DOCSLIB.ORG

The National Foundations of Postcommunist Transitions

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The National Foundations of Postcommunist Transitions Thesis Submitted to the University of London for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE NATIONAL FOUNDATIONS OF POSTCOMMUNIST TRANSITIONS Natalia Leshchenko London School of Economics and Political Science 2006 UMI Number: U615873 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615873 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 khjbu ^ xajumxguuE .'>»■ .;ii)nysiJM9 ajbjuh Abstract This thesis addresses the divergence of postcommunist transitions in terms of political regime types. The literature on democratisation proposes three principal factors as determining the unveiling of developmental paths in transition states: elite power configurations, economic policies, and international relations. While these factors indeed explain the success of some postcommunist democratisations, they cannot account for the array of political trajectories across the region. The thesis proposes nationalism as the principal factor behind such divergence. It suggests that the forms of nationalism available to and adopted by political elites were behind the variation in postcommunist regime development. The thesis reveals a specific postcommunist type of nationalism, egalitarian nationalism, which is ethnically inclusive but anti-liberal. It proposes that the prevalence of pro-European liberal or collectivist egalitarian nationalism determined the evolution of postcommunist transition types towards democracy or authoritarianism respectively. The argument is developed through the analysis of the historically longest and the most stable case of postcommunist transition reverted from a democratic to an authoritarian path: the post-soviet development of Belarus. The country’s elites’ effectiveness in formulating policies in national ideological terms proved consistent with their political success or failure, and thus determined the direction of Belarusian development. During the democratisation period, liberal nationalism was pursued in a way that had little resonance with inherited identities and was inconsistent with the European developmental model that its protagonists purported to profess. As such, it discredited and undermined the democratic development of Belarus. The more egalitarian national ideology, on the contrary, was upheld in a socially resonant way, and was consistent with the policies advanced in other spheres of social development. As such, egalitarian nationalism underpinned the construction and consolidation of an authoritarian regime. The main contention of the thesis is that political ideologies, and national ideologies in particular, remain a key determinant of social development in the present day world. 2 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 4 Preface 5 Introduction 6 1. Theoretical deficiencies and the research agenda 10 I. Stalled democracies: problems with the literature 14 II. Nationalism as strategic tool in postcommunist transformations 24 IE. Methodological framework 31 IV. Belarus: a critical case of stalled democracy 39 2. Reconfigurations of Elites 54 I. Elite stalemate 55 II. The elite pact: divide and rule 62 III. An authoritarian leader and the administrative elite 70 3. From soviet to national ownership of the economy 82 I. Reforms without restructuring 83 II. Economic policy based on ideology 96 4. National ideology as a framework for international engagement 114 I. The Belarusian state seeks the world (and no partner in particular) 116 II. Eastern Slavs, unite!., but not quite 122 in. From cool to glacial relations with the West 131 5. Same people, different nations: civic and egalitarian nationalism 138 I. The soviet legacy as nation-building material 140 II. ‘Belarus to Europe’.. .of the past 145 ID. Egalitarian national ideology for the authoritarian regime 151 IV. Liberal versus egalitarian nationalism: no foregone conclusion 164 6. No alternative (yet) 168 I. The complacent stakeholders of the authoritarian regime 169 II. The nationally disconnected opposition 174 III. The potential for civic nationalism: existent but diminishing 183 7. Theoretical proposition and research conclusions 189 I. Nationalism as the critical elite strategy leading to the variation in postcommunist transformations 189 II. The post-soviet transformation of Belarus from the perspective of national mobilisation 207 Interviews Referenced 221 Bibliography 223 3 Acknowledgements This thesis is the product of curiosity, good luck and kindness of many extraordinary people. Professor Helmut Anheier set me on a journey by opening the door to the LSE Centre for Civil Society. Lord Ralf Dahrendorf shone the light by showing the greatness and simplicity of a true intellectual. Dr. Abby Innes led the way by being a dream of a supervisor. Like a coach to sportsman, she insisted on relentless training, taught master techniques and did not yield to the requests of a champ match until she felt the timing was right. Abby shared her time and her mind beyond the extent hoped from a tutor, and I will never be able to thank Abby enough. My examiners Dr. Gwen Sasse and Dr. Neil Robinson dedicated time and attention to help channel the ambition of the thesis into a most appropriate academic route. I was fortunate to benefit from generosity of the Atlantic Philanthropies (Lord Dahrendorf Scholarship), the UK government (Overseas Research Scheme Award), the LSE (Research Studentship), the Open Society Institute (Global Supplementary grant), the Newby Trust and the Gilchrist Educational Trust (PhD assistantships); I highly appreciate their support. I am also thankful to almost 100 political and civic activists throughout Belarus whom I interviewed for the thesis, and to Professor Nadezda Ablova, my mentor in Minsk, who guided me through the world of Belarusian politics. My special gratitude goes to the wonderful Pritchard family, who have been kind and generous, warm and caring towards me for many years and have given me a sense of home in Britain. Laura Pritchard has proof-read the thesis, yet another expression of her friendship, which I have always valued. My other friends have been great companions on this journey, both by contributing to the thesis and making sure I had a life beyond it. Olga Us took me to explore London and proved a most forgiving friend. Anastasia Nesvetailova discussed both academic ideas and fashion trends. Lesley Hustinx and Francesca Borgonovi, my academic sisters, walked the doctorate road ahead of me, and encouraged by example. Nadia Telesh, David Cashaback, Babken Babajanian, Francesco Grillo, Olga Maslovskaya, Natasha Chernyshova, Ebenezer Obadare, Nikolai Ovsianko, Sergei Ovsianko, and Victor Tsyboulko have been great people to be with and simply true friends. Last but not least, I am thankful to my brother Sergei, who resisted asking about the progress of my thesis but bought me food instead and made me have rest. I owe this doctorate to my parents, since my birth stopped them from getting theirs. Your encouragement, patience, and belief in me made me who I am. I dedicate this thesis to my family: my parents and my brother. We learned by our own experience that the wins and losses of transition often go together, yet we always appreciated the freedom and opportunities which the end of the soviet regime opened. To all of you, with deep gratitude, THANK YOU. 4 Preface On a sunny summer day in 1995, my friends and I skipped a university lecture to watch the replacement of the state emblem on the facade of the Belarusian President’s residence. The symbol we saw being removed from the top of the building was the ‘historic’ Belarusian crest, the auspice of democratic change in the country since 1991; the emblem going up into its place was that of the soviet era in Belarus. To watch the change felt like a bad dream, with the signs changing in a reverse order. We were eighteen, naive and ambitious children of perestroika and democratisation; we studied diplomacy and assumed we would lead Belarus as a new European democracy. The presidential election in 1994 and a referendum on state symbols in 1995, however, showed that the majority of Belarusians did not share our confidence. The reinstallation of the soviet emblem on the presidential residence on that summer day seemed to seal our dreams and our future. To watch the process almost hurt physically; I saw tears in my friends’ eyes. I realised that the vision of a democratic, European Belarus we had grown up with was a mere construction of symbols, ideas and myths, which could be easily dismantled. National identity suddenly seemed something very artificial, and yet hugely significant for the lives of my friends and myself. Instinctively, I had no doubt that nationalism mattered for postcommunist transitions. After four years of research for this thesis, I am able to explain why and how. 5 Introduction Postcommunist transitions have yielded divergent results, from consolidated democracies in Central Eastern Europe to consolidated authoritarian regimes in Belarus and Central Asia. This thesis addresses the divergence
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Dear Delegates, Congratulations on Being Selected to the Kremlin, One of VMUN's Most Advanced Committees. My Name Is Harrison
    Dear Delegates, Congratulations on being selected to the Kremlin, one of VMUN’s most advanced committees. My name is Harrison Ritchie, and I will be your director for this year’s conference. I have been involved in MUN since Grade 10, and have thoroughly enjoyed every conference that I have attended. This year’s Kremlin will be a historical crisis committee. In February, you will all be transported to the October of 1988, where you will be taking on the roles of prominent members of either the Soviet Politburo or Cabinet of Ministers. As powerful Soviet officials, you will be debating the fall of the Soviet Union, or, rather, how to keep the Union together in such a tumultuous time. In the Soviet Union’s twilight years, a ideological divide began to emerge within the upper levels of government. Two distinct blocs formed out of this divide: the hardliners, who wished to see a return to totalitarian Stalinist rule, and the reformers, who wished to progress to a more democratic Union. At VMUN, delegates will hold the power to change the course of history. By exacting your influence upon your peers, you will gain valuable allies and make dangerous enemies. There is no doubt that keeping the Union together will be no easy task, and there are many issues to address over the coming three days, but I hope that you will be thoroughly engrossed in the twilight years of one of the world’s greatest superpower and find VMUN an overall fulfilling experience. Good luck in your research, and as always, if you have any questions, feel free to contact me before the conference.
    [Show full text]
  • Belarus – the Unfulfilled Phenomena: the Prospects of Social Mobilization
    14 Jovita Pranevičiūtė* Institute of International Relations and Political Science, University of Vilnius Belarus – the Unfulfilled Phenomena: The Prospects of Social Mobilization For more than ten years Belarus has be under authoritarian rule and it has been difficult to explain this phenomenon. The rhetoric of the Belarusian elites – governing and oppositional – is analyzed as the main tool of the struggle to mobilize society for collec- tive action in the political fight. The rhetoric of the ruling elite, and also the opposition, is analyzed in three dimensions: how competing elites are talking about the glorious past; the degraded present; and the utopian future. Through collective action, the nation will reverse the conditions that have caused its present degradation and recover its original harmonious essence. The main aim of this study is to demonstrate that in short - and perhaps even in the medium-run - the Belarusian president Alexander Lukahenko will remain in power due to the successful employment of the trinomial rhetorical structure. The conclusions can be shocking meaning that the ruling elite has been able to persuade society that the glorious past has been realized in the times of Soviet Union and at the moment Belarus is living in the conditions of utopian future, i.e. future is a reality, nonetheless the short period of the opposition ruin rule in the nineties and negative actions of opposition in nowadays. While the utopian reality is based at least on the ideas of economical survival and believes that all the aims of society have been reached already, the opposition has no chance to mobilize a critical part of society to ensure the support to its own ideas and to get in to power.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 21 TRONDHEIM STUDIES on EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES
    No. 21 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES David R. Marples THE LUKASHENKA PHENOMENON Elections, Propaganda, and the Foundations of Political Authority in Belarus August 2007 David R. Marples is University Professor at the Department of History & Classics, and Director of the Stasiuk Program for the Study of Contemporary Ukraine of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. His recent books include Heroes and Villains. Constructing National History in Contemporary Ukraine (2007), Prospects for Democracy in Belarus, co-edited with Joerg Forbrig and Pavol Demes (2006), The Collapse of the Soviet Union, 1985-1991(2004), and Motherland: Russia in the 20th Century (2002). © 2007 David R Marples and the Program on East European Cultures and Societies, a program of the Faculties of Arts and Social Sciences, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. ISSN 1501-6684 ISBN 978-82-995792-1-6 Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies Editors: György Péteri and Sabrina P. Ramet Editorial Board: Trond Berge, Tanja Ellingsen, Knut Andreas Grimstad, Arne Halvorsen We encourage submissions to the Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies. Inclusion in the series will be based on anonymous review. Manuscripts are expected to be in English (exception is made for Norwegian Master’s and PhD theses) and not to exceed 150 double spaced pages in length. Postal address for submissions: Editor, Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies, Department of History, NTNU, NO-7491 Trondheim, Norway. For more information on PEECS and TSEECS, visit our web-site at http://www.hf.ntnu.no/peecs/home/ The photo on the cover is a copy of an item included in the photo chronicle of the demonstration of 21 July 2004 and made accessible by the Charter ’97 at http://www.charter97.org/index.phtml?sid=4&did=july21&lang=3 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES No.
    [Show full text]
  • Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
    ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Prospects for Democracy in Belarus
    An Eastern Slavic Brotherhood: The Determinative Factors Affecting Democratic Development in Ukraine and Belarus Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Nicholas Hendon Starvaggi, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2009 Thesis Committee: Trevor Brown, Advisor Goldie Shabad Copyright by Nicholas Hendon Starvaggi 2009 Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, fifteen successor states emerged as independent nations that began transitions toward democratic governance and a market economy. These efforts have met with various levels of success. Three of these countries have since experienced “color revolutions,” which have been characterized by initial public demonstrations against the old order and a subsequent revision of the rules of the political game. In 2004-2005, these “color revolutions” were greeted by many international observers with optimism for these countries‟ progress toward democracy. In hindsight, however, the term itself needs to be assessed for its accuracy, as the political developments that followed seemed to regress away from democratic goals. In one of these countries, Ukraine, the Orange Revolution has brought about renewed hope in democracy, yet important obstacles remain. Belarus, Ukraine‟s northern neighbor, shares many structural similarities yet has not experienced a “color revolution.” Anti- governmental demonstrations in Minsk in 2006 were met with brutal force that spoiled the opposition‟s hopes of reenacting a similar political outcome to that which Ukraine‟s Orange Coalition was able to achieve in 2004. Through a comparative analysis of these two countries, it is found that the significant factors that prevented a “color revolution” in Belarus are a cohesive national identity that aligns with an authoritarian value system, a lack of engagement with U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Conspiracy of Peace: the Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Conspiracy of Peace: The Cold War, the International Peace Movement, and the Soviet Peace Campaign, 1946-1956 Vladimir Dobrenko A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 90,957 words. Statement of conjoint work I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by John Clifton of www.proofreading247.co.uk/ I have followed the Chicago Manual of Style, 16th edition, for referencing. 2 Abstract This thesis deals with the Soviet Union’s Peace Campaign during the first decade of the Cold War as it sought to establish the Iron Curtain. The thesis focuses on the primary institutions engaged in the Peace Campaign: the World Peace Council and the Soviet Peace Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • Христос Родився! Christ Is Born! Славіте Його! Glorify Him!
    Христос Родився! Christ is Born! Славіте Його! Glorify Him! Бажаємо Вам і Ваші родині Господнє благословення під час Різдвяних Свят та в Новому Році. Wishing you and your family God’s blessing s during this joyous Christmas season and throughout the new year. Український Православний Собор Успіння Пресвятої Богородиці Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Ukrainian Orthodox Cathedral 1000 Byron Avenue, Ottawa, Ontario K2A 0J3 Parish Priest: Rev. Fr. Ihor Okhrimtchouk Parish Council President: Michael Reshitnyk Telephone: Church Office 613-728-0856 Cell (24 hours): 613-325-3903 E-mail: [email protected] Church Website: www.ukrainianorthodox.info Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/UkrOrthodoxChurchOttawa WINTER 2018 2 ЗИМА 2018 Калeндар Богослужень та Громадських Подій у січні і лютому 2018 СІЧЕНЬ 2018 Свят Вечір – Традиційна вечеря в церковні залі 18:00 субота 6 січня Повечір’я Різдва Христового 20:30 неділя 7 січня Різдво Христове – Літургія 10:00 Собор Пресвятої Богородиці – Літургія 10:00 понеділок 8 січня Koнцерт Колядок в Українському Католицькому 18:30 Соборі Св. Івана Хрестителя, 952 Green Valley Cresent вівторок 9 січня Священномученика Стефана – Літургія 10:00 Новорічний Молебень 14:00 субота 13 січня Маланка – Вечеря і Забава (деталі на ст. 19) 18:00 – 1:00 неділя 14 січня Св. Василія Великого – Літургія 10:00 Навечіря Богоявлення – Велике Освячення Води 18:00 четвер 18 січня і Йорданська Вечеря (деталі на ст. 19) п’ятниця 19 січня Богоявлення – Літургія і Велике Освячення Води 10:00 субота 20 січня Собор Св. Івана Хрестителя
    [Show full text]
  • European Parliament
    EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2004 2009 Session document 13.9.2004 B6-0053/2004 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION further to the Commission statement pursuant to Rule 103(2) of the Rules of Procedure by Konrad Krzysztof Szymański, Rolandas Pavilionis and Anna Elzbieta Fotyga on behalf of the Union for Europe of the Nations Group on Belarus RE\541355EN.doc PE 347.467 EN EN B6-0053/2004 European Parliament resolution on Belarus The European Parliament, – having regard to the forthcoming elections and referendum on further extending the Presidential term of office in Belarus, – having regard to the resolutions adopted by the UN Commission on Human Rights on Belarus in April 2003 and 2004 and the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly's Resolution No 1371/2004 on disappeared persons, – having regard to the decision of the UN Commission on Human Rights to appoint a special rapporteur on the situation in Belarus, – having regard to Rule 103(2) of the Rules of Procedure, A. whereas the situation as regards human rights, citizens’ rights and fundamental freedoms has reached a critical stage in Belarus, B. whereas the Belarusian authorities continue to demonstrate their unwillingness to tolerate any form of political opposition, C. alarmed at the numerous cases of opposition activists and independent journalists being detained, imprisoned, fined and expelled from universities, D. concerned at the continuing repression of the independent media and NGOs, E. deeply concerned at the reports of 'disappeared' persons in Belarus, 1. Calls on the Belarusian authorities to immediately guarantee the holding of free and fair elections by inviting the representatives of the opposition parties to play a full role as members and observers at every level of the work of electoral commissions; 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: a Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region
    CBEES State of the Region Report 2020 Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region Published with support from the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies (Östersjstiftelsen) Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region December 2020 Publisher Centre for Baltic and East European Studies, CBEES, Sdertrn University © CBEES, Sdertrn University and the authors Editor Ninna Mrner Editorial Board Joakim Ekman, Florence Frhlig, David Gaunt, Tora Lane, Per Anders Rudling, Irina Sandomirskaja Layout Lena Fredriksson, Serpentin Media Proofreading Bridget Schaefer, Semantix Print Elanders Sverige AB ISBN 978-91-85139-12-5 4 Contents 7 Preface. A New Annual CBEES Publication, Ulla Manns and Joakim Ekman 9 Introduction. Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past, David Gaunt and Tora Lane 15 Background. Eastern and Central Europe as a Region of Memory. Some Common Traits, Barbara Trnquist-Plewa ESSAYS 23 Victimhood and Building Identities on Past Suffering, Florence Frhlig 29 Image, Afterimage, Counter-Image: Communist Visuality without Communism, Irina Sandomirskaja 37 The Toxic Memory Politics in the Post-Soviet Caucasus, Thomas de Waal 45 The Flag Revolution. Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus, Andrej Kotljarchuk 55 Institutes of Trauma Re-production in a Borderland: Poland, Ukraine, and Lithuania, Per Anders Rudling COUNTRY BY COUNTRY 69 Germany. The Multi-Level Governance of Memory as a Policy Field, Jenny Wstenberg 80 Lithuania. Fractured and Contested Memory Regimes, Violeta Davoliūtė 87 Belarus. The Politics of Memory in Belarus: Narratives and Institutions, Aliaksei Lastouski 94 Ukraine. Memory Nodes Loaded with Potential to Mobilize People, Yuliya Yurchuk 106 Czech Republic.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
    BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law
    [Show full text]
  • Specialties of Academic Programs of the Belarusian State University of Culture and Arts
    SPECIALTIES OF ACADEMIC PROGRAMS OF THE BELARUSIAN STATE UNIVERSITY OF CULTURE AND ARTS Reference book MINSK BSUCA 2013 CONTENTS Specialties of the first stage of higher education FACULTY OF CULTUROLOGY AND SOCIOCULTURAL ACTIVITY Specialty 1-21 04 01 Culturology (according to directions) Specialization 1-21 04 01-01 01 Theory and History of Culture …………………….6 Specialization 1-21 04 01-02 01 Management in Social and Cultural Area …………7 Specialization 1-21 04 01-02 02 Management of International Cultural Relations ….8 Specialization1-21 04 01-02 03 Advertising Management and Public Relations ……9 Specialization1-21 04 01-02 04 Information Systems in Culture …………………..10 Specialty 1-23 01 14 Sociocultural Activity (according to directions) Specialization 1-23 01 14 01 Organization and Methodology of Sociocultural Activity in Leisure and Recreation Establishments, 1-23 01 14 03 Organization and Methodology of Sociocultural Activity at Health Resort and Tourist and sport Establishments ………………………………………………………………………11 Specialty 1-21 04 02 Art Criticism (according to directions) Specialization 1-21 04 02-05 01 Comparative Art Criticism ……………………….12 FACULTY OF INFORMATION AND DOCUMENT COMMUNICATIONS 1-23 01 11 Library Science and Bibliography (according to directions) Specialization 23 01 11-01 01 Library Marketing …………………………………..13 Specialization 1-23 01 11-01 03 Cultural and Leisure Activity …………………….14 Specialization 1-23 01 11-01 04 Library Service for Children and Youth …………15 Specialization 1-23 01 11-01 05 Library Science and Bibliography
    [Show full text]
  • „Lublin Jest Dla Mnie Zachwycającym Miastem, Żyje Na Swoją Miarę, Czego Dziś Nie Można Powiedzieć O Wielu Miastach
    „Lublin jest dla mnie zachwycającym miastem, żyje na swoją miarę, czego dziś nie można powiedzieć o wielu miastach. Spokojny, równy rytm, wschodnie podglebie, naznaczone religijną i narodową tolerancją. (…) Im więcej poznaję ludzi (…), tym wyraźniej czuję odruch przywiązania, skurcz gardła podobny do zakochania się w Krakowie (…)”[1]. Tak o Lublinie pisał Gustaw Herling-Grudziński po wizycie, którą złożył z okazji zamknięcia sesji poświęconej „Kulturze”. Spokój, rytmiczność, być może pewna powolność w życiu miasta dla wielu Lublinian nie jest ani źródłem zachwytu, ani powodem do odczuwania dumy, stanowi raczej miarę jego prowincjonalizmu, a brak rozmachu oznacza nudę i gnuśność. Pomysł przygotowania przekazanej czytelnikom publikacji nie miał nic wspólnego z zamiarem dyskutowania o tym, czy Lublin jest prowincją, czy też nią nie jest, ale wynikał z przekonania autorów tekstów, że jest on jednym z mateczników kultury alternatywnej i warto, w formie książki, ocalić w ludzkiej pamięci lubelskie, alternatywne praktyki, ich inicjatorów i uczestników. Odegrały one znaczącą rolę w przemianach polskiej rzeczywistości stając się nośnikiem krytyki i kontestacji oraz obszarem identyfikacji postaw indywidualnych i społecznych, tak ich twórców jak i publiczności. Jako miasto akademickie Lublin sprzyjał rozwojowi kultury studenckiej i stanowił magnes dla młodych teatrów, które mogły tutaj okrzepnąć w ramach organizowanej w latach 1966 – 1974 Lubelskiej Wiosny Teatralnej i później, w latach 1976 – 1981, w Konfrontacjach Młodego Teatru, najważniejszej
    [Show full text]