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Gulnara Shahinian and Democracy Today Armenia Are Awarded the Anita Augspurg Prize "Women Rebels Against War"
Heidi Meinzolt Laudatory speech, September 21 in Verden: Gulnara Shahinian and Democracy today Armenia are awarded the Anita Augspurg Prize "Women rebels against war". Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, dear Gulnara, We are celebrating for the second time the Anita Augspurg Award "Women rebels against war". Today, exactly 161 years ago, the women's rights activist Anita Augspurg was born here in Verden. Her memory is cherished by many dedicated people here, in Munich, where she lived and worked for many years, and internationally as co-founder of our organization of the "International Women's League for Peace and Freedom" more than 100 years ago With this award we want to honour and encourage women who are committed to combating militarism and war and strive for women’s rights and Peace. On behalf of the International Women's League for Peace and Freedom, I want to thank all those who made this award ceremony possible. My special thanks go to: Mayor Lutz Brockmann, Annika Meinecke, the city representative for equal opportunities members of the City Council of Verden, all employees of the Town Hall, all supporters, especially the donors our international guests from Ukraine, Kirgistan, Italy, Sweden, Georgia who are with us today because we have an international meeting of the Civic Solidarity Platform of OSCE this weekend in Hamburg and last but not least Irmgard Hofer , German president of WILPF in the name of all present WILPFers Before I talk more about our award-winner, I would like to begin by reminding you the life and legacy of Anita Augspurg, with a special focus on 1918, exactly 100 years ago. -
Università Degli Studi Della Tuscia Di Viterbo
UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DELLA TUSCIA DI VITERBO DIPARTIMENTO DI STORIA E CULTURA DEL TESTO E DEL DOCUMENTO Corso di Dottorato di Ricerca Storia d’Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX e XX sec.) XXIV ciclo L’Associazionismo internazionale delle donne tra diritti, democrazia, politiche di pace 1888-1939 M-STO/04 Dottoranda: Elda Guerra Tutor: Prof. Leonardo Rapone Coordinatrice: Prof.ssa Gabriella Ciampi 1 Indice Introduzione 3 I.L’Associazionismo internazionale delle donne nel passaggio di secolo 12 1. La tessitura della rete 12 2. Tra vecchio e nuovo mondo 16 3. Alla vigilia del nuovo secolo: Londra 1899 22 4. Pace e arbitrato internazionale 27 5. Un problema aperto: il voto politico 33 6. La nascita dell’International Woman Suffrage Alliance 36 7. Di fronte alla guerra: posizioni differenti 46 8. Alle origini del femminismo pacifista: percorsi teorici e azione politica 55 II.Un nuovo scenario per un’agenda politica transnazionale 64 1. Il contesto post-bellico: il voto e non solo 64 2. Ritessere la rete: un nuovo internazionalismo 68 3. Due percorsi 75 4. Da Zurigo a Vienna: l’internazionalismo femminile pacifista 83 5. Alla ricerca di politiche per gli anni Venti tra innovazione e continuità 94 6. Il dialogo con la Società delle Nazioni: convergenze e limiti 105 III.Un movimento per la pace 114 1. Un problema di analisi storica e lessico storiografico 114 2. L’avvio di un processo: la conferenza su “The Prevention of the Causes of War” 116 3. Differenze e convergenze nel discorso sulla pace 132 4. Un complesso percorso di cambiamento 139 5. -
Innovative Means to Promote Peace During World War I. Julia Grace Wales and Her Plan for Continuous Mediation
Master’s Degree programme in International Relations Second Cycle (D.M. 270/2004) Final Thesis Innovative Means to Promote Peace During World War I. Julia Grace Wales and Her Plan for Continuous Mediation. Supervisor Ch. Prof. Bruna Bianchi Assistant supervisor Ch. Prof. Geraldine Ludbrook Graduand Flaminia Curci Matriculation Number 860960 Academic Year 2017 / 2018 ABSTRACT At the breakout of World War I many organizations for promoting peace emerged all over the world and in the United States as well, especially after the subsequent American declaration of war in April 1917. Peace movements began to look for new means for settling the dispute, and a large contribution was offered by women. World War I gave women the chance to rise their public acknowledgment and to increase their rights through war-related activities. The International Congress of Women at The Hague held in April 1915, demonstrates the great ability of women in advocating peace activities. Among the resolutions adopted by Congress stands out the Plan for Continuous Mediation without Armistice theorized by the Canadian peace activist Julia Grace Wales (see Appendix II). This thesis intends to investigate Julia Grace Wales’ proposal for a Conference of neutral nations for continuous and independent mediation without armistice. After having explored women’s activism for peace in the United States with a deep consideration to the role of women in Canada, the focus is addressed on a brief description of Julia Grace Wales’ life in order to understand what factors led her to conceive such a plan. Through the analysis of her plan and her writings it is possible to understand that her project is not only an international arbitration towards the only purpose of welfare, but also an analysis of the conditions that led to war so as to change them for avoiding future wars. -
Gender and Colonial Politics After the Versailles Treaty
Wildenthal, L. (2010). Gender and Colonial Politics after the Versailles Treaty. In Kathleen Canning, Kerstin Barndt, and Kristin McGuire (Eds.), Weimar Publics/ Weimar Subjects. Rethinking the Political Culture of Germany in the 1920s (pp. 339-359). New York: Berghahn. Gender and Colonial Politics after the Versailles Treaty Lora Wildenthal In November 1918, the revolutionary government of republican Germany proclaimed the political enfranchisement of women. In June 1919, Article 119 of the Versailles Treaty announced the disenfranchisement of German men and women as colonizers. These were tremendous changes for German women and for the colonialist movement. Yet colonialist women's activism changed surprisingly little, and the Weimar Republic proved to be a time of vitality for the colonialist movement. The specific manner in which German decolonization took place profoundly shaped interwar colonialist activism. It took place at the hands of other colonial powers and at the end of the first "total" war. The fact that other imperial metropoles forced Germany to relinquish its colonies, and not colonial subjects (many of whom had tried and failed to drive Germans from their lands in previous years), meant that German colonialists focused their criticisms on those powers. When German colonialists demanded that the Versailles Treaty be revised so that they could once again rule over Africans and others, they were expressing not only a racist claim to rule over supposed inferiors but also a reproach to the Entente powers for betraying fellow white colonizers. The specific German experience of decolonization affected how Germans viewed their former colonial subjects. In other cases of decolonization, bitter wars of national liberation dismantled fantasies of affection between colonizer and colonized. -
The Oligarchic Democracy: the Influence of Business Groups On
42 THE OLIGARCHIC DEMOCRACY THE INFLUENCE OF BUSINESS GROUPS ON UKRAINIAN POLITICS Sławomir Matuszak NUMBER 42 WARSAW September 2012 THE OLIGARCHIC DEMOCRACY THE INFLUENCE OF BUSINESS GROUPS ON UKRAINIAN POLITICS Sławomir Matuszak © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies Content EDitors Adam Eberhardt, Wojciech Konończuk EDitorS Anna Łabuszewska Katarzyna Kazimierska Translation Ilona Duchnowicz CO-operation Nicholas Furnival Graphic Design Para-buch CHARTS Wojciech Mańkowski PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock DTP GroupMedia Publisher Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-14-4 Contents THESES /5 MAIN SEctORS OF BUSINESS ActIVITY OF THE KEY UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHS /8 INTRODUctION /9 RESERVATIONS /11 I. THE EMERGENCE OF THE OLIGARCHIC SYSTEM AND ITS FORM IN 1991–2004 /13 1. The genesis of the oligarchic system /13 2. The formation of the clans /13 3. The beginnings of a system crisis /17 4. The Orange Revolution /20 II. THE OLIGARCHS IN 2005–2010 /23 1. The orange ‘oligarchic democracy’ /25 1.1. The business circles linked to the Party of Regions /26 1.2. ‘Orange’ business /27 1.3. The others /30 2. Tymoshenko’s conflict with the RUE Group /32 3. The attempt to form a grand coalition /32 4. The presidential election of 2010 /34 III. THE OLIGARCHS AFTER VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH’S VIctORY /37 1. The key groups of influence in the state administration/37 2. ‘The family’ – an attempt at a new quality /40 3. -
Split Infinities: German Feminisms and the Generational Project Birgit
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Oxford German Studies on 15 April 2016, available online: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00787191.2015.1128648 Split Infinities: German Feminisms and the Generational Project Birgit Mikus, University of Oxford Emily Spiers, St Andrews University When, in the middle of the nineteenth century, the German women’s movement took off, female activists/writers expressed a desire for their political work to initiate a generational project. The achievement of equal democratic rights for men and women was perceived to be a process in which the ‘democratic spirit’ was instilled in future generations through education and the provision of exceptional role models. The First Wave of the women’s movement laid the ground, through their writing, campaigning, and petitioning, for the eventual success of obtaining women’s suffrage and sending female, elected representatives to the Reichstag in 1919. My part of this article, drawing on the essays by Hedwig Dohm (1831–1919) analyses how the idea of women’s political and social emancipation is phrased in the rhetoric of a generational project which will, in the short term, bring only minor changes to the status quo but which will enable future generations to build on the foundations of the (heterogeneous, but mostly bourgeoisie-based) first organised German women’s movement, and which was intended to function as a generational repository of women’s intellectual history. When, in the mid-2000s, a number of pop-feminist essayistic volumes appeared in Germany, their authors expressed the desire to reinvigorate feminism for a new generation of young women. -
Living War, Thinking Peace (1914-1924)
Living War, Thinking Peace (1914-1924) Living War, Thinking Peace (1914-1924): Women’s Experiences, Feminist Thought, and International Relations Edited by Bruna Bianchi and Geraldine Ludbrook Living War, Thinking Peace (1914-1924): Women’s Experiences, Feminist Thought, and International Relations Edited by Bruna Bianchi and Geraldine Ludbrook This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Bruna Bianchi, Geraldine Ludbrook and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8684-X ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8684-0 CONTENTS Introduction .............................................................................................. viii Bruna Bianchi and Geraldine Ludbrook Part One: Living War. Women’s Experiences during the War Chapter One ................................................................................................. 2 Women in Popular Demonstrations against the War in Italy Giovanna Procacci Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 26 Inside the Storm: The Experiences of Women during the Austro-German Occupation -
The Negative Consequences of Proportional Representation in Ukraine
THE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN UKRAINE SERHIJ VASYLCHENKO POLITICAL GEOGRAPHER Abstract: Ukraine has changed its electoral law numerous times. The first two elections to the parliament in 1990 and 1994 employed a single-member district majoritarian system. The Verkhovna Rada elections in 1998 and 2002 used a mixed system with single- member districts and proportional representation. The parliamentary elections in 2006 and 2007 were purely proportional representation. Finally, the elections in 2012 went back to the mixed system. This article argues that the use of proportional representation has facilitated extensive manipulation in the Ukrainian political system through the creation of “party projects” and by severing the link between parliamentarians and their constituents. fter Ukraine gained its independence in 1991, it faced an urgent need Ato reform its electoral legislation to address new political realities – most importantly, the development of a multiparty system in place of the previous one-party system that had ruled the Soviet Union. According to the existing law adopted during the Soviet era, parties other than the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had no legal basis. That law laid out a first past the post majoritarian system in which the winner had to win an absolute majority of the votes.1 The opposition national-democrat deputies in the People’s Rada group in the first years of independence supported electoral law reform Serhij Vasylchenko is an independent political geographer in Ukraine, [email protected]. 1 Law “On elections of the people’s deputies of the Ukrainian SSR” from October 27, 1987, Vedomosti Verkhnoi Rady USSR, 1989 addendum to N 45, article 626 <http://zakon4.rada. -
Verkhovna Rada Prepares for New Convocation
INSIDE:• Kyiv’s foreign policy: pro-Ukrainian or pro-Kuchma? — page 3. • Vote for the top Ukrainian stamps of 2001 — pages 11-13. • “A Ukrainian Summer” — a special 12-page insert. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXX HE KRAINIANNo. 18 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 5, 2002 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine T U Verkhovna Rada preparesW for new convocation Chornobyl anniversary by Roman Woronowycz which the two organizations with the most seats Kyiv Press Bureau in the new Parliament have failed to find com- marked with conference mon understanding on even the most minor of KYIV – With little headway made in an effort matters. Dmytro Tabachnyk, a leading figure in to form a parliamentary majority, the Verkhovna the United Ukraine Parliamentary faction (for- at United Nations Rada undertook organizational preparations for by Andrew Nynka merly the For a United Ukraine Bloc), which has the opening session of its new convocation by claimed 165 seats in the new convocation, said UNITED NATIONS – Activists and envi- appointing a Communist as the leader of the he was not optimistic that his faction and the ronmentalists participating in an international steering committee that laid the groundwork for second largest faction, Our Ukraine, would be conference on health and the environment the first session of the Parliament. able to find common understanding to form a The vote to approve Adam Martyniuk, a for- gathered here on April 26 to mark the 16th large center-right majority. He said he thought mer second chairman in the last Parliament and anniversary of the explosion of the No. -
Resolutions Adopted
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF WOMEN THE HAGUE - APRIL 28TH TO MAY 1ST 1915 RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED '. International Congress of Women THE HAOUE = THE NETHERLANDS. APRIL 28th TO MAY 1st. 1915. PRESIDENT OF THE CONGRESS: JANE ADDAMS. International Committee of the Congress: LEOP. KULKA, ~ Austria. OLGA MISAR, EUGENIE HAMER, ~ B I. MARGUERITE SARTEN, ~ e glUm. THORA DAUGAARD, ~ D k enmar • CLARA TYBJERG, Dr. ANITA AUGSPURG, ~ Germany. LIDA GUSTAVA HEYMANN, Secretary& Interpreter, CHRYSTAL MACMILLAN, Secretary, ~ Great Britain and Ireland. KATHLEEN COURTNEY, Interpreter, ~ VILMA GLUCKLICH, ~ Hungary. ROSIKA SCHWIMMER, ~ ROSE GENONI, Italy. Dr. ALETTA JACOBS, l' HANNA VAN BIEMA-HYMANS, Secretary, Netherlands. Dr MIA BOISSEVAIN, Dr. EMILY ARNESEN, l N LOUISA KEILHAU, l orway. ANNA KLEMAN, ~ S d we en. EMMA HANSSON, JANE ADDAMS, President, U.S.A. FANNIE FERN ANDREWS, SOME PARTICULARS ABOUT THE CONGRESS. How the Congress was called. The scheme of an International Congress of Women was formulated at a small conference of Women from neutral and belligerent countries, held at Amsterdam, early in Febr. 1915. A preliminary programme was drafted at this meeting, and it was agreed to request the Dutch Women to form a Com mittee to take in hand all the arrangement for the Congress and to issue the invitations. Finance. The expenses of the Congress were guaranteed by British, Dutch and German Women present who all agreed to raise one third of the sum required. Membership. Invitations to take part in the Congress were sent to women's organisations and mixed organisations as well as to individual women all over the world. Each organisation was invited to appoint two delegates. -
IAW Centenary Edition 1904-2004
Centenary Edition Congress Rome 1923 International Alliance of Women Equal Rights - Equal Responsibilities 1904-2004 Alliance International des Femmes Droits Égaux - Responsabilités Égales Centenary Edition: Our Name 1904-1926 First Constitution adopted in Berlin, Germany, June 2 & 4, 1904 Article 1 - Name: The Name of this organization shall be the International Woman Suffrage Alliance (IWSA) Alliance Internationale pour le suffrage des Femmes Weltbund für Frauen-stimmrecht 1926-1949 Constitution adopted in Paris, 1926 Article 1 - Name: The name of the federation shall be the International Alliance of Women for Suffrage and Equal Citizenship (IAWSEC) Alliance Internationale pour le suffrage des Femmes et pour l’Action civique et politique des Femmes 1949-2004 The third Constitution adopted in Amsterdam, 1949 Article 1 - Name: The name of the federation shall be the International Alliance of Women, Equal Rights - Equal Responsibilities (IAW) L’Alliance Internationale des Femmes, Droits Egaux - Responsabilités Égales (AIF) Centenary Edition:Author Foreword Foreword My personal introduction to the International Alliance somehow lost track of my copy of that precious document. of Women happened in dramatic circumstances. Having Language and other difficulties were overcome as we been active in the women’s movement, I was one of those scrounged typewriters, typing and carbon paper, and were fortunate to be included in the Australian non-government able to distribute to all of the United Nations delegations delegation to Mexico City in 1975. our -
Ukraine's 2006 Parliamentary And
THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE ADVANCING DEMOCRACY WORLDWIDE UKRAINE PARLIAMENTARY AND LOCAL ELECTIONS MARCH 26, 2006 ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION FINAL REPORT Ukraine Parliamentary and Local Elections March 26, 2006 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute IRIadvancing democracy worldwide The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, N.W. Suite 700 Washington, D.C. 20005 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 3 I. Introduction 5 II. Pre-Election Period 7 A. Political Situation in Ukraine 2004-2006 7 B. Leading Electoral Blocs and Parties in the 2006 Elections 8 C. Campaign Period 11 III. Election Period 15 A. Pre-Election Meetings 15 B. Election Day 16 IV. Post-Election Analysis 19 V. Findings and Recommendations 21 Appendix I. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Ukrainian Elections 25 Appendix II. Election Observation Delegation Members 29 Appendix III. IRI in Ukraine 31 2006 Ukraine Parliamentary and Local Elections 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Republican Institute (IRI) received funding from the National Endowment for Democracy to deploy a 26- member international delegation to observe the pre-election en- vironment, voting and tabulation process for the March 26, 2006 elections in Ukraine. The March elections were Ukraine’s fourth parliamentary elec- tions since the country declared independence in 1991, as well as the fi rst conducted by the government of President Viktor Yushchenko. The 2006 elections were a test for the Yushchenko administration to conduct a free and fair election. The interna- tional community and mass media were watching to see if the new government would make use of administrative resources and other fraudulent means to secure the victory for its political bloc in the election.