèse, Sciendum ergo, quod Novum et Vetus Testamentum sunt quasi rota in medio rote, quia unum 67. “Medieval,” Chydenius, whichtheexegetes deployedto explain thecontinuity to fulfill.” came todestroytheLaworprophets;forIcame nottodestroy,but Who was intruth sacrificed in the New);or literally, example, thelamb whichwas sacrificedinthe OldprefiguredChrist, which whatis fulfilled inthe Newwas prefigured in the Old(for correspond: eitherfiguratively,as see intheNewTestament, many similar things intheOldTestament are nowclearwerethereprefigured. “As itwereawheelinthemidst of other according to thevision recorded were awheelinthemidst ofawheel Itmust beknown,therefore,that As displayedinthispassage,Giles’ New, butfulfilled accordin content consists ofmoral teachings whicharenotabolished inthe 70 2, 528.

shouldbeimitated. g biblicalexemplarity inhiswo figurae ition. SinceGregorytheGreat

e habetur Ezechielis I, ubi dicitur: “Quasi sit rota in medio rote.” rote.” medio in sitrota “Quasi dicitur: I,ubi Ezechielis e habetur wastheproperapproachforapolemicist who g to Matthew5:“Do

the OldandNewTestaments areasit ri vel secundum figuram quantum ad cerimonialia, cerimonialia, quantum ad figuram ri velsecundum 69 with theceremonies accordingto l andsecularpowerintheframework of Novo; velhuiuscontinen awheel;”for those things which ekiel 1:16andtoMa

the firstvisionofEzekielwasamong the And so,tothosethingswhichwe This isthe interpretative framework that understandingofhistorybymeans of ; for the oneis contained in the in Ezekiel1, whereitissaid: figurae adition which could lend its adition whichcouldlendits rk, anapproachwhichsuited , whowastomake thetwo not supposethatI betweenthetwoorders. of contemporaneous ones: tthew 5:17theauthor

as whenits cia estsecundumrem

DEP, 2,3,81- 23 71

CEU eTD Collection ecclesiastica est universalis. Quod fi reliance on thisinterpretative tradition, and thesecular political order,according to clerics insociety andimplicitly the relationship betweenthe ecclesiastical institution Therefore, heinterpretedthemain points interpretation ofhistoryandheknew not intendtobringany hazardousinterpreta evolution ofmedieval exegesissupported biblical politicaltoolsused inthesecula freezing ofpolitical positions asaresultof polemicists of thelatescholastic period prec action ofthepopeand kingasdeterminate byprecedent. typological exegesisbecauseth 74 73 72 institutions anditsservants biblical exemplarity,which allowedhimto used withequalfacility exempla 122-125. (emphasis added) added) (emphasis 122-125. debebat. DEP dominari parte omni etin orbe universo in altari, serviebant Levitisqui debebat in celi; quo partem omnem versus suburbia fuerunt data Veteris. exposicionem ad possent adaptare aliqualiter laborare vellent bene Novi, qui exposicionem ad sunt Caspary, Et quia similiter mandatum est de processione temporalium in Veteri et in Novo, omnia illa que dicta dicta que illa omnia Novo, in Veteri etin temporalium estde processione similiter mandatum Et quia Est ergo particularis terrena potestas, quia non habet super omnibus potestatem; potestas autem

DEP, The normative valueoftraditionwastheorizedandvalorizedbythe The normative world andineverypartthereof. Levites whoserved the altar, was In thiswas prefiguredthattheChurch, whowastosucceed the clergy, weregiventhesurroundinglandsunder everypartofheaven. prefigured inthebookofNumbers, power overallmen; buttheecclesias The earthly power,therefore,ispa : Politics 2, 3, 82-83. 82-83. 3, 2, , 191. by opposingpoliticalparties.” oversecularones,sincethey

guratum fuitinlibro is servedhisaim. Heinte 74 73

theauthordeveloped

how tomaster itsargumentative strength. r-papal powerinto“slogansthatcouldbe Giles ofRome’skindoreasoning.Hedid thetypologicalexegesis. Afterstatinghis to heavelordshipoverthewhole rticular, because it does not have rticular, becauseitdoesnothave thecontroversy,” whichtransformed the of hisexposition,namely, thestatusof isely becauseitwasconcordant with“the tical powerisuniversal. Thiswas tive novelty.Traditiongaveforcetohis claim thesuperiorityofecclesiastical whentheLevites,thatis, Numerorum, quando Lev figurabatur 72 nded to present the political nded topresentthepolitical This “frozen” stage inthe were prefigured by these wereprefiguredbythese quodEcclesia,quesuccedere an expositionbasedon itis, id est clericis, itis, idestclericis, 2, 6, 24 CEU eTD Collection consuetudinem immutarietperipsumomnino confringi potissime ratione concepit, quod videntes senullum deince crederet fortasse obitu sancti excommunicated notforspiritualma tradition, for whose defense even the use of use the of for even defense whose tradition, which theyaccused Boniface. The trad the Church of and disregarding Caetani (whichBoniface belonged) Palestrina) written bycardinalsJamesand Pe source, the Bible,whoseauthoritywasacceptedby exegesis ofrelevant biblical for hisclaims tosovereignpower,waspo Ascribing to BonifaceVIIIthe authority of “rigidification of allcategories,” figural traditionininterpretingthehi interpretation implied theirnecessary im of thepapacy,intotalcontempt forwh sovereignty, whoaccusedtheSupreme Pontif Thus, theyanswerinthiswaytooneof historical tradition,transfor precedents. Therefore,thebinding powerof power ofthepapacy,heread had repetitionandmimesis asaleadingpr was abindinglimit of,aguideto,thepresent. preserve thememory ofthepastcorresponded 76 75 Boniface VIII en procès, haberet. efficaciam non resistentia nostra quamvis huiusmodi viribus obviare, etverbis pro aliquando taken out of the third manifesto (June 15, 1297, manifesto(June 15, 1297, ofthethird out taken passage referringto one Ionly this will illustrate Auerbach, Mimesis,

It isclear from passageslikethis one thatthe wayinwhichGileschose to 116. 116. 54. (emphasis added) med thepapalclaims intorightsconfirmed historically. a discourse on power which valorized a quotations.Itisadiscourseonpowerwhichvalorized families. Thecardinals accused the pope oftyrannical government

ition. They referred to the end of the “saint” pope Celestine V, of V, pope Celestine of “saint” to the end of referred the They ition. Colonnas presented th ttersbut for somepatrimonial 75 figurae fitted thegoals of the pope’s defender. Thepast force had to be taken into consideration: into consideration: to taken force had be

generalis Ecclesie statum, ritum antiquum et ritum antiquum Ecclesie statum, generalis of Biblicalrulers as political examples; this itation byGiles’contemporary rulers.The at wasallowedbytheChurchtradition. ps adversarium habiturus,contra nos tamen ea story of salvation, which ended in a story ofsalvation,whichendedina ter Colonna, whom B history, whichofferedtheoretical support the objections of the contesters of papal the objectionsofcontesterspapal ssible duetoGilesofRome’spolitical inciple. Aiming tojustify theuniversal f ofbreakingwiththeregular practices exempla to alogicofhistor , sceleratiseiusactibusresistere nitebamur emselves asdefenders oftheChurch’s both sidesengaged inthepolemic. Figurae , conferredbytherelianceon issues concerningColonnaand issues had theforceoflegal oniface VIII had justoniface VIIIhad ical discoursewhich Ac licetexdicti 25 76

CEU eTD Collection (see the Introduction). Introduction). (see the been thoroughlyresearched; 78 77 the onesexisting establishment of parallels between thepoliticalinstitutions whichexisted lordship inbothtemporal a could hardlybeanchoredintradition. general acceptanceofferedasolid basefo beyond the“theological understood thepastassuccessionofstagesin historyofsalvation.Hedidnotgo discourse Gileswasalways withintheframework of thetraditional exegesis, which of therelationshipbetweensecularandspiritual authority. Writing ahistorical had chronological framework whichmeant toshow that eachstageofthesalvationhistory Boniface VIIIandtheFrench king.Hes Donatio Constantini),byreferencetothecontempor arguments thatGilesofRome usedinhistreatise. claims fortheuniversalpower.Some ofthe had tosupport,through atheocraticinterpretationoftheChurchtradition, papal exempla de Lubac, Exégèse, Aristotelianism the AugustinismGiles’ political swords allegory,” or “Petrine doctrine”, “two Asthe exempla 2.2 He chosetointerpretbiblicalpassag De ecclesiastica potestate of theWrittenLaw,” the“AgeofGrace” orthoseofrepresentativeChristia Aspects ofpontificalauthority:the“agenature,” ofrulerswhichto bethepolitically displayedwhathadorthodoxpattern 2, 469. sub gratia sense ofhistory,” nd spiritualmatters. Interms of wasalsoadevelopment eleventh ofthe andtwelfth 77

Iwillemphasize theimpor wasconceivedasanecclesiological treatisewhich upported hisargumentbydrawing aparallel

This wasthecasewithBonifacealleged 78 r thepapalclaims ofsupremacy which topoi butvalorizeditasa“slogan” whose es, namely, theOldTestament rulers’ n rulers,suchasConstantine(inthe of thepapaldiscoursehavealready ary politicsof theexegetical tance ofthehistorical struggle between tradition,the sub lege and 26 CEU eTD Collection and priestlyoffices)throughth that hewillfollow thedevelopment of thetwoinstitutions whichinterested him (royal the loyalcontinuators of theirbiblicala period untiltheCovenantwasesta whom thoseremote He usedthebindingpowerof continuity of thepolitical models whichac performed sacrifice)from thesethreesu those whomheconsideredas scripta framing withinthe “time of theChur between institutions of theold and thenew order(through secular power. Apart from typological exegesis, which stressed thecontinuity be neglectedbyapolemicist engagedin his expositionwithinthreestages officiorum sublegeand centuries’ reformation period. 82 81 80 79 of Christ: Law” untiltheadvent of Christ, and of Lubac, parallel between Henry IV and Antioch, symbol ofthe emperor who destroyed the Chosen People. de This temporal division is explained as such by Giles: 17:12-14. Gen. Ibid. Forinstance, Geroh of Reichersberg established in his Exégèse, and Following andtakingadvantageof thisex under theWrittenLawandmore perfectsillundertheLawofGrace,in priesthood beganunderthelawofnatu with thepassageoftime, soalso It is,therefore, notat 82

in lege gracie 3, 514-515. 3, 514-515. exempla sub gratia . Heprovided prefiguredandwho,asI all incorrect tosaythat,

79 being incharge withthes ese threestages:of“thela Without doubt, thecontribu befitted thestressedideaof continuity. ofthehistorysalvation: blished betweenGodandAbraham, exempla “the Law ofGrace”until theSecond Coming ch” (thehistoryofsalvation)a

nd earlyChristianancestors. Gilesstressed exempla cceeding stages,inorderto emphasizethe has priesthood advanced, in that haspriesthoodadvanced,inthat ted inawaythat fitt aiming topersuadecontemporaryrulers the struggle between the papal and the the strugglebetweenpapaland DEP, 2,7,133-135. re andwasmade more perfect De investigatione Antichristi Antichristi De investigatione ofrulersandpriests(oratleast egetical tradition, Gilesconceived as kingshiphasadvanced will show,acknowledgedbeing acerdotal officebecausethey w ofnature”referringtothe tion of history could not tion ofhistorycouldnot in legenature, ed papalaspirations. figuram adimplere 81 “the Written (1162) relevant

concordia in lege 27 ), ), CEU eTD Collection 1, 6, 32-35. 32-35. 6, 1, lege gracie, in qua lege sacramenta sunt perfecta et non sunt egena, sicut erant in lege scripta…DEP, ut quodinceperitsacerdocium 84 83 century ofthemotif of“the parallels betweencontemporarykingsand power. Thetwelfthcentury witnessed adeve predecessors, andalso,later,asthemost st by theCapetians,whoused ittolegitimize th praised as tract. The emperor was called This wasevenmore thecaseofFrench secular powerhadideological backgroundsjustifiedthro chose toexpresshispropaganda approaching thehistory priesthood androyaltyhadtobecopiesoftheir examples University Press, 1993), 37-42; 77-91. The bibliography on this subject is immense. I quoted these Last Descendant of Aeneas. The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor Medieval RulerWorship Seeforinstance: E.H. Kantorowicz, Quod ergo regnum persuccessionem temporum were undertheWritten Law… which Lawthesacraments areperfected andarenotlackingasthey At thetime whenGileswrote 2.3.a. Biblical 2.3. Shaped inthelikeness ofOldTestam

only to prepare the ground for my discussion concerning Giles of Rome’s text. novus Moyses; Therhetoricof (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1953), 47-63 or Marie Tanner, Tanner, Marie or 47-63 Press, 1953), California of University (Berkeley: exempla of salvation wasinherent in the type of exegesis thatGiles 84 in lege nature etperfeccius fuerit in Thissymbolic heritageoftheCarolingianswastakenover exempla TreeofJesse”)wasaway of “donneruneassisedans

David andhisrulinglineagea -invested visionofhistory. Laudes Regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and De ecclesiastica potestate 83

riking argument inthei profecerit, siceciam quod sacerdocium profecerit, monarchy whichwasthetargetofGiles those of theOldTestament (itwasthe eir fragile positiononthethroneoftheir ent andChristianmodels,contemporary lopment of thesepremises. Establishing exempla adhuc perfeccius in in legescriptaetadhucperfeccius . Thismimetic principle in ugh biblicalexemplarity. regnum Davidicum boththepapaland r polemic withpapal (New Heaven: Yale Yale Heaven: (New , or , or The The 28 CEU eTD Collection Boniface VIII en procès, potestatis, plenitudine regna non consonans suovoto proponeret, verbis contra talia proponentem iniuriose prolatis, nedum etiam exspectare consensus, quin immo, si aliquis nostrum aut confratrum nostrorum verbum ipsorum nec pseudoprefectus …iste kings: the over authority modified it in the bull bull the itin modified consitui te hodie super gentes et super regna, third manifesto of the Colonna cardinals that the pope modified the quotations form Jer. 1:10 one on thedangerousnove direct covenantwithGod. topos symbolism according to whichthepeopleof Dominican preacherWilliam ofSaquevill For instance, oneofthemost ardentan especially of rulers’ exempla Church, ecclesiastica potestate through sacerdotalauthority. Therefor preclude the claim for legitimacy byanykingship which hadnotbeeninstituted prove theprimacy ofpriestlypower not corresponding tothe “lawofnature”a He treated theissue of biblical exemplarity following thetemporal levels Philip theFair andBoniface V l’histoire sainte àla 88 87 86 85 means ofbiblical kingdom ofFrance. purported royalpowerrefuted,but Affirming explicitly that he had a temporal had powerin the Affirming he was affairstothat equal secularrulers of that explicitly Boureau, Beaune, Colette Jacques Le Goff, in temporalibus etiam presidere etiampresidere se intemporalibus of Frenchauthors)andthekinghims As theprincipaldefenderofpapa 87 atotalnovelty, Le religion Naissance de la nation France France nation la de Naissance Saint Louis Louis Saint exempla , 216. , 216. Ausculta fili Ausculta licet in ipso legitima papalis auctoritas auctoritas papalis legitima ipso licet in 57-58. (emphasisadded) monarchie quis’affirme.” lties whichexposedBonifaceto contesta Gilesdisplayed thedoctrine of (Paris: Gallimard, 1996), 392. 392. 1996), (Paris: Gallimard, wasdirectedagainstthistype 88 86 which he nevertheless tried to anchorin tradition. as it was shown in the Introduction) inthe shown asitwas reached itspeak in writings defending theking’srights.

Inthissymbolic manner notonlywasthepope’s III thepolitical valorization ofbiblical parallelsand eventhe necessityofhis

glorians, omnia per se solum posse pro libito de nd the“Written Law.”Hispurposewasto

(Paris: Gallimard, 1985), 210-215. 210-215. 1985), Gallimard, (Paris: e, echoingBonifaceVIII, inthe replacing d influential supporters ofPhilipIV,the only intime butalsoindignityandto l position, Gilesof e, developed anelaboratetypological FrancewerethenewChosenPeople(a elf thenewMoses,who established a 85 Duringthecontroversybetween [viz. of the cardinals] gentes non subsistat, asserere non formidat. non asserere subsistat, non tions. Forinstance, we can read in theimperial powerofthe ofroyalself-r by

reges which gave him the imperial sacerdotal officeforthe Rome’s argumentby (indeed Boniface VIII dignatus est petere, epresentation. super reges et super regeset Ecce De De 29

CEU eTD Collection DEP, GeneseoscuiusX, regni principiumfuitin Babylone, perinvasionemet usurpacionem regem. fecitse usurpacionem habita sunt. Unde Neroth, quem primum legimus fuisse regem, ut potest haberi also pointedtopriestlypowersince On theotherhand,with priestly office). priest, wasconsideredas suchbyGilesbecauseheperformed s also mentions forthe“lawofnature” mentioned first thekingshipsofNimrod Referring to the 95 94 93 92 91 90 89 because hisroyaltywasratherusurpati anteriority for theroyal instit 1, 5, 24-25. 24-25. 5, 1, sacerdocio, sed fuit sacerdocio coniunctum, ut principalius esset ibi sacerdocium quam regnum. DEP, sacerdos. Unde ibidem dicitur quod erat sacerdos Dei altissimi. Ibi ergo regnum non fuit sine Job 29:25. 14:18-20. Gen. Gen. 10:8-10. De civitate De civitate Dei 4:4; 1,5,23. DEP, 1,7,42-43. Nam in lege nature, ubi fuerunt regna gentilium, omnia quasi huiusmodi regna per invasionem et per invasionem regna huiusmodi omnia quasi gentilium, regna fuerunt ubi in lege nature, Nam …fuit Melchisedech rex Salem. Se 1, 5, 22- 23. 23. 22- 1, 5, Coming backonthesame argument ata priesthood may besupe exist withoutpriesthood,butwasunitedwithsothat casethereforekingshipdidnot a priestoftheMostHighGod.Inthis same itissaidthathewas a king,wasalsopriest.Andsointhe place …Melchizedek waskingofSalem. ButthisMelchizedek,while hewas About Melchizedek: made himself kingbyinvasionandusurpation. whose reignbeganinBabylon, ascanbegatheredfrom Genesis10, usurpation. Thus,Nimrod ofwhomwereadthathewasthefirstking, nature, almost allsuchkingdoms For wherewerekingdoms ofthe gentilesunderthelawof 94 exempla Relying onthese illustrating thestatusofroyalty ution (evenifitwasthecase, exempla

rior tokingship. d huiusmodi Melchisedech, cum hoc quoderat rex, erat eciam exempla, of thegoodkingsMelc on, asGilesarguesreferringtoAugustine). 89 came intobeingth

they weregoodkingsonlyduetotheir andMelchizedek: exemplum Gilesnotonlyinvalidatedtheclaim of 92

later pointinhis 91 of Job

under the“lawofnature,”he Nimrod wasnotatrueking rough invasionand 90 93

hizedek and Job, Giles hizedek andJob,Giles who,withoutbeinga acrifice (whichwasa exposition, Giles 30 95

CEU eTD Collection magis erat latrocinium quam potestas; vel non fuerit sacerdocio coniuncta. DEP, sacrifice, supposition thatAdam hadtosacrifice sacrificial act,whichhe supposition thatkingshipexistedbeforeprie age, Gilesstressed that: priesthood. 101 100 99 98 97 96 agreed tobestowhis illustrate his assertion wasthe biblical sequence inwhichMoses, advised byJethro, power pertaining tothe ageof the“Written Law”thatGilescommented onto office intime. of legitimacy was thesacerdotal institution. tyrannical character of royaltyin the “law institution, Gileswasagainintheexegetical Gen, 8:20; Buc, …nullaestpotestasregia non per sacerdocium ins DEP, Exodus 18:13-22. 18:13-22. Exodus Gen. 4:4; I,6, 37. L’ambiguïté, 2, 5,100-101. priesthood. rightful, inthatitwasmorerobberythanpower;orunitedwith …any royalpowernotinstituted any unusualandgreatmatters occurre succeeded;… justas,eventhen,the judgeswereunderMosesand, if temporal disputesbetweenlaypersons,kingsandsecularprinces have insofar astheywereconcernedw spiritual inthosethingswhichpert of [temporal]causestojudges,reta sufficiently perform theworkofbothswords,heentrustedhearing And because hewasconsumed The first constitutive moment for therelationship between layandpriestly Commenting onthese 100 DEP, 96 its earlier recording inthe Bible en Therefore,withthe exempla 1, 6,35. 237-238. 237-238. 97

secular dutiestojudges: accomplished aftertheFlood.

exempla referring tothe constitutive actsof the royal

offeredbythekingsof“lawnature” ith thejudgment ofbloodandwith throughpriesthoodwaseithernot of nature,”implying thatitsuniquesource by foolishlaborandcouldnot ain toGod.Andthosejudges, ining tohimself thatwhichwas 98 101 sthood intime, GilesreferredtoNoah’s after theFallandmentioned Abel’s tituta que velnonfueritrecta,propterquod traditionwhichusedthemtoshowthe Nonetheless,for eliminating eventhe d, theyweretobereferred

forcing theprimacy ofthepriestly 99 Heevenadvanced the 1, 5,22-23. 31 CEU eTD Collection volunt salutem consequi, debent esse sub Summo Pontifice…DEP, Summo esse sub debent consequi, salutem volunt si principes, terreni sic ipsi Moysi, universaliter erant referenda occurrerent et maiora insolita qua laicas personas, succedunt reges et principes seculare iudicibus, quantum ad eam partem que est deiudicio sanguinis et de questionibus temporalium inter sibi quod spirituale erat in hiis quesunt ad Deum, audicionem causarum commisit iudicibus, quibus beyond thelimits whichthepapacyhadconfineditself, authority couldnottransgress, used bytheglossatorsof alienation of powerbut wasdonejust because 106 105 104 103 102 This popeinterpretedthepapaldoctrineof linking thispassagefromExodusw their officetowardspapalpowerortode in theirfavor biblical passage,understandi Dispensation withthesecular rulers of his to fulfillthetasksofas alleged forthepapaloffice positionofthesupreme instanceevenfor temporal sources “appealwasmade indifficultanddoubtful casestotheSupreme Priest,”Giles rule overbothspiritualandtemporal matters. on Innocent's Decretal iudicia distinguit quippe Tierney,“Tria Brian superior. considered theemperor) or pope (the had no superior in temporal matters andthat his decisions could not be appealed to another authority theorized and received thecano papal theorists whoaccepted thatitreferredin ge Universitate Gregoriana, 1954), 75. 75. 1954), Gregoriana, Universitate Concepts of Ecclesia (Miscellanea HistoriaePontificae, 18) (Rome: Facultatehistori from Gregory VII This interpretation interpretation the of This In bull his Buc, DEP, Et quiastulto labore consumebatur nec poterat L’ambiguïté In hiscommentary onthisissue, Gilesst salvation, mustbeundertheSupreme Pontiff… Moses himself, soearthly princesuniversally, iftheywishtoobtain 2, 14, 255-257. 255-257. 14, 2, Per Venerabilem prohibitio sanguinisdidnotallowthem toclaimeithertheautonomy of , 251. to Boniface VIII,” and Per Venerabilem, Christianitas Christianitas plenitudo potestatis plenitudo ecular judge.Theauthoriden (1202), Innocent III acknowledged canonically that the king of France nical strength inthe bull the High MiddleAgestostress thelimits whichroyal ng thatthetemporal author

104

Gilestransferredtothe ” and Their Relation to the Idea of Papal Papal of the Idea to Relation Their and Speculum Sacerdozio e Regno da Gregorio VII a Bonifacio VIII VIII aBonifacio VII e da Gregorio Regno Sacerdozio ith thecommentary of Deuteronomy 17,

doctrine, which broke with the mainstream the doctrine, the broke with which of ny hisstatusassupr sufficienter exercere opera utriusque gladii, retento days whohadtofollow thepattern of this 37 (1962): 49. 49. 37 (1962): neral atthespiritualpower of the papacy, was 106 s;…sicut ettunc iudices erant sub Moyse, et si itwasnotsuitableforaspiritual leader Emphasizing thataccording tothese plenitudo potestatis resses that this was notanactof the Unam sanctam Unam I, 8, 50-51. 8, I, 50-51. 102 105 ity which the poperenounced tified thejudge pope anauthoritywhichwas

untilBonifaceVIII’sreign. ae inPontificia ecclesiasticae (1302). G. B. Ladner, “The G. “The B. Ladner, (1302). eme judge.Moreover, ashissovereign Plenitudo Potestatis s oftheOld 103 …A Note …A Note atext 32 CEU eTD Collection nisi per potestatem ecclesiasticam. DEP, Domini mandato de constituta fuit non regia ergo Potestas populo. fideli super Saulem regem primum “Audi vocem populi in omnibus que loquuntur tibi.” ad Dominum, dixit eiDominus: Samuel orasset etcum eisregem, constitueret quod Samuelem, ad appointment ofSaulbySamuel as the ageof“Written Law”that matters. Therefore, iftheroyalsupporters 111 110 109 108 107 could beconstituted onlythrough the authorit referred totheanointing of SaulbySamuel government ofkings. origin oftheroyalinstitution,theywere those figureswhichhadtobeportrayedasleadersatoncepoliticalandreligious. French theorists. HeusedtheexegeticaltraditionofapplyingMoses’ attempt atdeconstructing theOld Testament symbolism ofpower setforth bythe Philip, Gilesmodified thesame image accord the ChosenPeoplerejectingth Middle Agesashavinganegativeconnotati Antiquity, Antiquity, of Moses in Panegyric and Historiography,” dedicated both to secular and spiritual rulers. SeeClaudia Rapp, “Comparison, Paradigm andthe Case Caesarea. Itrepresented throughoutMiddleAg and temporal authority began in the first Christian century with Flavius Josephus and Eusebius of ISam.8; ISam. 10. spiritual both referleaders having exemplary ofMosesto figure the using of literarytradition The Buc, Buc, ISam. 8:7. Dicitur autem I Regum VIII capitulo quod congregati in unum omnes maiores natu Israel venerunt venerunt Israel natu maiores omnes unum in congregati quod capitulo VIII Regum I autem Dicitur L’ambiguïté, L’ambiguïté, Another constitutive moment for there command, butonlythroughth faithful people.Royalpower,therefor command, therefore,Samuelappointed voice ofthepeopleina when Samuel hadprayedtotheLord,Lordsaidhim: “Hearthe Israel came toSamuel so thathe And itissaid inSamuel 8thatthewholeassembly of theeldersof These passagesfrom thefirstbookofSa ed. Mary Whitby 246-249. 246-249. 111

(Leiden: Brill, 1998): 277-299. 277-299. Brill, 1998): (Leiden: Gilesdid not usethis aspect oftheexegesis,however,and

e directgovernment ofGod. 2, 5,100-103. the firstkingofChosenPeople: ll thatthey saytoyou e ecclesiasticalpower. The Propaganda of Power. The role of Panegyric in Late Giles thoroughlycommentatedonwasthe

might appointakingforthem; and es acommonplace oftheencomiastic literature acceptedtheparallel oftenquotedtoexpl on for the royal power which came from on fortheroyalpowerwhichcame from toarguethatlegitimate temporal power y of theecclesiastical power.Because of e, wasappointedattheLord’s

lationship between the two powersin Samuel ergo de mandato Domini constituit constituit Domini demandato ergo Samuel ing tohis ideological Saul asthefirstkingover muel werewidelyunderstoodinthe 109 .” AttheLord’s 110

Illustrating thesinful betweenMosesand ain thetyrannical 108 interestsinan

exemplum 107

to 33 CEU eTD Collection their subordinationtothepope(whosefigurewasSaul)andobeyhim: contemporary kings,continuatorsofthose its subordinatestatusof power,whichrece 114 113 112 supporters of PhilipIV,whounderlinedthat rule over“kingsandkingdoms,” answering the pope: continued bythecontemporarytypesofSaul tradition which hadstarted withthe first ki to papalclaims, commission ofspiritualpower.” former, following from theministerial status ascribed tothelatter,which acts“bythe subordination ofsecularpower,butalsoa only fortheprimacy ofthesacerdotalauthority intime inherent andforthe 5, 24-25. DEP, Sacerdotis. Summi potestati etspecialiter sacerdotali, debeat potestati subesse regia potestas est quod consequens estsacerdocium, per instituta quia estinstituta, et regia unde venit potestas unde potestate. DEP, oritur ordo ad alia, consequens est quod potestas sacerdotalis tempore et dignitate sit prior regia

DEP, Et quia ordo ad Deum tempore et dignitate est prior quam ordo ad alia, quia exordine ad Deum Regna vero moderna sequuntur regna instituta pe instituta regna sequuntur moderna vero Regna of theSupreme Priest. power shouldbesubjecttopriestly fallows that, becauseithasbeeninstituted through priesthood, royal whence royalpowerhascome andtowhenceithasbeeninstituted, it be instituted throughpriesthood.For if through priesthood…Letkingstheref Modern kingships arethesuccessors ofthekingships instituted Relying onthenormative powerofhistory,GilesjustifiedBoniface’sclaim to power ispriorintime anddignitytoroyalpower. matters arises from theorderdedicated toGod-- itfollows that priestly order dedicatedtoothermatters--si And sincetheorderdedicatedtoGod By means ofthe 2, 13, 219. 219. 13, 2, 3, 1, 280-281. 280-281. 3, 1,

Giles rooted the exemplum 112

113 plenitudo potestatis Ascribing the constitutive power of this of theSamuel-Saul relationship,Gilesarguednot

of theOldTestament, shouldacknowledge power, and especially to the power power, andespeciallytothepower nce theorder dedicated toother ives itsstrength from anotherauthority, ffirmed thesuperiorityindignityof andSamuel, namely thesecularrulerad is priorintime anddignitytothe the alleged powerofthepopetoleadin r sacerdocium…Quare si diligenter advertimus advertimus sidiligenter r sacerdocium…Quare ore acknowledgethemselves to ng ofIsrael.This also thecritiquesformulatedby wegivediligent attentionto of thepontifical institution in the 114

tradition had to be tradition hadtobe exemplum 34 1,

CEU eTD Collection passages wereconnected toGiles’definitionof matters where itsdirect intervention wasnotsuitable only actbecausethespiritualleader delegated itthe capacity todecide inthose Samuel, Gilesemphasized the ministerial na IV’s supporters,whodenouncedthepope’sa was extremely important fortheongoing polemic betweenBonifaceVIIIandPhilip the ministerial nature of theauthority whichhadbeendelegated.Theissueatstake can withit” because “the superior cannotactasconvenientl with asecondary cause” in some agentwhenthecandowit People history.Thewayinwhichhedefinedthe he explainedalsothroughtheinterpretation forth toservehim inthe“destructionofFrenchkingdom.” both spiritualandtemporal matters wasadoc 118 117 116 115 Moses’ actofbestowingon in whichallpoweriscontained, kings) allowed him toconcludethat“…inas People withouttheministers whom theya quicquid potest cum causa secunda. DEP, habere plenum posse. DEP, debere subiectos esseet etEcclesieRomane sibi sicut inspiritualibus intemporalibus etregnumFrancie regem procedere et palam expresse comminatusiactavit fuitet Plaisians: … Forinstanceinmemorandum the

…ita commode nec ita bene potest superior sine inferiori sicut potest cum eo. DEP, cumeo. potest sicut inferiori sine superior itabene commodenec potest …ita Eo itaqueEo modo quo Summus Pontifexhabet possein quoreservatur omneposse, dicimusipsum …quod plenitudo potestatis est in aliquo agente quando illud agens potest sine causa secunda In hiscommentary on thepassagesfr in corde suo statuit et firmavit adconcussionem et destructionem regis et regni Francie 118 .

didnotimply adecreaseinpower; Boniface VIII en procès,Boniface VIII 3, 9, 362-363. 3, 9, 362-363. 116 (itwasclearthatbothMosesandGodcouldleadthe

an “inferior power”the capa Hec suntscripta 3, 9,360-363. we saythathehasafullpower.” 747-748. (emphasis added) (emphasisadded) 747-748.

hout asecondarycause ppointed, namely thejudgesandlater of theconstitutivemoments oftheChosen much asthe Supreme Pontiffhasapower buses ingoverningtheChurch,whichhe ture of temporal authority, which could ture oftemporal authority,whichcould trinal invention whichBoniface VIIIset (1310) of William of Nogaret and William of of William Nogaretand of William of (1310) y oraswellwithouttheinferiorit plenitudo potestatis om ExodusandtheFirstBookof plenitudo potestatis, se facere constitutionem qua declararet qua constitutionem se facere on thecontrary,it prohibitio sanguinis. city toactinhis name 115

whatever itcando , a doctrine which , adoctrinewhich which “resides just underlined 117 2, 14, 248-249. 14,248-249. 2, Therefore, These 35 CEU eTD Collection legitimate act. solution ofacouncilbrandishedbyroyal capacity toleadtheChurch inferior agents, the example ofthedivinepower,whosevi that,evenifthepopeusuallyfollowed answer inpope’sfavor.Hence,heemphasized Rome’s justified doctrinally withhis interpretation of the 121 120 119 People. Forinstance, speaking abou foundation oftheallegoricalparthisexpos discourse. Itisrelevantforhisrelianceon allegories whichway ofdeciphering werecommonplaces framing GilesofRome’spoliticalthinkingwh appointed todefenditsinterests. inferior the conditionofacknowledged power couldrulelegitimatelybyitself.Ifitagreedtosharethepower,thiswasunder history. Bymeans of whichBoniface’s understanding of plenitudine potestatis…ut quecumquepotestcu provideat SummusPontifexalicuiecclesiein to tradition, to wascontrary VIII’s refusal, which for the internal life ofthe Church. It could bedivided by internal struggles generated by Boniface 10, 368-371. (emphasisadded). added). necessarium est perviamrevoca catholicos et hereticos ordinare? Infinita sunt igitur pericula que evenirent, ad que vitanda omnino plenitudine potestatis tantum reges? Quid si unus sequeretur generale schismaEcclesie secular rulers: temporal matters with in Curiaand the bycardi in oftheletterswritten can read one We DEP, In usu quidem huiusmodi potestatis multociens subtrahuntur membris proprie acciones; ut si Another aspect oftheusage ofJewish 3, 9,364-365. De ecclesiastica potestate 121 120 Onewayof justifying itwastoemphasize itstraces insacred hecould doitlegitimately wi theSauland Moses tionis etrestitutionisprocedere. without consultinghiscounselor

plenitudo potestatis potestatis plenitudo . Quid si unus papa forte minus sapiens vellet privare de de minusvelletprivare sapiens forte papa siunus . Quid

echoed allthesecontestationswhichhetriedto

t theallegoryoftwoswords, requisitis canonicis, potestquidem hocrequisitis canonicis, facere m aliispersonisecclesiaticis potest sine illis

share his power in spiritual matters share his spiritual members power in with of papa forte hereticus vellet privare omnes cardinales exempla car hewas,whichnormally actsthrough nals Colonna to Philip the Fair about the danger the danger Fair about the toPhilip Colonna nals theorists), Gilesargue historical proofsthatheestablishedthe ich Iwanttoemphasizeisrelated tohis ity of the auxiliary power which it powerwhichit ity oftheauxiliary ition alsointhehistoryofChosen historyasnormatively exemplary in implied bothfor secular the governmentand … ex abusu plenitudinis potestatisdefacili thout them. Referring topope’s itbecame clear that the priestly plenitudo potestatis. Boniface enprocès, s (implicitly rejectingthe

of papal theocratic of papaltheocratic d that this was a d thatthiswasa 122 868. (emphasis whichfrom 119 Gilesof . DEP, de sua 36 3, CEU eTD Collection aimed thesovereign powerof toemphasize which encompassedbiblicalmodels andthat the moments fortherelationshipbetweenC Constantine theGreat. Giles analyzed thisex action, wassustained referringtoth genealogy whichobligedboththepopeandth referring tothe“lawofnature”and novelties couldnotbejudged under theunderstanding of thetwoswords characteristicofthe that underthe“lawofnature” spiritual sword, Gilesmentioned Melchized developing thearguments meant toproveth arguments inthepapalistwritings,Giles by anchoring them inthe tradition. Displaye exemplarity toexplainthe politicalstructures wear it. was rootedinthe“Written Law,”giventhefactthatthen the Jewsreceived akingto Bernard ofClairvaux’sexpositiononLuke 123

DEP, translatio imperii The doctrineofthesovereignpower 2.2.b. Christian exemplarity 1, 7,44-45. 123 Thisfragment tooallowsimplying and the that thematerial sword always acted

as thedangerousinnovations the swordswereunited.Thenhesaidthatseparation pactum Lodovicianum.Tracingamystical genealogy e “LawofGrace”bymeans ofthe “Law ofGrace”(and acceptedin hisowntime

provided a historical background. Before provided ahistoricalbackground.Before 22:38 onwards was one of the most 22:38onwardswasoneofthe used hurch andlaypowerintheWest,namely “Written Law,”establishing amystical ample in the context of other constitutive ample inthecontextofotherconstitutive theChurch.Including arguments taken ek andJob,whosereignsdemonstrated at thematerial swor d inthislight, BonifaceVIII’s doctrinal ofhistime, hetriedtostrengthen which ofthefirst Christianemperor, Giles theChurch whichGilesset forth by e secularrulertomimetic political that GilesofRome usedbiblical of ahereticalpope. ad nutumEcclesiae d wassubjecttothe exemplum 37 of ) CEU eTD Collection Chosen People. royal titles, linking ittothe particular situationoftheFrenchkingdom refute in the polemic withthedefenders of the Capetian’s sovereign power. The power wasdetermined bytheparticularities and Christian.Theinclusionoftheseargum necessary, anchored in the twofold institutional heritage of theWest, namely Jewish framed withthisinterpretationwhichmade with biblical,theological and philosophicalarguments. object wassovereignpowerinthetemporal from secularhistory was anecessity imposed bythenature of thecontroversy, whose 127 126 125 124 sovereign claims for thepolemicists was acknowledgedbythepapacy, became argument against BonifaceVIII’s an Crusade. Lombard menaceandRoman nobility)andFren fought againstthosewhoattackedthepope interests andthoseof theChristianity in theonewhoalwaysdefendedits the kingasmost sonoftheChurch, beloved event engendered inFrancethedoctrineof empire fromtheeasttoth relationship withthe papacy, in which the c et in instance for French the of representation itssuperior and nation French the of “sanctity” Krynen, (hereafter: 1993) Gallimard, Ibid., 209. Beaune, Jacques Krynen, Whatthepopeaccusedas van christianissimi reges Francorum et devotus clerus et devotus Francorum reges christianissimi 125 Naissance Philipthe Fairwasthefirst kingwhousedchristianissimus 126 L’Empire du roi. Idées et croyances politiques en France. XIIIe-XVe siècles(Paris: France. en politiques etcroyances Idées duroi. L’Empire Therefore, this title, whoselegiti , 208. e westthroughCharlemagne’s image oftheFrench nation as

ity ofthe French wasintheroyalcamp anargument toaffirm the L’empire the words of the cardinal Peter Colonna: Semper enim PeterColonna: sunt ofthecardinal words the defending PhiliptheFair’s position. ), 101. general.TheFrenchkingwastheonewho

subordinationtowards Churchsovereignty ity among Christian people. One can can read this One Christian people. ity among (as PepinandCharlemagne didagainstthe onstitutive eventwasthe translation of the matters, which couldnotbearguedonly of theFrencharguments whichhehadto wasdetermined bythehistoryofits et in fide constantissimus populusGallicanus fide in et ents inGiles’expositionofthepapal rex christianissimus ch werethefirstwhoengaged in the mate attribution to the French king 124 Amysticuniversalism was coronation byLeoIII.This beata gens , whichpresented and asthenew as one of the asoneofthe 127 But for But 38 , CEU eTD Collection horrendum esset repetere. quod frequentissime; utebatur similibus horum Etiiset Gallici.” quam cognitionis status proprii etplus fidei habet plus quam Certeetcanis Gallicus. vellemesseprius canis sed bestia, una nobilis fatuus loquebatur asini, asini, unde eis tanta superbia? in suum me etsuperiorem dominum recognoscant per Dominum, perDominum ista superbia suppeditabitur. Quicquid debeat contingere, oportet quod temporal authoritytopopeSylvesterI. was interpretedasthefoundationactth understanding whichDonatioConstantini sovereignty, suggestingthein translation of theempire andthelegacy of Writing to defendthepapalpositionin papal hierocratic exegesisapplied to the popeallthistheore 132 131 130 129 128 kingship could notbelegitimate: of thebiblical lineage Gilesstarted bydecl This usagewascriticized byt tract, Constantine’s donation was used toserve theaims oftheimperialized papacy. role ofthenewChosenPeoplewa Fiction and Its OriginalMeaning point: this Gallicanorum Colonna’s depositions inthe process against defenders declarations that the king knew nosuperior. The passage is taken from one of Peter place intheflockled by thepopewas. Here is a misunderstanding provoked by their insane arrogance, which made them to forget which their normal was ridiculed by Boniface VIII. For papalist interpretation of Constantine’s donation by John of Paris, Quaestio in utramque partem, Rex pacificus/ Quaestio de potestate pape. de potestate Quaestio Rex pacificus/ partem, in utramque Quaestio 176-182. 13:5] contra hereses et hereticos, schismaticos et ty Ibid., 88. 88. Ibid., Ibid., 15-16. Johannes Fried, the messianicof this justifying doctrine image But For instance, one can mention among the answers which were given by Philip IV’s defenders to the among mention IV’s the the were can answers byto instance, which defenders given Philip For one .

Boniface VIII en procès, 300. (emphasisadded). 130

orimperial Sic ei loquebatur,Sic ei subiungebat:“Domine, non knowledgeandwas ofcommon thecardinal’s Donation of Constantine and Constitutum Constantini. The Misinterpretation of of a Misinterpretation The Constantini. Constitutum and of Constantine Donation 131 Ibid. 269. (emphasis added). added). (emphasis 269. Ibid. milieus inthe ninth century. Bythetime whenGileswrotehis tical constructionmeant tosustai (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), 8. 2007), Gruyter, de Walter (Berlin: hose whodefendedtheroyalposition. anity oftheFrenchclaims. himthe allegedexcellenceofFr Constitutum Constantini, atextcomposed either in s justamanifestation ofthe rannos,“murum se opposuerunt pro domo Israël.” Boniface. Boniface VIII’s contempt forthe

reproduced thepope’s r hadatthetime. In 129 terris.” Et subiungebat: “Gallici, Gallici, imo imo ut Gallici, “Gallici, terris.” Etsubiungebat: rough whichConstant Constantine asamanifestation Constantine ofpapal aring thatwithout theChurch institution the French monarchy, made up by royal theorists, the controversy, Gilesinterpreted the

Donatio Constantini represented the Quid sunt? in quo excellunt alios? in excellunt sunt? quo Quid habemus superiorem interris. Ecce superbia! statement beconsidered can relevant for De potestate regia et papali n the idea of the providential n theideaofprovidential He referredtothecommon

anks in matter anks inoffaith wasjust eaction towardsthePhilip’s See Rivière, See the currenttradition,it superbia gallicana. ine entrusted his ine entrustedhis 132 Asinthe case Le problème, non dico superbia superbia or in the the or in [Ezek. 128 39

CEU eTD Collection Ullmann, “The Origins of the Ottonianum,” It confirmed theterritorial possessions bestowed by Pippin and Charlemagne to the Holy SeeWalter their spiritual fathers Pactum Lodovicianum Furthermore, Gilesstatedthatthe 136 135 134 133 fountain,” Gilesaffirmedth wanted toemphasize theuniversalityof sovereign powerofthepope. Constantine bestowedonSylvestertheywerenotboundtoacknowledgethe Franks toarguethatsincetheirkingdom argument ofheFrenchtheoristswhoused commonplaces ofthepolemics betweenth L’Empire, Krynen, century. fifteenth the theempireuntil and the papacy with controversy the in invoked being kingdom towards papacy and empire. His argument was taken over by the majority of the polemicists, VIII. John of Paris inthe first time inthepoliticaldiscourse the context of the struggle between Ph ipsam simpliciter et sine diminucione reges. 290-293. DEP, 3,2, qui non fuerint perEcclesiam regesvel non fuerint per eam digni et veri reges,vel non fuerint per regesvelprincipes cetero de fuerunt estuniversalis nulli domina, id estCatholica, facta Ecclesia hoc ex quia Ecclesia, formata Ecclesia…Sed Christi licet sicsit,advenientetamen etexlatere legenova omnes reges potenciam quam habent recognoscunt ab ipso. Quia prius fuit regia potestas quam esset Developed din the seventh century, the legend of the Trojan origins of the Franks was used for the

DEP, Pactum Lodovicianum designates the arrangement concluded in 817 between Paschal Iand Louis I. Sed forte dices quod ab hoc fonte non derivatur omnis potencia, quia non omnes principes vel non fount, because notallprinces or But perhaps youwillsaythatnoteverypowerisderived from this Passages like this, repeatedwithslight and withoutdiminution. kings, throughher,orwho wereno who werenotmade kings,orwho is, universallord,therehavesubs the sideofChrist,becauseChur NewLaw,andwiththeformationcoming ofthe oftheChurchfrom before theChurchwasinbeing…Butalthoughthismay withthe beso, power whichtheyholdcomes from 3, 11, 380-381. 380-381. 11, 3, 102-104.

136 De potestate regia et papali 135 since “thereisnotruejustice

could notbeinterpretedasdonationsmade bylayrulersto at therecouldbenosovere

134 133 Becauseallrightfulgovernment“derivedfrom this

Donatio Constantini Cambridge HistoricalJournal

not all kings acknowledge thatthe t throughhermade kingsabsolutely equently beennokingsorprinces ch wastherebymade Catholic,that was notaprovinceintheempirewhich was the legendaboutTr were notmadeworthyandtrue used it to prove the independence of the French it.Fortherewas royal power ecclesiastical aut differences everytime whentheauthor e king and pope. Giles rejected the e kingandpope.Gilesrejectedthe where Christisnotthe ruler and and its confirmation by the and itsconfirmation bythe ign powerbuttheChurch. 1 (1953): 116-117. hority, echoedother ilip the Fair ad Boniface ojan originofthe 40 CEU eTD Collection nuovo documento del conflitto fraBonif conflitto documento del nuovo pape pape. pope shouldnotinterfereinthesecularmatters the placethatheascribed official recognitionofthisright. temporal lordship.Thus,theemperors’ sustained thatevenbeforeConstantin time between the lastmonths Giles dealing withthe founder.” 141 140 139 138 137 New Testament inordertoconfer authority on apolitical pattern builtontheideaof the empire isarelevantillu contemporary Christian rulers to follow it. the continuity of apolitical pattern by means ofbiblical for, referring tothehistorical sequences of the “law of nature” and the “Written Law” enforced thedoctrine oftheChurchas sole sourceoflegitimacy thatheargued ascribed tosecular rulers. acknowledged tohim byConstantine,throughministers. This obedientposition was ecclesie, sirecteregant,et debent Chris vicarios talia exercere. Omnes ergo reges etprin nemo militans Deo implicat senegotiis secularibus a Constantino, ius tamen dominandi sibi debebatur de iure. Verum quia secundum sententiam Apostoli, conditor Christus. DEP, studi sulla tradizione filosofica medievale medievale filosofica tradizione sulla studi Ibid., 191. Ibid., 199. Thetext of Executionem ergo dominiivel eviden Non est enim vera iusticia, ut ipse ibidem dicit et ut est pluries repetitum, ubi non est rector et et estrector non ubi repetitum, estpluries etut dicit ibidem iusticia, ipse vera estenim ut Non di Egidio Romano (con un’appendice su Borromeo di Bologna e la 138 Using amodel forthesuccessionof power

Giles delivered itshortlybefore hewrote 137 Themeaning of thissentencewasclearerformulated intheother workof De potentia domini pape domini De potentia 3, 11, 382-383. 382-383. 11, 3, exempla. Itwasaunitarydiscourseonpowermeant tosustain Donatio Consantini 141 stration for howGileslinkedth to secularrulerswithinth

of 1301andthebeginning1302. 140 ti vicariumrecognoscere suum superiorem. tiam facti, coadiuvante civilipot , with acommentary waspublishedbyConcettaLuna, “Un acio VIII e Filippo il Bello: il discorso ildiscorso ilBello: VIIIeFilippo acio III, 1 (1992): 167-239. 167-239. 1(1992): III, Moreover,tothesame Gilesconnected assertion e made his donationtheChurchhad

which hadtooblige,byitshistoricity, bestowal representedonlythepublicand One of his comments onthetranslationof One ofhiscomments , namely the sermon , debet ecclesiaet universaliter clericipersuos cipes etiamintemporali dominio sunt ministri , he had to exercise the right which was , hehadtoexercisetherightwhichwas takenfrom secularhistory,Giles De ecclesiasticapotestate e papalmonarchy. Becausethe e modelsoftheOldand entia, potuitecclesia accipere Eger cui lenia cui Eger De potentiadomini De potentia domini domini De potentia Ibid., 226. 226. Ibid., 139 ThereGiles ),” Documenti e e Documenti , some 41 CEU eTD Collection instituit; evellerevero, prout de iudicare; quodnonessetnisi po sit deeautrum bona instituere et habet terrenam potestatem habet potestas occidentem…spiritualis plantes” te hodie super gentes et regna, ut evellas et dynastic succession superfluous: inferred forthetemporal government ofhistim Hence, theauthorstressesconsequen historical eventofCharlemagne’s advent authoritative model. Ithadthestrength acting as a lordinthe temporal affairs wastherepetition of anacceptedand considered asadesirable the normative powerof thehistorical model inframing thepattern of whatthepapacy of histime: fulfilled inthe Church,thisparallelism implying consequences inthepoliticalpresent repetition andcontinuity.Thus,hesaid 143 142 to answerparticular contestations formulated byFrenchroyal theorists andbythe political powerinordertoconvinceaspeci the Bibleandmimetic strengthinherent being legitimate.

DEP, Igitur de Ecclesia et de potestate ecclesiasticaet depotestate verificatur Igitur deEcclesia illud vaticinium Ieremie: “Ecce,constitui … and itcertainlyuprootsinasmuch plant anduproot it.Itcan indeedplant itinasmuch asitinstitutes it, must judgewhetheritbegood,which to thewest…thespiritual powermustinstitute theearthly powerand because the Supreme Pontiff hastransferredtheempire fromtheeast to buildandplant.”…Forthis nations andkingdoms, touprootandde This pieceofinterpretati of ecclesiasticalpower:“Behold, Thus, theprophecyofJeremiah iss In the 3, 2,292-293. Quod et alias factum est, quia Summus Pontifex transtulit imperium de oriente in in de oriente imperium transtulit Pontifex factum est, Summus quia et alias Quod De ecclesiastica potestate ipsa iudicat an sitbona. DEP, sset eamplantare etevellere.Plant political relationship.InG

on illustratesthewayinwh 143 onlytherulersappoint of prophecyandwasprovedbytheconcrete Gilestackled boththepolitical exegesis of

that theprophecyfrom Jeremiah 1:10was to theempire throughpontificalmediation. asitjudgeswhetherisgood. hasbeenaccomplished already, hown tobetrueoftheChurchand fied audience.Hisdiscoursewasintended I havetodayplaced you above destruas et disperdas et ces whichthis theoretical construction in theconstitutivemoments ofChristian would notbesounlessitcould e. Forinstance,itmade therulesof stroy anddispersescatter, 1, 16-19. 4, 1, iles’ interpre are quidem eam potest, prout eam ich Gilesunderstoodusing ed throughpriesthood dissipes, edifices et dissipes, tation, thepope 142

42 CEU eTD Collection the doctrinalnoveltiesofBonifaceVIII’s pontificate. normative power ofhistorytoju dissenting ItaliancardinalswhojoinedPh

stify concrete political actions, toanchor intradition

ilip theFair’s camp. Hemastered the 43 CEU eTD Collection 144 debates treatedahypothetical debated bycanonists,thoroughlyglosse wrote. Inthis sense,historicalexamples and introducedinGiles’discoursetoofferlegaljustifica who hadrelinquishedthepapalofficeinth historical concept of discourse onspiritualandsecularpowers.ThroughoutthischapterIwillusethe had inGilesofRome’spoliticalwriting. of the narrow framework,thisscarc restrained contextof discourse by means of historical references. In thistreatise Gilesused them inthe possible todiscover new depthsand empha Kenneth Pennington (Vatican:Biblio Proceedings ofthe Sixth InternationalCongress Medieval of Canon Law 429. P. Herde, “Election and Abdication of the Pope: exempla From thesecondhalfoftwelfthcentu 3.1.The circumstancesof exempla abdication inthecontemporaryscholarship The usageof exempla CANONICAL EXEMPLARITY INGILESOFROME’S EXEMPLARITY CANONICAL inDerenunciationepape canonical exemplarity in De ecclesiasticapotestate. inthistract.Bycanonical quotationsfrom thecanonlaw. exempla RENUNCIATIONE PAPE PAPE RENUNCIATIONE ity therebylimiting athorough analysis as that donefor

situation sinceitwasknown that theabdicationofa in Gilesof Rome’s teca Apostolica Vaticana, 1985) (h . The problem of papal De renunciationepape.Theproblemofpapal CHAPTER 3: CHAPTER toreferandcategorizeGiles’handlingof stressestheplacethathistorical argumentation figureasprecedents withlegalforce. d anddiscussedintheuniversities.

Nevertheless, Ithinkth

Practice and Doctrine in the Thirteenth Century,” e pastwhichweretakenfromcanonlaw They wereadetermining factorinhis exempla ry theproblem of ses inhisconstruction of apolitical De renunciationepapemakes it Imean theexamples ofpopes They were used only in this They wereusedonlyinthis tion for thedefensewhichhe ereafter: Herde, “Election”): ereafter: Herde, , ed. Stephan Kuttner and and Kuttner Stephan ed. , papal abdicationwas at the particular use DE 144 These 44 CEU eTD Collection 21-23; Paravicini, in May 1296. For further details concerning the Greece. He did not manage to leave Italyand was im Celestine fledBoniface VIII’s supervision andtrie new pope who intended to make himlive in his vicinity. Intending to join his former hermitage, on Mount Morrone which he hadleft when hewaselected pope. The permission wasrefused by the who became24 Decemberpopeon 1294, permission to the legitimacyof the act, unanimously accepted his December 1294.The College ofCardinals, among them endedaccepting hisdecision.He by papal office(heshuthimselfinto awooden cellin hi the of the burden carrying hermit, without asa life his continue to desire obvious pope’s the Given acasehad never occurred. ifsuch even throne, papal the renouncing legally of the possibility about Benedict Caetani,acknowledgedasoneoftheouts relinquishi of the possibility about cardinals the of November, 1294, itbecame obviousthat hewas unable papal office due to his lack ofeducation and his obvious desire to return to his hermitic life. By of the papal office. He was renow formulation inthe the community ofthefaithfulrepresentedbyGeneralCouncil. pope’s freedom torenouncehisofficebyhi the resignationbypo states thatthepopecannotbeforcedto both beforeandafterCelestineV’sabdi pope byhisownfreewillhadnotoccurredas 146 145 Summa matter inthethirteenthcentury,Gilesof opinions were widelyadoptedandcomm clarified bothaspectsof when helapsed intoheresy. pope’s resignationbecame ahistoricalfact. discussion changedwithCelestineV’ from Gratian to the Great Great Schism to the Gratian from Thehermit, PeterofMorrone,waselectedpope(C Brian Tierney,

The discussionprevious toDecember,1294,wasbaseduponGratian’s The leadingfigurewasHuguccio,apr ad Decretum(1188-1190)hetreatedthetwoside Boniface VIII Boniface Foundations of the Conciliar Theory. The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists Canonists Medieval the of TheContribution Theory. Conciliar the of Foundations Decretum thepapalabdication. pe’s ownfreewill,hestatedthat itwaspermissible forthree , 76-84. , 76-84. 146 , (Leiden: Brill, 1998) 1998) Brill, (Leiden: ned for his sanctity, butbarely pr Dist.

TheDecretistsofthetwel abdicated before the CollegeoftheCardinalsin Naples on 13 21, c.7 s abdication on 13December 1294,whena renounce histhrone,excep Rome andJohnofParisamong others.Inhis event of Celstine V’sabdication,seeEastman, ofCelstine event Papal

ng the office. Among those consulted was cardinal wascardinal consulted Among the office. those ng Nunc autem. tanding jurists of his time, who informed Celestine Celestine informed time, ofhis who jurists tanding cation, wasfocusedon resignation. The former po s residenceatCastelnuovoinNaples) thecardinals s own choice andhisforceddepositionby 145 ented onbypolemicists discussingthe ented d toreachthecommunity of theCelestinesin elestine V)inJuly1294 prisoned in the Castle of Fumone, where he died a historicalevent.Theframeworkofthe (hereafter: Tierney, to carry on his duties and he started to enquire Thediscussionconcerningthematter, the twocardinals Colonna who later contested end his lifeinthe hermitage ofSant’Onofrio ofessor of canon law at Bologna. His ofessor ofcanonlawatBologna.His That passageofthe s of theproblem.Concerning fth centurywentfurther and epared forthe necessitiesofthe Foundations after atwo-yearvacancy pe asked Boniface VIII, t inonesituation, two aspects: the ), 52. Decretum 45 ,

CEU eTD Collection order, sicknessoroldage. reasons: thequestforamoreperfectlife 149 148 147 namely, thedesirefor abetter spiritual adopted from drafted aconstitution whichsetthelegalgrounds fortheabdication. Theonlyreasons examples mentioned in the about thepossibilityofle consulted them, CardinalBenedictCaetan bishop whorenouncedthejurisd was bishopofRomeandhisabdicationjust for CelestineV’sabdicationwasconstructe a more perfectlifehadtobe or ifhemade anykindofscandal.Thesame his diocese,forquestionablebehavior,a could relinquish hisdignity ifhedid nothavethenecessaryknowledgetoadminister IX’s collectionofdecretals, renunciation thatwaselaboratedinthereignofInnocentIIIand had become partofcanonlawintheprevi by theGeneralCouncil. notorious crimes, hehadtobesubjected into theChurch.”Ifpopewouldnot categorized thesecrimes underthegeneral abdication ofapope:manifestheresy,notor Eastman, Tierney, Herde, “Election,” 429. Another legalsourceusedontheoccasi Foundations, Papal, Liber Extrawerethosewhichcouldbea 3-4. 53-58. 148 147

gally relinquishingtheoffice. They broughtforwardthe Decretum Healsostatedthecircumstances thatallowedtheforced allowed toentrymonasticlife. Liber Extra

ictional powerofhisoffice. and thearguments from

1.19.10.Thereitwasstatedthatabishop which wouldmake apopeentermonastic to thejudgment oftheChurch,represented ous century wasaprinciple about episcopal repent andwouldstubbor i, thefutureBonifaceVIII,amongothers, d on these grounds set by canon law. He d onthesegroundssetbycanonlaw.He heading of the “what could raise scandal heading ofthe“whatcouldraisescandal criminal act, if the communityhatedhim, sourcestipulatedthatanyclericseeking life,bodilyweakness, andlackof ious fornication,robbery,sacrilege.He on ofCelestineV’sabdicationwhich ified by his legal advisors as that of a ified byhislegaladvisorsasthatofa pplied toCelestine V’scase, 149 Before his abdication he Beforehisabdicationhe Liber Extra1.19.19and Thelegaljustification recorded inGregory nly persist in his nly persistinhis 46 CEU eTD Collection knowledge. 153 152 151 150 granted previously toSpirituals anddisba resignation ofthepope,especi prove thatCelestineVhadalsothisright. of thecanonistictraditionanddiscussedcases ofhistoricalabdicationsinorderto theological andphilosophicalar theological debatesand thetwomaster sustained thelegitimacy ofCelestine’s of FontainesandPeterAuvergne,fo of theFranciscanorde theology attheUniversityofParisandPete framework ofthecanonlaw.Thefirstre VIII’s canonical collection, constitution alsobecame partofcanonlaw who coulderadicatethe worldlin from hisprotection.Forthem, Celestine V toseparatefrom theFranciscansand Spirituals and thePoorHermits of Celestine. evangelical life. renonciation”):184;Eastman, “Papal,” 21-22. Boniface VIII,” JeanLeclercq, “Larenonciation de CélestinVet Eastman, “Giles,” 208-209. Leclercq, “La renonciation,” 185-189. 11. Ibid., Peter Olivi’s writingon thematter echoe The polemicoccasionedbyCelestineV’srenunciation wasplacedinthe 150 Therefore,Celestine’sabdicatio Revue d’histoire del’Église deFrance 153 Onthe otherhand, BonifaceVIII,whorevoked theconcessions r. Inthequodlibetalquestionsof Liber Sextus.

guments. Nevertheless,the ally thedebatesamong the ess oftheChurchandreturn rmulated in1295and1296,respectively,they 151

152 nded theCelestines,wasconsiderednew to foundaneworder,whichtookitsname of the angelic pope V embodiedtheidealofangelicpope s answeredthemmainly bymeans of

in 1298, when it was included in Boniface in 1298,whenitwasincludedBoniface r Olivi,oneoftheoutstandingtheologians plies wereformulated bythemasters of

abdication. Thesequestionsservedin ThelatterhadbeenallowedbyCelestine l’opinion théologique enFrance du vivant de n hadalegaljustification.This d the opinions of his order on the d theopinionsofhisorderon 25 (1939) (hereaft (1939) 25 theParisianmasters Godfrey authors soughtthesupport it totheexigencies ofan radical branches of the radical branchesofthe er: Leclercq,“La 47 CEU eTD Collection fought BonifaceVIIIas and thelaterone,in1303 Church. ThreeSpiritualswereamong thesi were among thosewhoreactedagainstBoni renunciation throughthemachination ofjuri Antichrist. 157 156 155 154 came withthemanifesto preparedinLunghezzaon10May1297. refused todelivertheirrelativeandcastles into thepope’shands. restored thepopedeposedColonnasfrom treasure wasstolenbya Colonnas and theCaetanisreacheditsp rebellious cardinals,James andPeterCo lent theirdiscoursethepo wrote afterCelestine’srenunciation, wantingto defenditslegitimacy, becausethey abdications whichwererecorded in theca generally theologicalandphilosophical.ButOl legitimate. As inthecaseofParisi thatCelestine’sabdicationwas two occasions,in1295and1297,stated Paravicini , Leclercq, “La renonciation,” 185, 189. Eastman, Bernard McGinn, “Angel Pope and Papal Antichrist,” ChurchHistory 3.2.Canonical exemplarityin The debate was intensified in 1297 following the contestations of the The debatewasintensifiedin1297followingthecontestationsof

154 Papal, Papal, Boniface TheyaccusedBonifaceofhavingbroughtabouthispredecessor’s 52-53 , 159-173. , 159-173.

pugil Christi. wer of thelegaltradition.

relative ofthecardinals. their leader, Ubertino of Casale, salutedPhilipIV,who

De renunciationepape 155 eak in May, 1297, when Boniface’s personal eak inMay,1297,whenBoniface’spersonal

lonna. Theoldfamily conflictbetweenthe

an masters oftheology,hisreasonswere Olivi wroteaboutthe non law.Theywereusedbythosewho gnatories ofthefirstColonnamanifesto face VIII’simperialgovernment ofthe dical principlesandfraud.Thus,they their cardinaldi their ivi alsousedtheaccountsofhistorical 156

Even thoughthetreasurewas 47 (1978): 155-173. 155-173. (1978): 47 gnities because they gnities becausethey papal abdicationon 157 Theirreply 48 CEU eTD Collection considered avoidofauthority. Council electedalegitimate spouseforthe both Celestine V’sabdication andofB proposed thesolutionofGeneralCouncil, abdicate bythefraudsandmachinations him from Furthermore,thecardinals this. papacy, beingthesupreme dignitybestowed presented theirviewintwel Accordingly, itwassaidthatCelestin illegitimacy ofCelestine the form ofananswertohisenquiry.Themain pointstatedtheirmanifesto wasthe about the legitimacy of hisstatus. Therefore, discussed by thecardinals, whoclaimed pope ( the pope’scourt.According tothetextof refusedtoappearbefore when James andPeterColonnachallengedhimwhenthey 159 158 of thecounciloverpope,butmaintain the writingsof thefourteenth century conciliarists. Theydidnotaffirm thesuperiority Therefore, intheirprotests,theGeneralC pope. OnlytheGeneralCouncilhadau constituted asolutionbecause atthe moment Ibid., 35-40 Boniface VIIIenprocès , 33. quia volebatscireutrumipsesitpapa It wasconceivedofasananswerto V’s abdicationand ofBonifaceVIII’saccession.

ve points,arguingthatthepopecannot 159 IntheColonnas’protestsGeneralCouncil e Vhadnottheri

oniface VIII’selection. ouncil didnothavethesame meaning asin the manifesto, Boniface that Boniface himself wasnot convinced carriedoutby cardinal Caetani. They ). maintained thatCelestine wasforced to a questionthatBonifaceallegedlyasked directly by God; only God can absolve directlybyGod;onlyGodcanabsolve they puttheattack 158 thority toremoveanunworthypope. theChurchdidnothave alegitimate ed thattheGeneralCouncilwasan whichhadtojudgethelegitimacy of Church, Boniface’stenurehadtobe Thepope’squestionwasthoroughly s against the popein ght toresign.They asked if he was the asked ifhewasthe Until theGeneral abdicate the 49 CEU eTD Collection College of Cardinals. pope, who,contrarytoChurchtradition re throne throughfraud.More exceptional solutiontobeadopted 167 166 165 164 163 162 161 160 lawfulness became amatter ofdebateinthepolemical literature defendingthepapal included complementarily thediscussionof papal abdication was alegitimate act. Thepol right toabdicate bymeans ofexamplesr showed thisweaknessintheargumentati to abdicate,wasnotsupportedbycanonlaw. other hand,themain accusationoftheColonnas,namely thatCelestineVhadnoright was said, canonlawallowedthedeposition ofapopewho lapsed into them. Onthe charges belongedtothecategoryof“whatco carnis, the Church’sgoodswereadded.Thepopewasalsotoblame fortheexcessibus by hisimprisonment. Theyalsoprot pseudopresul Castle ofPalestrinaon16May Council wererestatedinothe Boniface VIII’sreign. Ibid., 44-45; 54. 57. Ibid., Herde, 432. Tierney, 52. Ibid., 61. Ibid., 52. 43; Ibid., Boniface VIIIenprocès, 166 Excepting theaccusationconcerningCelestine V’sabdication,the other The illegalityofBonifa avagueformulation whichpointed toBonifaceVIII’slust. Foundations, 161

and 165 145-146. pseudoprefectus 160 53. 53. Accusationsofcorruption,si

over, hewasapatricide, r twomanifestosmade public

ce’s pontificateandthesu inaparticulars ested againstthety 162 and 15June1297.Bonifacewascalled

becausehewasseento haveobtainedthe on, constructingthedefenseofpapal ecorded incanon law,whichprovedthat igned without askingtheadviceof theforcedresigna emic raised byCelestineV’s resignation uld raisescandalinto 167 ituation suchastheillegitimacy of Therepliestotheseaccusations 163 mony, maladministration and of provokingCelestineV’sdeath rannical government by theColonnasfrom their mmoning of the General mmoning oftheGeneral tion ofthepope.Its the Church.” As theChurch.”As 164 ofthe 50 CEU eTD Collection medieval the characterofdefensethathesetfort in thelight of thesedebatesemphasizes their position inlegal history. The analysis of Giles of Rome’s or theroyalcause.Thesupportersofbothth 171 170 169 168 point inthehistory ofthepon Church, inDerenunciationepape arguments,” whichhadnorealpersuasive content,serving onlyto deceivethe sons” ofthepope insanity (vecordia the fathers.” Inhisturn, Gilesinvitedthereader tobewise andnottobelievethe indicated to the wise. from theBookofJobafter be answered witha“weboffaith”inGod’ verse thewiseman iswarnednot to trust the quotation takenfrom theBookofJob, treatise asareplytothetwelveColonna the Colonnasandtodefend thelegitimacy Boniface VIIItorefutetheobjections toth the accusationsformulated bytherebelli writing. ediderunt. Exinde confidentes de suo sensu nimium presumentes quasdam raciones sophisticas ad includendum mentes fidelium universalis ecclesie sponsum legitimum impugnare sunt conati. sunt legitimum impugnare ecclesie sponsum universalis dominum Bonifacium papam VIII divina providencia verum dei vicarium ac sacrosancte Romane et Job 8:14. Job 8:8. 1, 141. 141. DRP, 1, “Non eiplacebit vecordia sua etsicuttela aranea This tract, writtenin1297, wastheoffici exordium; ) ofthearguments whichwereusedinhistimes “deserter bythe 171 169 tomislead thefaithful.In 170 the argument inherentinthis Thesourcethat he suavecordiain summun nostru a sequencewherethesources tifical institution. Therefore, heusedtheargument ofthe

Giles developedanargument meanttoanchorhis 168

whichwasausualrhetoricaldevicein of Boniface’saccession. points.Gilesbeganthetreatisewitha e right of papalabdication formulated by s justice.Thiswarning came intheverse h inhispleaforpapal new shadesofmeaning inhispolitical ous cardinals. Gileswasappointedby was advisedtoaskthe“memory of rum fiduciaeius.” Quidammoderni temporisde e pope and king sought justification for e popeandkingsoughtjustificationfor insanity of thefool. Thisinsanity hadto al answerthepapalinstitutiongaveto

DRP verseindicatedthepurposeand order torefutethese“sophistic m pontificem sanctissimum patrem m pontificem , 1,

139. 139. of realknowledgewere De renunciationepape legitimacy. Inthis He structuredhis 51 CEU eTD Collection , III, medievale 1(1992):filosofica 156. unanimously agreedthatthepopecouldbe modifying thecommon interpretationofcer relied oncanonical common interpretationofthese contemporaneous deedsofthepopesinpast. construction indefenseofthepapalmonarchy, it wasframedinthecanonistictradition. Clement, Marcellinus and Cyriacus, takenfrom authority oftheGeneralC by hisownfreewillwaslegiti could act exclusively upon hisownwill.A indicating the precedents his viewon thesovereigntyofpapal pope couldbesubjectedtothejudgment of theGeneralCounc interpretation oftheseexamples allowedhi legitimized his pointthat Celestine was allowedtoabdicate. Plus,his particular of andadangerousnovelty.Heusedthecanonical after Bible,themain authoritative source testimonies oftheirresignations dignityinthepast.Gilesexamples usedthe of thepopeswhohadrenouncedtheir 172 Political Thought as Exemplified in in asExemplified Thought Political John R. Eastman, “Giles of Rome and His Fidelity to Sources in the Context of Ecclesiological Ecclesiological of Context in the “GilesofRome to R.Eastman, Sources John His Fidelity and Arguing withinthisframework, hecha In In thiswayGilesrejected theaccu De renunciationepape exempla

in thecanonistictraditionhejustifiedclaim thatthepope ouncil withouthisconsent. toprovethatthepopecoul

mate andBonifaceVIIIcoul as they had beenrecorded incanon law, whichwas, exempla De renunciatione pape, Giles ofRome theexamples discussed ofpopes inordertoservehistheocratic views.Giles

that heusedtoconstructhisdefense. monarchy in the canonistic tradition: by sation thatapapalabdicationwasunheard ccordingly, theabdication of CelestineV m torejecttheColonnas’claim thatthe tain passages. For instance, the canonists tain passages.Forinstance,thecanonists Giles conceivedalegalandhistorical deposed ifhelapsed meant toanchorthejustificationof thehistory of thepapalinstitutionas nged, incertaincircumstances, the exempla ” d actexclusivelyuponhiswill, Documenti e studi sulla tradizione tradizione sulla estudi Documenti aslegalprecedentswhich d not be subjected to the the to subjected be d not il. Inthiswayherooted andpersistedin 172

52 CEU eTD Collection text stated: magnify it.Thiswasalso thecase withth those whowantedtorestraintthesovereign powerofthepopeandbythoseseekingto Dist. exempla John ofParis,thepolemicistwhoreplie heresy. 174 173 to hiscaseasitwasgiveninthe Diocletian’s persecution andsacrificedto his argument upontheexample ofpopeMarcellinus,whoreignedinthetime of view concordantwith 210. episcopi huius racionis causam dicentes, quia prima sedes non iudicabitur aquoquam. illi quidem Assignabant tuo ex condempnaberis. ore inquiunt: tuam. causam Et rursus tuo sinu in sibi tuam. dixerunt causam Rursus iudica tuo sed ore sed collige iudico, iudico, in nostro audiri : noli nostro ei:non dicebant sepissime ausus est, sed sentenciam eum proferre in episcoporum illorum episco concilio coram papa idem Etcum sacrificavit. ydolis faciendo quod imposuit, superprunas thuris grana templum ingressus paganorum metu 231. (1975): Jeffreyfor Heresy,” Pope A. Mirus,the “Onthe of Deposition Deinde eciam ponitur exemplum de Marcellino papa, qui compulsus non simpliciter, sed passionis passionis sed simpliciter, non compulsus qui papa, Marcellino exemplum de eciamponitur Deinde 21, c.7 173 idolatry whichIhaveunhappilycommitted, Idecidetodepose myself; that he deposed himself saying:I,Marcellinus, because ofthe crime of Roman thatMarcellinusgaveasentenceagainst himself pontiffs, and But Hugguciosaysout ofwhatit He alsoquotedHuguccio’sglo papal office]willnotbe judgednowhither. bishops entrustedthecasetohisjudgment, sayingthatthefirstsee[the And alsotheysaid:youwillbec you shallnothearitfrom ourjudgment, butweighyourselfcase. judgment, butthroughyourownmouth.Moreover,theysaidtohim: but theywiselytoldhim: yourcase bishopsdared nevertheless noneofthe pope confessedbeforethecouncilofbishopswhathehaddone, coals, indoingsohemade sacrific temple andheputthegrainsof clarified, but infact, fearing the Also thereissetforthpopeMarcel conferred ajustification givenbylegal Inhis interpretation of the matter Giles developed hisargument from this Nunc autem the tradition toapoint, but then anditsglossbyHugucciowere

Dist. 21c.7Nuncautem ss ofthischapterthe d tohim from theroyalcamp. Thecanonical ondemned byyourownmouth. Those

anodorantplantundertheburning e staunch papalist Gile the godsfearingmart martyrdom, heenteredthepagans linus’ example, whichisnoteasily e totheidols. Andwhenthesame was written in the deeds of the waswritteninthedeedsof has to be solved not through our hastobesolvednotthroughour porum se hoc fecisse confiteretur, nullus tamen tamen nullus fecisse se confiteretur, hoc porum to giveasentenceagainsthim, precedents on bothsides.Huguccio’s 174

hechangedit.He constructed : Archivum Historiae Pontificae Pontificae Historiae Archivum adopted atthe same time by yrdom. Gilesreferred s ofRome, andwith Decretum

DRP, . Boththe 9, 209- 53 13 13 CEU eTD Collection and persistentheresy. view thatthepopecouldbeobligedtogive Thus, discussingMarcellinus’renunciationG with the traditional interpretation and ende 177 176 175 had toactbyhisownfreewill;hecoul he wantedtorelinquishtheoffice.Therefor avoided passingjudgment onthepopeandentr heresy wasevident,thecommunity ofth Giles saidastheexample ofpopeMarcelli the popehadtobedeposedforthesefaultsbycommunity Church, hisbodilyormental incapacity. But pope canbeforcedtorenouncetheoffice:he Huguccio’s gloss.Helisted thecasesforwh fiat, cum ipsemet hoc faciat,ideo cumipsemet hoc voluntarie fiat, se deponat 349. 2, ecclesie, velracionesceleris, quod commisit,vel causam suam, et ipse oresuo debet seiudicare, et ipse debet seipsum deponere, si videat hoc expedire iudico me deponendum; anathematizo eciam, quicumque corpus meum tradiderit sepulture infelix commisi quod scelusydolatrie, ob Marcellinus Ego dicens: in se et sentenciam deposuit Ibid.

Sed Huguccio dicit, quod in gestis Romanorum pontificum scriptum est, quod Marcellinus dictavit dictavit Marcellinus est, quod scriptum pontificum Romanorum in gestis quod dicit, Huguccio Sed Dicamus itaque, quod nullus debet condempnare papam, sed ipse in sinu suo debet recolligere recolligere debet suo insinu ipse sed papam, condempnare debet nullus quod itaque, Dicamus Giles commentarybasedonthe tomb. I alsoanathematize andcursewhomever laymy would bodyina himself. whatever hemayhimself, dowith committed, ordue hisincapacity. Howsoeverthis may happen, could beusefultothechurch,or his ownmouth, andhehastodeposehi he hastothinkuponhiscaseinhims Therefore, wewould saythat 175 177

176 Buthedivergedfromthisviewwithhiscommenton

nobody may notcondemn thepopebut d notbelegallycoercedbyanymeans: Nunc autemandonHuguccio’sglossstarted

racione sueinsufficiencie nus made clear,thatevenwhenthepope’s e, inGiles’interpre thereforehevoluntarilydeposes duetohiscrime, thathehad elf andhehastojudgehimself by ich thecanonistic tradition statedthat the he did not reach the usual conclusion that he didnotreachtheusualconclusion that d with aconclusion which modified it. up his office as aresultofhismanifest uphisofficeas e faithful,representedbythebishops, resy, anycrime bringi iles startedbymentio . usted him withthecapacitytodecideif DRP, mself, ifitwouldseem thatit 24, 2, 349-350. 349-350. 2, 24, ofthefaithful.Instead, tation, thepopealways . Qualitercumqueergo hoc ning thetraditional ng scandal into the ng scandalintothe . DRP, 24, 24, 54 CEU eTD Collection uphold theroyalistposition. Dominican master oftheologyattheUniversityParis.The tractwasconceivedto Philip IVand BonifaceVIII,betweentheendof 1302and1303,byJohnofParis,a De potestateregiaetpapali. from thecanonlawbecomes cleare Council. the limits ofpapalpower,whichheplacedund authority oftheGeneralC fragments from canonlawwerealsoused precedents which,inhisview,renderedthei subject thepopetoauthorityof justified the papal action against them and theinadequacy of their solicitation to Arguing insupportofBoniface renunciatione pape, illegitimate popehadtobeentrusted 180 179 178 problem, namely, thedepositionofpope.HereinterpretedGiles’ order toaffirm itslawfulness.Healsoused and Boniface’selectionwerelegitimate. argued thatthepopehad answer tothemanifesto from 10May1297. PhilosophiqueVrin, J. 1942)(hereafter: Lecrecq, of thetract: Jean Leclercq, JeandeParis etl’ecclés pages 124-130. On John of Paris’ De potestate Paris’ of John regia et On papali On John Paris’conciliarismof seeTierney, John On Eastman, With thisinterpretation Gilescountere In constructinghisanalysishe 180 Papal, Healso referredtothelegal preced 77. 179

but inasensewhich,asIwill ouncil overthepope.Giles’handl 178

right toresignandconsequentlyCelestine’sabdication Itwas writteninthemiddle of theconflict between Inhisdiscussiononthepapalpowerhe VIII’s legitimacy didnotre r iftheiruseiscompared Foundations

Jean see Jean Leclercq’s comments enclosed in his edition inedition his enclosed comments Leclercq’s see Jean the judgment ofthe them totreatabouttheothersideof borrowed fromofRome’s Giles General Council,pointing tothelegal r demand void. AsIhavesaid,thesame ). ). by thosewhowantedtolegitimate the He counteredtheColonnas’claims and

er thesuperior authority of theGeneral d theColonnas’ affirmation thatthe ents ofCelestine V’sabdication in iologie du XIIIe siècle , 144-161andLeclercq, show below,contradicted it. ing oftheexamples taken strain him from stressing with thatinthetreatise General Council.He useofexamples (Paris: Librairie (Paris:Librairie Jean includedan , especially De 55 CEU eTD Collection Studies, 1971) (hereafter:JohnParis, of of Paris, body whose consent, in place of the whole Church, makes a pope, might conversely, unmake him. however, that the collegeofcardinals onitownsadequate todepo autem, where itissaidthata general council wassummoned to depose Marcellinus. I believe, argument concerningthelegitimacy ofpapalresignation: as oneamong many whichcouldbealega pontifical thronebytheRoman communityaf “general council”haddeposedhim forheresy. pope alone.Thus,inhiscommentaryonMa but herenouncedtheofficein pontificate remain unclear.Allegedly,hewa that theGeneralCouncilhadanauthority in favorofpapalabdicationalightwhich 182 181 example thatGilesdiscussed,referringto case wasrecordedin the historically thatthepopeha potestas papalis, qui renunciaverunt prefate potesta renunciaverunt qui papalis, potestas recepit… cathedram etCletum etpostLinum renunciavit Clemens quod legitur, pontficum Romanorum gestis in

For deposition, however, a general council ismore Probare ergo, quod papa possit renunciare …est probare hoc per ipsos homines, in quibus fuit fuit in ipsos homines, quibus hoc per …estprobare renunciare possit papa ergo,quod Probare office andthatheretookth Deeds oftheRomanpontiffs we cagivetheexample ofmany. For power, andwhohadrenouncedtheaf means toproveitthroughthosepe arguments, whichhave tobedirected backtothematerial cause, Therefore, toprovethatth Another examplementioned inthecanonist The commentary onhisabdicationwasconne

On Royal and Papal Power, 24, 2, 348. DRP,348. 2, 24, d therighttoabdicatewa Decretum

favorofLinusandCletus was onlyreelectedto the tr. J. A. Watt (Toronto: The Pontifical Institute for Medieval forMedieval tr.J.A. The Pontifical Institute Watt (Toronto: On Royal e seeafterLinusandCletus e popecouldrenouncethroughthese that thatClemens hadrenounced are C.8.q1c.1

), 242-243. 242-243. ), saint popeCyriacus.Th ti. Possumus ergo de multis dare exemplum. Nam exemplum. Nam dare demultis ergo ti. Possumus ople, who used to hold the papal ople, whousedtoholdthepapal favored hispurpose:to s designatedbySt.Pete which superseded that exercised by the which supersededthatexercisedbythe orementioned power.Therefore, 181 ter their death. Giles gave his example ter theirdeath.Gilesgavehisexample appropriate, as appears appropriate, as rcellinus’ resignationhestatedthata example, itcanbereadinthe l andhistoricalju

ic tradition thatGilesusedtoprove Si Petrus. cted withtheanal s givenbypopeClement. His se, foritwouldseemthatthe 182 Theaccountsofhis

is wasalegendary stification forhis justify historically r tosucceed him, from D. 21C. Nunc ysis ofthelast John 56 CEU eTD Collection revelatum est, quod essetcumillis sibi enim nocte quadam de eo, quod est.Scribitur coronatus martirio virginum XI cum milibus DRP, etofficio dignitati renunciavit coram omnibus cardinalibus et potissime invitis civibus cardinalibus St. Ursula,withwhom hesufferedmartyrdom: figure 185 184 183 Cyriacus’ examples servedtoprovehist a pope’sliabilitytojudgment. InJohn introduced them inhistextto counterthe were usedtosustainthe argument that relinquish hisoffice.On thecontrary,inJ quoting them justtoprovethat,ashad College oftheCardinals, whichrepresented that Cyriacus’history illustrated thefactthatpopecouldbedeposedby beyond theaccountrecordedincanonlawundernameofCyriacus.Johnstated the legalhistoryofpapacy.Therefore, institution which hadtojudgeanerringpope,wasrootedinexamples encompassed in the popeabdicated despitethe“cardina this conclusion goingfurther than whatwasstated inthecanon law,thatistosay, unreasonable to go further and say that in the case of his being unwilling by consent of the people thepeople of consent unwilling by of his being inthecase that further go say to and unreasonable the people do not want him to and demand him back, asin the case of St. Cyriacus. Eastman,

…possumus etterciumexemplum adducere deCyriacho,quoscriptumest,quodcumUrsula et It is not, then, unreasonable to saythatthe pope 24, 2, 351. 2, 24, 351. 183 office. office. above allinfrontofthecardinals, assembled clergyandcardinals,befo point receivingthemartyrdom’s palm ofvictory.Then,beforethe that inacertainnightitwasrevealedtohim hemight that beonthe and withtheeleventhousand virgins. Indeed,itiswrittenabouthim, written that hewascrowned withth … We cangiveathirdexample, Commenting onthesetwoexempla, whorenouncedthepapaldignitytojoineleventhousandvirginsledby Papal, Papal, 184 16.

virginibus palmam martyriirecep

ls’” andRoman community’sopposition.

happened before,thepope he hadrenouncedhisdignityand papalists’ claim abouttheinadmissibility of he wentfurtherincommentingonthiscase the papalpowercanberestrained.John ohn ofParis’stractonecanseehowthey can give up his positio e martyrdom togetherwithUrsula of Cyriacus,aboutwhom itwas the communityoffaithful.Hereached Gilesheldtheir re thecitizenswhodisagreedand of Paris’interpretation,Clement’s and orically thatthe turus. Tunccongr common interpretation, n and abdicate even wheneven n andabdicate General Council,as hadtherightto egato clero et egato cleroet It is not It isnot 185

57 . CEU eTD Collection legal machinations withoutanyjustificationin“sacred,humanorcanonlaw.” he counteredtheaccusationsthat thiswa canonistic tradition.Pointingoutthelegalpr renunciatione pape abdication whichwasprecipitatedbyBenedi accusation inthemanifestos oftheyear answer theColonnas’contestations.Th Colonnas’ causeonthegroundsoflegalhist authority inleadingtheChurch.Opposi Giles wrotetobolster the theory ofthe that their use as legal precedents werem Marcellinus inboth 186 Tracing thispowerinthepast, papal jurisdiction aiming tojustifythe pope arguments” VIII’sadvers ofBoniface which wasacceptedbyboth partsengaged inthe polemic. well-known andgenerallyacceptedjuridical was superiortoanunworthypope. contra divini, humani et canonicontra divini,humaniet he can be deposed and compelled to resign. (emphasis added) the pope to resign when the people are not agreeable to his doing so. willof the than another, electing for and useless seem wholly he should will his him against deposing for significance more is of the people of consent the Therefore people. the of forthe benefit but falsis induxit… falsis totius orbis scandalum eterrorem per se [Boniface Thiscan be read for instan The comparison oftheuseexam Giles fulfilled theaim statedinth Giles used

Boniface VIIIenprocès, exempla De renunciationepape was adiscourseonpapalmonarc ce in their manifesto:ce in third inDe renunciationepape ci iuris regulas etstatuta calling uptheproofofthese 53. (emphasis added) added) (emphasis 53. For the pope, like any other prelate, rules not for himself papal sovereignwill, whichwastheultimate

1297 was the unlawfulness of Celestine V’s 1297 wastheunlawfulnessofCelestineV’s ary withthetestimony ofhistory. s anoveltythat arosefrom BonifaceV’s is can be stated since their redundant is canbestatedsincetheirredundant eant tojustifyatotallydifferentposition. ng thisinterpretation,andrefutingthe ’s capacity toalways actbyhis ownwill. and ory, JohnstatedthattheGeneralCouncil VIII] suosque complices dolose submissionibus e beginning,answerin ecedents thatallowedpapalabdication, ct Caetani intotalcontempt forthe principles wereasourceofvalidity ples ofpopesClement,Cyriacusand De potestateregiaetpapli , ad renunciandum apostolatus officio, in in officio, apostolatus renunciandum , ad …dominum Celestinum papam quintum, quintum, papam Celestinum …dominum asthemain persuasivetoolsto hical power.Gilesdealtwith John of Paris, OnRoyal, institutional structures as institutional structuresas g the“sophistic indicates 186 The 242. 242. De 58

CEU eTD Collection theocratic polity was justified historically. canonical could byquestionedthejudgment ofa institution. Inthiswayherefutedthea displayed inChurchtradition,

exempla in thisworkaimed toprovethat he setforthahistoricalre ssumption thatapope’swilland jurisdiction

general council.Giles’handlingofthe

the institutionof thepapacyasa presentation ofthepontifical 59 CEU eTD Collection him. work because ithas beenratherdisregarde political thinkers.Ialso chosetocentremy intending to question the place of thepapalmonarchy. Iproceeded toresear which assuredthesupport ofprecedentforthe alleged sovereignpowersofthepope. tradition: the biblicalpattern appliedtopont on thehistoryofpapacyreferringto of CelestineV’srenunciationandBoniface relationship betweenthe spiritual and secula purposes in twocircumstances: tosetthepattern of whatheconsidered asuitable his useofhistoricalarguments fordefendi potestate monarchy. GilesofRome developed by recalling thoseexampleswhichcoulduphol was anessentialargument inGilesof Rome’s ecclesiology. precedents forpapalabdication. Therefore,in exemplum relationship betweenpapacyandsecularpowerastheyweredescribedinthe I havetriedtoshowthatGilesof In thisstudyIfocusedonasingleasp Moreover, IhavetriedtoshowthatG and the ofConstantine’sconnectionwith De rencunciationepape giventohistoryasmean

CONCLUSIONS patterns ofexemplarity inthe

selectingexamples from Churchtradition ng andstrengtheningth and valorizingthe centralelements ofits d by themodern scholarship dedicatedto VIII’s accession. Gileswroteadiscourse Rome valorizedtradi r authorities and toprovethe legitimacy study onthisparticularaspectofGiles’ this studyIaimed toshowthattradition ifical institutions; f ect ofGilesRome’s works,namely, iles introduced history in his discourse iles introducedhistoryinhisdiscourse popeSylvester;andthecanonical d thehierocraticclaims ofthepapal ch thisparticularity

of argumentation bymedieval eatures oftheideal tion forhierocratic e sovereignclaims ofhiswritings De ecclesiastica 60 CEU eTD Collection framing thepoliticalroleofpapac under thepenofsuchastaunchpapalistas in hisdiscourse. Old Testamentkings,toConstantineand Thus, my analysis focused ontheplacethat political purposes. manageddiscourses onpowerandhowthey light onthe arguments whichtheorists such asGiles of Rome usedtoconstruct historical arguments inframing politicalbehavior inthisperiod.Itcould shednew devices foraccusationanddefenseatonce. Th the past.Itcouldbefruitful historical examples, usedtojustifyth was other tracts,from thepapalistandr between PhilipIVandBoni patterns ofexemplarity as developed tobolstertheallege could contributetoaclearerunderstandingofthearguments whichGilesofRome Their usage inthetwotractsenabled me todemonstratehowhistorybecame, If thisstudyweretobecontinued,it they wereusedinworkswhichsupportedthestruggle face VIIItheoretically. Iwould extendmy research to to follow theextenttowhich d sovereignpowerofpapacy. y. Consequently,my study,ifnothingelse,

oyal camps, in which history,inparticular oyal camps,inwhich e actsofcontemporary rulersby means of popesClement, Marcellinus,andCyriacus Giles ofRome,apersuasiveargument for Giles ofRomeascribedtosome ofthe is couldclarifytheimportance givento could bededicatedtoananalysisof to controlthesignificationofpastfor exempla wererhetorical 61 CEU eTD Collection John ofParis. Giles ofRome’s Beaune, Colette. Arquillière, H.-X.“L’Appelauconcile sousPh Secondary sources: Boniface VIIIenprocès.Articlesd’accu Aegidius Romanus. Derenunciationepape. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bremond, Claude,Jacques LeGoffandJ.-CL.Schmitt. ______. Boureau, Alain.“Leprincemédiéval Blythe, JamesM. ______. Auerbach, Erich.“Figura.” In ______. Primary sources: Columbia UniversityPress,2004. 1311). R. Trask.Princeton:Princeton UniversityPress, 2003. conciliaires.” Institute ofMedievalStudies,1971. Edwin MellenPress,1992. sources duMoyenAgeoccidental Lettres, 2006. discours théologiquedel’ ed. RanHalévi,25-50.Paris: Fayard,2002. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress,1992. Gloucester: PeterSmith, 1973:11-76. Moyen Age. L’Augustinisme politique.Essaisurla Mimesis. TheRepresentationofRealityinWestern Literature La religiondel’État.construction Ed.JeanCoste.Rome: “L On RoyalandPapalPower. Naissance delanationFrance. On Ecclesiastical Power.Ed.a Ideal GovernmentandtheMixedC Paris: Librairie PhilosophiqueJ.Vrin,1955. Revue desquestionshistoriques Scenes fromtheDramaofEuropeanLiterature. Occident médiéval1250-1350. et lasciencepolitique.”In ’ Erma”

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