Borderless Flanders The impact of tourism on territorial identification processes in Dutch borderland Flanders, 1970-1985

Master Thesis ResMA History: Politics, Culture and National Identities Lauren Antonides s1395505 | [email protected]

Supervisor: dr. H.J. Storm Second reader: prof. dr. H. te Velde

Word count: 24.956 Hand in date: 30 June 2020

Leiden University Lauren Antonides

Image on front page: Women in traditional dress with shop selling pornographic literature in the background, (before 1974). Source: J.J.H. Pop, ‘In Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Gemeenten stellen grenzen aan commerciële seks’, De Nederlandse Gemeente (Official magazine of the Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten (VNG)) 13 (1975) 145-150: 147.

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Borderless Flanders

Preface

‘Are you from Zeelandic Flanders yourself?’ was invariably the reaction I got when I told people about my research. As if it was hard to imagine that I, a student from Leiden, was interested in this border region. And that may perfectly be the reason for this research. In the Randstad, Zeelandic Flanders and other borderlands are not only physically, but also mentally, far away. This center- periphery thinking has been subject to change over the last few decades, as the Dutch border area gained increasing attention in the political and social debate. This thesis aims to contribute to that spatial – and mental – shift. During my research, I did find out what exactly was meant by that ‘peripheral character’. After numerous trips to Middelburg in practically empty train compartments and having explained my friends for the Xth time what exactly I was doing in that ‘fishing village’, I began to ask myself the existential questions that every researcher asks him or herself at some point. Why am I doing this? And what exactly did I find interesting about this region in the first place? Who is reading this anyway? Luckily, at these moments I could count on the support of a number of people without whom I could not have written this thesis. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor dr. Eric Storm for his guidance and scholarly insights. His critical eye and constructive feedback proved vital to writing this thesis. My gratitude also out to the employees of the Zeeuws Archief in Middelburg and the Gemeentearchief in , who were able to scan incredible amounts of digital material when the archives were closed during the Corona crisis. I would also like to thank my aunt Jolanda, whom I could always count on for a place to sleep (and a good conversation) after a long day in the archives of Middelburg. Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents Jo and Liesbeth and my sister Judith for their endless support and patience. Whenever I was in doubt, or simply felt like complaining, I knew I could rely on them. Thank you for always believing in me and making sure I’m keeping my feet on the ground.

Lauren Antonides Leiden, June 2020

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Lauren Antonides

Contents

Preface ...... 3 Contents ...... 4 Introduction ...... 6 Studying regions: the spatial turn ...... 9 Tourism and regional identities ...... 13 Method ...... 16 1 Tourism in Zeelandic Flanders ...... 21 1.1 Tourism...... 21 1.1.1 , holiday province of the ...... 21 1.1.2 Domestic tourism ...... 23 1.1.3 Tourism in Zeelandic Flanders: beach and border ...... 24 1.2 The Vereniging voor Vreemdelingenverkeer (VVV) ...... 29 1.2.1 Local VVVs...... 29 1.2.2 The regional VVV ...... 32 1.2.3 Other actors in the tourist industry ...... 33 Conclusion ...... 35 2 Beach tourism ...... 36 2.1 Tourist framing: A maritime-rural landscape crossing borders ...... 36 2.1.1 A pure and quiet coastline ...... 36 2.1.2 Ripe cornstalks, gently swaying in the sea breeze: the countryside ...... 39 2.1.3 Like fork and knife: and Knokke ...... 42 2.1.4 Zeelandic clay and Flemish sandy soils: a cross-border tourist landscape ...... 45 2.2 Tussen bloot en niet bloot staat een grenspaal: nudist recreation ...... 47 2.2.1 The threat of blootliggers and naaktlopers: the local debate ...... 48 2.2.2 Citizen letters ...... 50 2.2.3 Zeeland’s first nudist beach: VVV and local authorities ...... 52 Conclusion ...... 54 3 City tourism ...... 56 3.1 Tourist framing: The Flemish idyll ...... 56 3.1.1 Shopping in the border area ...... 56 3.1.2 Architecture: Flemish roots and Scheldegotiek ...... 58

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3.1.3 Bourgondisch genieten: local cuisine ...... 60 3.1.4 Reinventing local traditions: krulbollen and carnaval ...... 62 3.1.5 The Belgian hinterland ...... 64 3.2 From historic town to ‘sex Mecca’: border tourism in Sluis ...... 67 3.2.1 Sluis, ‘open sewer of Zeelandic Flanders’: the local debate ...... 68 3.2.2 The VVV and sex shop tourism ...... 71 3.2.3 ‘Op sex beluste Belgen’: local and national media ...... 72 Conclusion ...... 75 Conclusion ...... 76 Bibliography ...... 81

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Lauren Antonides

Introduction

Cadzand and Knokke, they belong together like food and drinks, like knife and fork… Well, whoever amongst the young tourists says ‘Cadzand’, also says ‘Knokke’.1

In 1970, Zeelandic Flanders’ local tourist magazine De Badkoerier [The Coastal Courier] described a typical holiday of youngsters visiting the Dutch maritime border region. Young tourists would usually combine a day on the beach in Cadzand, on the Dutch side of the border, with a night out in the Belgian city of Knokke, which was only a 30-minute bike ride away. ‘Sleeping on the beach during the day, and in the evening… that’s when the holiday starts’, the author wrote. This article quite accurately summarizes Zeelandic Flanders’ tourist landscape in the 1970s. The most southwestern region of the Netherlands was bordered by in the south and the Western in the north. This sea delta separated the region from the rest of the province of Zeeland – a tunnel connecting the two would only be realized in 2003.2 The geographical situation of the Zeelandic borderland was strongly associated with its peripheral status. Situated in the margins of the country, the region was not only physically, but also economically, socially and culturally distanced from the rest of the Netherlands.3 Within the context of tourism, however, its location in between a maritime border and a state border was key to its appeal as a holiday destination. In the postwar period, beach tourism in the Netherlands experienced a major boost. Economic growth and improved living conditions resulted in holidays becoming accessible for broader layers of society. The introduction of holiday allowances and other arrangements for vacation days provided strong incentives for holiday making from the 1970s onwards, both in the Netherlands and abroad. Between 1966 and 1981, the holiday participation of the Dutch showed an increase from 41 to 63 percent.4 In this period, the maritime province of Zeeland expanded its reputation as ‘holiday province’ of the Netherlands. Whereas in 1960, Zeeland counted 1.6 million tourist overnight stays, this had already increased to 6 million by 1970 and 12 million by 1980.5 As a border region, Zeelandic Flanders also saw the increase of particular types of tourism related to

1 Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg, Archief Provinciale Zeeuwse Vereniging voor Vreemdelingenverkeer (VVV Zeeland) 1935-2006 (hereafter ZA, VVV Zeeland), box 262: De (Nieuwe) Badkoerier, toeristen informatieblad voor West Zeeuws- Vlaanderen (1970-1975; 1977; 1980-1982), De Badkoerier 11.10 (1970), untitled article on front page, starting with: ‘Cadzand en Knokke’, ze horen bij elkaar als eten en drinken…’. 2 Hans Schoots, Stromenland. De wereld rond de Westerschelde (: Uitgeverij Balans, 2013), 17. 3 Ibid., 102-111. 4 Jaap Lengkeek, ‘Behind Windmills and Flower Bulbs: Tourism Policies in the Netherlands’ in: Carlos Costa, Emese Panyik and Dimitrios Buhalis ed., European Tourism Planning and Organisation Systems. The EU Member States (Bristol: Channel View Publications, 2014) 524-535: 529. 5 Gerard van Keken, De constructie van regionale identiteit: Zeeland. Strategieën van place branding en place making. PhD Dissertation School of Management, Erasmus University (Leidschendam: Uitgeverij Quist, 2011) 25, 205. 6

Borderless Flanders the border. Cross-border shopping became an important pillar of the regional economy in the postwar period, as border towns such as Sluis and Oostburg saw their Belgian clientele grow.6 The rapidly expanding tourism sector in the Netherlands demanded national policy makers to respond. In the 1970s, a boom in recreational policy and implementation took place. An important aspect of tourism policy in this period was the provision of subsidies for local tourism entrepreneurs to boost regional economic growth.7 Especially in coastal areas, this proved an important driving force behind the professionalization of local tourist organizations, such as the Vereniging voor Vreemdelingenverkeer [Association for Foreign Travel] (VVV).8 This period for example saw the establishment of Streek-VVV’s [regional VVVs]: regional partnerships between local tourist offices.9 These regional divisions had the primary aim of stimulating tourism in the region and creating a joint ‘touristic product’. ‘(…) Jointly promoting West Zeelandic Flanders as an attractive holiday area with a unique hinterland,’ was how Chairman Jan Schippers summarized the aim of the newly established association in 1972.10 An effective means to this end, was the issue of touristic brochures and magazines. This was therefore one of the most important tasks of the regional VVV.11 In written promotional material, Zeelandic Flanders was portrayed as an authentic maritime region with a unique Flemish hinterland. The region’s ‘Flemishness’, both in culture and landscape, was portrayed as essential to its attractiveness as a tourist destination. Zeelandic Flanders was, to domestic tourists, presented as ‘een stukje buitenland in eigen land’: a piece of a foreign country in your own country.12 The image of a region in which Dutch and Flemish culture harmoniously coexisted was, however, not as unproblematic as tourist brochures suggested. Behind the façade of regional authenticity and cross-border culture, local society struggled with the intensification of what were perceived negative aspects of border tourism. In the 1970s and 1980s, Belgian tourists began to cross the border en masse to enjoy the recreational benefits of the liberalization of Dutch moral legislation. This ‘tourism of vice’, in terms of border scholar Dallen Timothy, was met with concern in the local community, that feared moral degradation and harm to Zeelandic Flanders’ reputation as a holiday destination.13

6 W. de Vries, ‘Inleiding’, Inventaris Archief Gemeentebestuur Sluis (1940-1994) (Oostburg: Gemeentearchief Sluis, 2017) 9. 7 Lengkeek, ‘Tourism Policies in the Netherlands’, 528. 8 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 207. 9 See for example: Author unknown, ‘Coördinatie van V.V.V.'s in Gelderland’, Overijsselsch Dagblad, 15 February 1958; Author unknown, ‘Friesse VVV wil straks professioneler aanpak. Provincie indelen in streek-VVV's’, Leeuwarder Courant, 20 June 1972; Joep Dohmen, ‘Streek-VVV op komst voor Zuid-Limburg’, Limburgsch Dagblad, 22 December 1982. 10 Author unknown, ‘Streek VVV in West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen slaat aan het werk’, De Stem, 3 October 1972. 11 In the first edition of the regional VVV’s newsletter Contactorgaan, an overview is provided of the tasks and responsibilities of the regional VVV. In this overview, the issue of brochures and tourist guides is emphasized as one of its core tasks. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142: Streek VVV West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen (1976-1980), Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1980. 12 Ibid., Streekfolder West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, brochure issued by Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1978. 13 Dallen Timothy, Tourism and Political Boundaries (London: Routledge, 2001) 61. 7

Lauren Antonides

How was Zeelandic Flanders’ regional identity constructed in the tourism industry? And to what extent was this image as unproblematic as promotional material might suggest? This thesis will address these questions by analyzing the impact of tourism on territorial identification processes in Zeelandic Flanders in the 1970s and early 1980s. The research question is: ‘To what extent did tourism influence Zeelandic Flanders’ regional identity in the period 1970-1985?’ To answer this question, this thesis will analyze both deliberate practices of tourist framing, as the way in which Zeelandic Flanders’ regional identity was made sense of in the local debate on the impact of the border-related tourism of vice. The geographical scope of the analysis will be restricted to West Zeelandic Flanders, as Zeelandic Flanders’ tourism industry was predominantly concentrated here.14 The chosen time frame largely overlaps with the period that regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders was active. In 1972, the regional VVV was founded, and in 1985, it merged with VVV East Zeelandic Flanders as part of a broader reorganization that led to further commercialization of the overarching VVV Zeeland.15 As issues of regional tourist magazine De Badkoerier are archived from 1970, decided is to expand the chronological scope of the analysis to this year. More importantly, this period saw the boost of beach tourism in the Netherlands, as well as the emergence of particular types of ‘tourism of vice’ in the Zeelandic borderland.

Figure 1 Zeelandic Flanders, bordered by Belgium in the south and by the in the north. This sea delta separated the region from the remainder of Zeeland and the Netherlands. Source: Wikimedia Commons.

14 Author unknown, ‘Oost en west vormen aparte afdelingen. Oprichting van één streek VVV voor Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen gaat nog niet door’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 31 July 1971. 15 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 144: Streek VVV West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen (1984-1985), Founding statutes VVV Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen; Author unknown, ‘Inleiding Archief Provinciale Zeeuwse Vereniging voor Vreemdelingenverkeer (VVV Zeeland) 1935-2006’ (version 21 April 2020), https://www.zeeuwsarchief.nl/onderzoek-het- zelf/archief/?mivast=239&miadt=239&mizig=210&miview=inv2&milang=nl&micols=1&micode=666#inv3t1 (accessed 3 June 2020). 8

Borderless Flanders

Studying regions: the spatial turn

By analyzing the role of borderland tourism in regional identity formation, this thesis aims to offer a fresh take on existing scholarly work in the field of regionalism studies. Over the last few decades, the historical study of regions and regional identities has experienced a major boost. This tendency should be seen as part of a broader scholarly shift from the nation as main unit of analysis to other spatial dimensions, often referred to as the ‘spatial turn’ in the humanities and social sciences. According to nationalism scholar Eric Storm, the spatial turn was a response to globalization forces that gained momentum in the 1990s. The fall of the Berlin Wall signaled the end of a stable worldview dominated by nation states. The rapid increase of international travel, invention of the internet and growing importance of supranational organizations, such as the European Union, further challenged the dominance of the nation state in the global order.16 The decline of the nation state paved the way for regions, that gained a stronger position in Europe’s political, economic and cultural order. This is what geographer Anssi Paasi calls the ‘resurgence of the region.’17 The spatial turn resulted in increasing scholarly awareness about the need to include the regional and local level when studying national identity formation.18 Groundbreaking works by regional historians Anne-Marie Thiesse and Celia Applegate on regionalism in respectively France and Germany set the tone for the study of sub-state regionalism in Western Europe. Thiesse argued that the celebration of ‘petites patries’ was fundamental to French nationalism.19 In a similar manner, Applegate showed how regionalist sentiments persisted in the German process of unification.20 Both studies share the idea that smaller territorial entities did not disappear when nationalism emerged in the nineteenth and twentieth century. On the contrary: nationalism often even strengthened regional identities. The metaphor of an onion came to represent the new multi- spatial approach to nationalism. Like an onion, nationalism consists of different ‘layers’: other spatial dimensions that coexist with or even enforce the national dimension.21 The current chronological scope of the historical study of regions is characterized by a strong emphasis on the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The historiographical overrepresentation on the era that is generally perceived as the age of nationalism is perhaps not surprising. However, it does leave invisible how regional identities were constructed in historical periods that are generally less associated with nationalist sentiments, such as the postwar era. One of the few exceptions to this trend is Jeremy DeWaal’s study of the Heimat-movement in German-

16 Eric Storm, ‘The spatial turn and the history of nationalism: Nationalism between regionalism and transnational approaches’ in: Stefan Berger and Eric Storm ed., Writing the History of Nationalism (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019) 215-238: 216-17. 17 Anssi Paasi, ‘The resurgence of the ‘Region’ and ‘Regional Identity’: Theoretical perspectives and empirical observations on regional dynamics in Europe’, Review of International Studies 35 (2009) 121-140: 121. 18 Eric Storm, ‘Overcoming Methodological Nationalism in Nationalism Studies: The Impact of Tourism on the Construction and Diffusion of National and Regional Identities’, History Compass 12.4 (2014) 361-373: 361-362. 19 Anne-Marie Thiesse, Écrire la France. Le mouvement littéraire régionaliste de la langue française entre la Belle Epoque et la Libération (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1991). 20 Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990). 21 Storm, ‘Spatial turn’, 222. 9

Lauren Antonides speaking parts of Europe in the twentieth century, in which he dedicates part of the analysis to postwar sentiments of regionalism. He argues that after the Second World War, ‘democratic regionalists’ entered the political stage. ‘Democracy’ and ‘world-openness’ became central values in regionalist rhetoric. Especially in western border regions and maritime areas, the idea of regions as gates to Europe became dominant to regionalist discourse.22 More than historians, the spatial turn inspired social scientists to conceptualize the process of regional identity formation. Paasi’s groundbreaking work The Institutionalization of Regions: Theory and Comparative Case Studies (1986) has been particularly influential in the field of geography. In his monograph, Paasi conceptualizes the region building process by the theory of the ‘institutionalization of regions’. Central to this theory are four dimensions of regional shaping: territorial, symbolic, functional and institutional shaping.23 The degree to which a region is institutionalized in terms of these four shapes determines its ‘regionness.’ In this respect, the distinction between ‘thick’ and ‘thin’ regional identities is often employed. Whereas thick regional identities are highly institutionalized, historic and have clear boundaries, thin regional identities are less well-defined, future-oriented and have fluid boundaries.24 Despite these promising developments, the Netherlands is still a heavily underexplored area in regionalism studies. Only the last two decades saw some modest preliminary explorations of the history of Dutch regionalism. The already limited corpus of case studies predominantly focuses on, in terms of Paasi, thick regional identities. Examples are historical studies of the southern province of Limburg and northern provinces of Friesland, Groningen and Drenthe.25 The second half of the twentieth century is also heavily underrepresented in this field. An exception is social historian Daniël Boersma’s study of regional identity construction in Groningen. In Het wonderland achter de horizon. Groninger regionaal besef in nationaal verband 1903-1963 (2005), he describes how Groningen regional awareness was strengthened in the wake of twentieth century migration flows. The economic migration from the northern province to the Randstad, the

22 Jeremy DeWaal, ‘Regionalism and its Diverse Framings in German-Speaking Europe across the Long Twentieth Century’ in: Xose ́ M. Nuń ez̃ Seixas and Eric Storm ed., Regionalism and modern Europe: identity construction and movements from 1890 to the present day (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019) 169-191: 183-184. Note that in Zeeland’s, West- Flanders’ and Hauts-de-France’s contemporary place branding strategies, the notion of these regions as ‘gate to Western Europe’ is still prevalent. See: Lauren Antonides, Zij hebben iets wat wij niet hebben. De regio branding strategieën van Zeeland, West-Vlaanderen en Hauts-de-France. Research report internship with House of the Dutch Provinces (Brussels, 2020). 23 Anssi Paasi, ‘The institutionalization of regions: a theoretical framework for understanding the emergence of regions and the constitution of regional identity’, Fennia 164.1 (1986) 105-46. 24 Kees Terlouw, ‘From thick to thin regional identities?’, GeoJournal 77 (2012) 707-721: 709-11. 25 Geographer Gert-Jan Hospers argues that the provinces of Friesland, Limburg and Zeeland and sub-provincial area of Twente are typical examples of ‘thick’ regional identities, See: Gert-Jan Hospers, Geografie en gevoel. Wat plekken met ons doen (Assen: Van Gorcum, 2014) 27-30. Examples of historical studies are: Jos Perry, ‘t Nachtegaaltje zingt’. Regionalisme in Nederlands-Limburg 1900-1950’, Studies over de sociaal-economische geschiedenis van Limburg. Jaarboek van Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 52 (2007) 7-46; Joep Leerssen, ‘Een beetje buitenland. Nederlandse natievorming en Limburgs regionalisme’, Studies over de sociaal-economische geschiedenis van Limburg. Jaarboek van Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 52 (2007) 47-65; Goffe Jensma, Het rode tasje van Salverda. Burgerlijk bewustzijn en Friese identiteit in de negentiende eeuw (Leeuwarden: Fryske Akademy, 1998); Erwin Karel, Grenzen in Drenthe. Vier historische beschouwingen over scheidslijnen in cultuur en landschap (Assen: Van Gorcum, 2000). 10

Borderless Flanders

Dutch metropole area in the west, inspired a new sense of regional identity, that was based on a shared past in Groningen.26 Although the Dutch maritime province of Zeeland is also typically made sense of as a ‘thick’ region, very little research has been conducted into Zeeland’s regional identity. The current historiography on Zeeland is dominated by social-economic studies, with a strong focus on the development of Zeeland’s agricultural sector, and maritime history.27 Social scientists have made slightly more progress in the study of identity formation in Zeeland. Geographer Gerard van Keken’s dissertation on Zeeland’s regional identity offers one of the most elaborate explorations on this subject. In his study, he questions the dominant notion of Zeeland as a thick, cohesive region. He argues that its island structure has historically undermined a sense of unity in Zeeland, resulting in a fragmented cultural landscape of ‘island identities’.28 Studies into the Zeelandic borderland are still part of a niche in both history and geography. Regional historians André Bauwens’ and Jan Krabbendam’s edited volume Scharnierend Gewest. 200 jaar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen 1814-2014 (2014) offers one of the few historical overviews of the region. Throughout modern history, the authors argue, the border region acted as a hinge (‘scharnier’), that moved from south to north. In political, economic and cultural terms, the region shifted its orientation from the south, to Flanders, to the north, the rest of Zeeland and the Netherlands, over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth century.29 A similar argument is presented by social historian Hans Schoots, who claims that Zeelandic Flanders’ tendency to focus on the Netherlands, instead of Flanders, already stemmed from the Dutch Revolt (1566-1648). The Dutch annexation of the region, then still part of the County of Flanders, marked the end of its Flemish orientation, he argues.30 What historical studies of Zeelandic Flanders have in common, however, is the overemphasis of national political events as ‘turning points’ in the regional identity formation process. Underlying Bauwens ed.’s argument that Zeelandic Flanders experienced a ‘shift from south to north’ is the idea that the region’s identity was primarily negotiated in the wake of international political events. Contributing author Jeanine Dekker for example argues that throughout the nineteenth century, the question of the borderland’s identity flamed up whenever the political relations between Belgium and the Netherlands were subject to change.31 The weight attributed to political events is all the more remarkable, considering the editors’ critique on the

26 Daniël Broersma, Het wonderland achter de horizon. Groninger regionaal besef in nationaal verband 1903-1963 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 2005), 101-121. 27 See: Paul Brusse and Jan Zwemer ed., Geschiedenis van Zeeland deel 4: 1850-2000 (Zwolle: WBOOKS, 2014); Arno Neele, De ontdekking van het Zeeuwse platteland. Culturele verhoudingen tussen stad en platteland in Zeeland 1750-1850 (Zwolle: WBOOKS, 2011); Arjan van Dixhoorn, Gerjanne Hoek, Koen van der Blij and David van Gelder ed., History of Zeeland in the World: Exploring the World from Zeeland (Middelburg: De Drukkery, 2019). 28 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 190-191. 29 André Bauwens and Hans Krabbendam, ‘Zeeuws-Vlaanderen van zuid naar noord’ in: André Bauwens and Hans Krabbendam ed., Scharnierend Gewest. 200 jaar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen 1814-2014 (: Heemkundige Kring West- Zeeuws-Vlaanderen, 2014) 9-15: 11. 30 Schoots, Stromenland, 100. 31 Jeanine Dekker, ‘Tussen Frans, Belgisch en Nederlands bestuur’ in: Bauwens, Scharnierend Gewest, 35-51: 48-49. 11

Lauren Antonides one-sided political focus of historians of Dutch history. They argue that ‘for national historians, concentrated on power centers such as Brussels, , The Hague or Middelburg, Zeelandic Flanders is a secluded and marginal area, except in the context of wars and rebellions.’32 This indeed seems reflected in the way in which Zeelandic Flanders is approached by for example Henk te Velde and Joep Leerssen. Both historians almost exclusively consider Zeelandic Flanders in relation to territorial disputes between Belgium and the Netherlands in the nineteenth and twentieth century.33 However, despite Bauwens ed.’s plea to move away from the political approach, the overemphasis of the role of political events in regional identity formation also seems persistent in their volume. This results in the historiographical image of Zeelandic Flanders becoming increasingly nationally oriented throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century. As this thesis will show, the region’s Dutch orientation was not as uncontested as existing studies might suggest. In the context of tourism, the border region’s Flemish heritage was cultivated and celebrated. This paradox suggests that the study of tourism is valuable in offering alternative insights into the process of regional identity construction, that would remain under the surface in the political approach. Cultural historian Caitlin Murdock sees the disproportionate focus on conflict, rather than coexistence and interdependence, as a broader challenge to the study of borderlands.34 She pleas for a shift of attention from disputed territories towards what she calls ‘fluid borderlands’, which allows the study of more banal forms of cross-border interactions, such as intermarriage, smuggling, cross-border cultural projects – and tourism.35 In recent years, historians have become increasingly attentive to the role of tourism in the nation building process. According to Storm, the study of tourism is a promising development in nationalism studies, as it takes into consideration transnational patterns that are ignored in the traditional approach. The study of tourism has therefore potential in overcoming one of the main challenges that the field of regionalism and nationalism studies faces: its ‘case study character’. The vast majority of existing regional studies focuses on one particular aspect or period in one particular regional or local context, resulting in a fragmented overall picture. The history of Europe, Storm argues, is therefore presented as a set of isolated regional and national histories.36 Similar objections resonate in the social sciences. Paasi criticizes the assumed cohesion within regional units that the current body of geographical literature seems to suggest.37 This ‘jigsaw puzzle view’, in terms of political scientist Raimo Väyrynen, falsely depicts regions as ‘discrete,

32 Bauwens, ‘Zeeuws-Vlaanderen van zuid naar noord’, 10. 33 See: Joep Leerssen, ‘Regionalism in the Low Countries’ in: Xose ́ M. Nuń ez̃ Seixas and Eric Storm ed., Regionalism and modern Europe: identity construction and movements from 1890 to the present day (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019) 213-232: 214-215; Henk te Velde, ‘Het verdrag dat er niet kwam. Het Belgisch-Nederlands verdrag van 1927’ in: Jo Tollebeek and Henk te Velde ed., Het geheugen van de Lage Landen (Rekkem: Ons Erfdeel, 2009) 155-162: 156 – 159. 34 Caitlin Murdock, Changing Places. Society, Culture, and Territory in the Saxon-Bohemian Borderlands, 1870-1946 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2010), 10-11. 35 Murdock, Changing Places, 4, 7. 36 Eric Storm, ‘Overcoming Methodological Nationalism’, 363-364. 37 Paasi, ‘Resurgence’, 131-132. 12

Borderless Flanders sharply bounded, static continental units [that] fit together in an unambiguous way.’38 In the social sciences, so-called ‘relational thinkers’ instead argue that contemporary regions are increasingly influenced by social practices, processes and discourses that have their origins outside of the region.39

Tourism and regional identities

According to Storm, tourism was one of the most important external influences on the nation building process.40 Already in the nineteenth century, small communities in various countries started to attract a considerable number of foreign travelers, generally looking for authentic images and original experiences. This taste for regional authenticity among others stimulated rural tourism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, as the countryside began to be seen as the area where the nation’s origins and ‘true culture’ could still be found.41 The tourist’s quest for authenticity demanded a local response, resulting in traditions being invented and reinvented by the local community. This way, the local tourist industry became a key arena in which regional identity was negotiated.42 The rise of mass tourism after the Second World War is generally characterized by a loss of regional culture. The culture of regionalism was now associated with Nazi Germany’s Blut und Boden-ideology, which made it subject to wide-spread suspicion. Instead, the Reconstruction era had a strong future-oriented outlook, reflected in a homogenous, modern tourist landscape. As sunbathing became the dominant form of vacationing in the 1950s, beach tourism experienced a major boost. However, the emergence of a ‘characterless’ tourist landscape in Western Europe should not be overestimated. Storm argues that the War was not a sharp turning point, as in the Reconstruction era, ‘regional peculiarities remained a lucrative side-dish’.43 Moreover, the 1970s saw a revival of regional culture in new forms of tourism, such as cultural tourism, roots tourism, rural tourism and visits to industrial heritage sites. In this period, regional differences came to play a central role in local authorities’ destination marketing efforts. As decentralization and the development of European territorial policy resulted in an increasingly competitive regional climate, local authorities developed marketing strategies in order to attract potential residents, companies and visitors. According to Storm, in these destination marketing practices, nineteenth century regional images and stereotypes made a comeback.44 The

38 Raimo Väyrynen, ‘Regionalism: Old and New’, International Studies Review 5.1 (2003) 25-51: 25-26. 39 Paasi, ‘Resurgence’, 131-132. 40 Storm, ‘Overcoming Methodological Nationalism’, 365 – 366. 41 Eric Storm, ‘Tourism and the Construction of Regional Identities’, in: Xose ́ M. Nuń ez̃ Seixas and Eric Storm ed., Regionalism and modern Europe: identity construction and movements from 1890 to the present day (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019) 99-118: 101-102. 42 Storm, ‘Overcoming Methodological Nationalism’, 361 -363, 367. 43 Storm, ‘Tourism and the Construction of Regional Identities’, 113. 44 Ibid., 109-112. 13

Lauren Antonides development of these so-called regional branding strategies from the 1970s onwards has been researched with more scrutiny by geographers, such as Paasi and Dutch geographer Kees Terlouw.45 Despite the revival of regional culture in 1970s tourism, historical case studies still focus predominantly on the nineteenth and early twentieth century. An exemplary study is Patrick Young’s Enacting Brittany: Tourism and Culture in Provincial France, 1871-1939 (2012), which analyzes the impact of tourist exchange on dilemmas of cultural distinctiveness and authenticity in the French maritime region. Young shows that during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, tourist sites functioned as key arenas in which Breton identity was negotiated.46 Comparable studies have appeared in the context of Great-Britain, where scholars primarily directed their attention towards the relation between tourism and the creation of a Scottish collective identity.47 Anthropologists identified similar processes in non-Western countries. Examples are studies into the impact of foreign tourism on the island of Bali, also referred to as the ‘touristification’ of Balinese identity.48 Recently, the role of borderland tourism in the construction of cross-border identities has also become subject of historical study. In her study of tourism in the Saxon borderlands in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Caitlin Murdock shows how tourist framing involved understandings of a German nation that extended beyond political boundaries. As state borders did not coincide with landscape borders, the tourism promotors’ framing of the landscape offered an alternative view of the German Reich.49 In a similar way, geographer Eeva-Kaisa Prokkola points out how cross-border heritage, such as smuggling and cross-border marriages, are cultivated in contemporary borderland tourism. In her study of the Finnish-Swedish border region, she shows how tourism functioned as a driving force behind the revival of borderland culture.50 The study of tourism in borderlands fits with what border scholar Henk van Houtum calls the ‘people approach’ in border studies. This is the most recent theoretical strand in geographical literature on borders. In the people approach, the human production and reproduction of borders is the main subject of study. Studies in this tradition take the viewpoint and behaviors of individuals, or groups of individuals, taking part in cross-border interaction as starting point of the

45 Paasi argues that from the 1990s onwards, regional governments increasingly adopted an entrepreneurial outlook. Neoliberalization, decentralization and EU regional policy resulted in an increasingly competitive regional landscape. In this competitive environment, place branding became an important instrument of local administrations to attract visitors, residents and companies. According to Terlouw, this period saw a shift from thick to thin regional identities in regional branding strategies. In the neoliberal competitive environment, the attraction of regions became increasingly determined by thin elements, such as economic power and future-orientedness. See respectively: Paasi, ‘Resurgence’, 129-131; Kees Terlouw, ‘Rescaling regional identities: Communicating Thick and Thin Regional Identities’, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 9.3 (2009) 452-464: 460-461. 46 Patrick Young, Enacting Brittany: Tourism and Culture in Provincial France, 1871–1939 (Farnham: Routledge, 2012) 8-9. 47 Storm, ‘Overcoming Methodological Nationalism’, 366. 48 See for example: Michel Picard, ‘Balinese identity as tourist attraction. From ‘cultural tourism’ (pariwisata budaya) to ‘Bali erect’ (ajeg Bali), Tourist studies 8.2 (2008) 155-173: 162-163. 49 Caitlin Murdock, ‘Tourist Landscapes and Regional Identities in Saxony, 1878–1938’, Central European History 40 (2007) 589-621: 597-602. 50 Eeva-Kaisa Prokkola, ‘Borders in tourism: the transformation of the Swedish–Finnish border landscape’, Current Issues in Tourism 13.3 (2010) 223-238: 234-235. 14

Borderless Flanders analysis. Underlying this approach is the idea that borders are not merely political lines in space, but separators and products of people with different nationalities and identities.51 An exemplary study of this tradition is Paasi’s Territories, Boundaries and Consciousness: The Changing Geographies of the Finnish-Russian Border (1996). His approach is referred to as ‘narrative geography’, as he makes use of people’s stories, symbols, pictures and texts, to support his argument.52 Social scientific literature in the field of border tourism provides analytical tools that help develop a thorough understanding of the particular dynamics of border tourism. An influential study in this field is border scholar Dallen Timothy’s Tourism and Political Boundaries (2001), which analyzes the way in which the proximity of a political boundary influences the nature and development of tourist destinations. Dallen argues that spatially, borderland tourism can be viewed from two primary perspectives: borders as tourist attractions themselves, and tourism that owes its existence to its relative location near the border. Cross-border shopping is an example of the latter category. However, Dallen argues, borders can also stimulate particular types of tourism that are widely considered to be immoral or negative, such as border town gambling, prostitution, and drinking. This could partly be explained by different state jurisdictions on both sides of the border, but also by the idea that being away from home implies freedom from ‘puritanical bonds of normal living.’53 This tourism of vice, he argues, is often the byproduct of a community’s borderland location.54 As the already limited study of Dutch regionalism suggests, the role of tourism in relation to regional identity formation in the Netherlands, let alone Zeelandic Flanders, is still largely uncharted territory. One of the few studies in this field is conducted by cultural historian Jan Hein Furnée. In his contribution to Peter Borsay and John K. Walton’s Resorts and Ports: European Seaside Towns since 1700 (2011), he analyzes the impact of tourism on local society in Scheveningen, a coastal town close to the Hague, in the eighteenth and nineteenth century. In this book chapter, he shows how the image of Scheveningen as a typical Dutch idyll cultivated in the tourism sector, with its picturesque fishing boats, cane beach chairs and villas, was all but uncontested. Mutual tensions between tourists and the local fishing community undermined the image of a harmonious interaction between cosmopolitan pleasures and authentic local culture.55 A comparable study is

51 Van Houtum argues that three theoretical strands have dominated debates on borders in geographical literature since the 1970s. The first is the flow approach, which is reflected in Classic European economic geography. Classical border scholars focused on the impact of borders on the flow of economic activities. In this tradition, borders are essentially seen as barriers to flows of interaction. The second strand is the cross-border cooperation approach. As a response to the rapid increase of Europe’s cross-border cooperation programs in the 1990s, cross-border cooperation became the dominant theme in border studies. Underlying this scholarly trend was the idea that borders can and should be overcome. Border regions were perceived as being able to profit heavily from the benefits of cooperation. The third is the people approach. See: Henk van Houtum, ‘An Overview of European Geographical Research on Borders and Border regions’, Journal of Borderlands Studies 15.1 (2000) 56-83: 59-72. 52 Houtum, ‘Borders and Border regions’, 71. 53 Timothy, Tourism and Political Boundaries, 37, 49-68. 54 Ibid., 61. 55 Jan Hein Furnée, ‘A Dutch idyll? Scheveningen as a seaside resort, fishing village and port, c. 1700-1900’ in: Peter Borsay and John K. Walton ed., Resorts and ports. European seaside towns since 1700. Tourism and cultural change (Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2011) 33-50: 33. 15

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Remco Ensel’s analysis of the role of Zeelandic folk culture in tourism on the island of in the nineteenth century. He argues that the image of knitting women on the beach served as a popular idyllic theme in the visual repertory of the developing tourist press in Zeeland.56 The impact of tourism on regional identity formation in Zeelandic Flanders has not yet been subject of historical study. The case of the Zeelandic borderland, however, merits attention, as it provides new perspectives into the complex dynamics of regional identity formation in borderland tourism.

Method

To establish the impact of the tourism industry on regional identity in Zeelandic Flanders in the period 1970-1985, a wide array of primary sources will be analyzed. Local tourist framing practices will be demonstrated by analyzing tourist brochures, magazines and other promotional material issued by VVVs and other actors in the tourist industry. This part of the analysis is mainly based on the collection ‘VVV Zeeland (1935-2006)’, kept by Zeeland’s provincial archive. Local tourist magazine De Badkoerier will be attributed a central role in the analysis of tourist discourse. De Badkoerier was founded by a local tourist entrepreneur in Cadzand in 1960, and distributed freely in the coastal area during the period considered in this thesis.57 The magazine still exists today, although it is now run by a professional marketing agency.58 Roughly a decade after its founding, De Badkoerier had a weekly circulation of approximately 5.000 copies.59 As local VVVs in the area frequently contributed to the magazine by sending in articles, it is very likely that the magazine was also distributed in local tourist offices.60 Content-wise, apart from promotional articles about the area, De Badkoerier contained general information relevant for tourists, such as ferry and bus schedules. As the magazine was freely distributed, a large part of the magazine was dedicated to advertisements. Both in terms of contents and layout, De Badkoerier was in this period still fairly amateurish. The magazine was a patchwork of advertisements and articles, showing little unity, and the level of writing also testified of little professional editorship. This does, however, suggest that the magazine was a local product, created with little interference from ‘higher authorities’, such as the overarching VVV Zeeland.

56 Remco Ensel, ‘Knitting at the beach: tourism and the photography of Dutch fabriculture’, Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 16.4 (2018) 379-399: 380-381. 57 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148: ‘VVV Cadzand (1949-1987)’, Letter from Mr. Oskamp, chief of VVV Zeeland, to Mr. De Hullu, secretary of VVV Cadzand, concerning the foundation of local tourist magazine De Badkoerier, 25 October 1960. 58 Author unknown, ‘Contactgegevens De Badkoerier’ (version date unknown), https://www.badkoerier.nl/contact.htm (accessed 3 June 2020). 59 Author unknown, ‘“Oorlog” in Cadzand om gunsten van badgasten’, De Stem, 9 April 1969 60 From 1973, the substitle of De Badkoerier is ‘Toeristen informatieblad in samenwerking met VVV’s’ [Tourist information magazine in collaboration with VVVs]. In the last issue of this year, the editing board of De Badkoerier mentions explicitly that the magazine is edited in collaboration with the VVV. See: Notice on behalf of the editor, De Badkoerier 14.14 (1970). 16

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De Badkoerier was mainly aimed at Dutch-speaking tourists, as its articles and advertisements were predominantly published in Dutch. Translations of Dutch articles and articles written uniquely in a foreign language, such as German, were rare.61 Brochures were also mainly issued in Dutch, although frequently issued brochures, such as the Streekfolder [Regional Brochure], were usually also translated in German and French.62 Apart from language-use, the content of tourist magazines and brochures also suggests that they were mainly aimed at a Dutch audience. Often, domestic tourists were specifically addressed: an article advertising a local tourist menu for example opens with ‘our people are not used to eating out-doors’, hinting on the Dutch stereotypical trait of frugality.63

Figure 2 Frontpage of an issue of De Badkoerier, published in 1970. Source: see note 1.

Apart from De Badkoerier and tourist brochures, tourist framing practices will also be examined in articles published in local newspapers, such as the Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant and De Stem. In summer time, local newspapers often published promotional articles describing the area. It can be assumed that a large part of these promotional newspaper articles came from the hand of the VVV, or were at least based on promotional material issued by the VVV. Contact details of VVVs were for example often mentioned in these articles.64 The main reason to include local newspapers, is to provide a more complete overview of the way in which the region was presented to visitors.

61 After Dutch, German was the second language in De Badkoerier. See for example: ‘Wilkommen in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 12.13/14 (1971); ‘Ferien in Cadzand’, De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973). 62 Regional brochure (Streekfolder) West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1978. 63 ‘Het Tourist Menu maakt buitenshuis eten populair’, De Badkoerier 11.3 (1970). 64 Henriëtte Verburgh and Marjan Mes, ‘Cadzand: meer dan alleen zee en strand’, De Stem, 27 July 1979. 17

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Zeelandic Flanders’ coastline was for example a minor subject in De Badkoerier, as the magazine was mainly distributed amongst tourists that already resided in the coastal areas. In addition to written material, practices by the VVVs and other actors in the tourist industry, such as the organization of tourist events, will also be investigated. Especially within the context of city tourism, these performances are crucial to understanding the way in which the tourist industry cultivated Zeelandic Flanders’ regional identity. Primary sources examined to this end are member newsletters, meeting minutes and annual reports of local VVVs and regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders, as well as local newspapers. Apart from tourist framing, this thesis will analyze the local response to the border-related tourism of vice. Chosen is to focus on three groups of actors in this respect: VVVs, local authorities and residents. The response of the VVV will be examined in meeting minutes and annual reports of both regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders and local VVVs, as well as member newsletters issued by local VVVs and letter correspondence between VVVs and other actors in the tourist industry. The role of local authorities will be investigated by municipal council meeting minutes, policy reports, policy notes and bills for new legislation, as well as letter correspondence between local authorities and other actors in the tourism industry. The way in which citizens made their voice heard in the local debate is analyzed in citizen letters. The latter are, however, not archived in relation to Sluis’ pornography industry. The chronological developments described in this thesis are mainly characterized by continuity, as the impact of tourism on Zeelandic Flanders’ regional identity in the period 1970- 1985 does not show major chronological turning points. However, this period did see an important ‘mental shift’ that cannot be completely ignored when analyzing the regional tourist industry. In the wake of the economic crises of 1973 and especially 1979, the optimistic spirit of the 1970s received a major blow. The pessimism of the late 1970s and early 1980s is often referred to as the emergence of the ‘No Future’-mentality and ‘doemdenken’ [doom thinking] in the Dutch history of mentalities. According to social historian Jouke Turpijn, the fear of widespread unemployment fueled a sense of ‘hopelessness’ and ‘gloominess’ amongst (especially young) Dutch people.65 Although the ‘No-Future’ mentality is not necessarily reflected in deliberate practices of tourist framing, awareness of this mental shift does help understand the viewpoints and choices of actors in the local tourist industry, such as VVVs and local authorities. Given that this research fully depends on local sources, the scarcity of sources poses challenges for the analysis. The VVV Zeeland collection of Zeeland’s provincial archive for example lacks consistency. Promotional material and other records have not been systematically archived, as Zeelandic Flanders’ tourist industry was still mainly dependent of local initiatives. Local tourist magazine De Badkoerier is for example only archived for the periods 1970-1975, 1977 and 1980-1982, resulting in an overrepresentation of years 1970-1982 in the analysis. For the analysis of the local response to the border-related tourism of vice, merely local debates in the

65 Jouke Turpijn, 80’s Dilemma. Nederland in de jaren tachtig (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 2011) 124. 18

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Municipality of Sluis could be considered, as the of Oostburg’s records are only archived until 1970. Apart from chronological and geographical inconsistency, the limited availability of primary sources also results in a rather heterogenous corpus of primary sources. Apart from brochures, local newspapers are for example consulted in the analysis of tourist framing practices. Awareness of these practical limitations is needed, although they are not considered problematic for the analysis. As the availability of sources is a challenge almost inherent to historical research into regions and other localities, inconsistency in the corpus of primary sources is difficult to prevent. A more fundamental pitfall of the approach employed in this thesis, is that it restricts its scope to the impact of tourism on the local community, and ignores the viewpoint of tourists themselves. In the depiction of local debates about border tourism, for example, the voice of Belgian tourists themselves is left out. However, as the main aim of this thesis is to analyze the way in which tourism influenced the regional identity formation process in local society, this limitation of the scope of actors is not considered problematic. Another limitation is that probably the most important impact of tourism on local society is excluded from the analysis: the boost of the regional economy. In the postwar period, West Zeelandic Flanders dealt with socioeconomic issues such as unemployment and demographic decline. In this context, tourism offered commercial opportunities that were of vital importance to the regional economy.66 ‘Without coastal tourism, West Zeelandic Flanders would have been a backward area’, Oostburg’s Labor mayor C. Spijkerboer tellingly stated in 1980.67Although the neglect of economic dynamics does result in an incomplete image of the local impact of tourism, it does not harm the main aim of this thesis: to analyze the cultural impact of tourism on local society. This thesis is structured as follows. The first chapter will provide a general overview of the emergence of tourism in the Netherlands, and its regional specificities in Zeelandic Flanders. This background chapter will also elaborate on the different spatial dimensions of the VVV and their role in the local tourist landscape. The following chapters entail the analysis of tourist framing and the underlying impact of border tourism on society in two domains: beach tourism and city tourism. In Chapter 2, beach tourism will be analyzed. Although Zeelandic Flanders did not experience mass tourism on the scale of the Zeelandic island of Walcheren, it did receive a major

66 In the period concerned in this thesis, Zeelandic Flanders coped with relatively high numbers of unemployment compared to the rest of the Netherlands. In 1972, the unemployment rate was 6 percent: double the national average. Apart from high unemployment rates, West Zeelandic Flanders also struggled with demographic issues, namely demographic decline (‘krimp’) and an ageing population (‘vergrijzing’). The already sparsely populated area saw its resident numbers decline from the 1970s onwards. In addition, the region suffered from a relatively high vergrijzingspercentage: the relative number of elderly people in the population. By 1984, Zeelandic Flanders had one of oldest populations in the Netherlands: 18 percent of the population was above the age of 65, compared to the national average of 14 percent. According to historian Hans Schoots, this was largely due to the ‘exodus’ of young people, as a result of marginal educational and employment opportunities. See: Schoots, Stromenland, 107; Piet van Cruyningen, ‘Bevolking en landbouw’, in: Bauwens, Scharnierend Gewest, 55-70: 56; Jan Dijkstra, ‘Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen, Nederlands stiefkind’, De Tijd, 2 February 1974; ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 152: ‘VVV Oostburg (1953- 1988)’, Kwartaalbericht, newsletter issued by VVV Oostburg, January 1984. For the national averages, see Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS) Statline. 67 Author unknown, ‘WZ-Vlaanderen kan toerisme niet missen’, De Stem, 30 September 1980. 19

Lauren Antonides boost in this period. Especially coastal town Cadzand expanded its reputation as a popular beach destination in the area. Behind the idyllic image of an authentic maritime landscape, local society struggled with a new, controversial type of beach recreation that emerged as a result of differences in state legislation on both sides of the border. The last chapter will elaborate on city tourism. In this period, border towns such as Sluis and Oostburg became popular shopping destinations in the area. The tourist industry invested not only in their image as ‘shopping walhallas’, but also in the cultivation of local culture and heritage. The harmonious picture of towns as bastions of Flemish folklore was however, not uncontested, as border towns saw the emergence of unwanted types of border tourism that sparked a heated debate in local society.

20

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1 Tourism in Zeelandic Flanders

Beach tourism in the Netherlands became a truly mass phenomenon after 1945. As a result of the massive shift towards beach holidays that started in the 1950s, the maritime province of Zeeland increasingly came to be known as ‘holiday province of the Netherlands’. The growing tourism sector became an important pillar of Zeelandic Flanders’ regional economy, especially in the wake of the 1979 oil crisis. As a borderland, this region developed its own particular tourist dynamics.

1.1 Tourism 1.1.1 Zeeland, holiday province of the Netherlands According to geographer Gerard van Keken, the end of the Second World War marked the end of elite tourism in the Netherlands.68 This should be seen as part of a broader European development, in which the postwar welfare state made leisure and recreation increasingly accessible to broader layers of society. ‘When the economy and living conditions improved in the first decade after the War, a mass exodus from the cities (…) started at the weekends’, tourism scholar Jaap van Lengkeek tellingly states in this respect.69 The boost of beach tourism resulted in Dutch seaside towns such as Scheveningen, Zandvoort and Domburg becoming popular holiday destinations in the postwar period.70 The number of international tourists in Europe rapidly increased throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, due to the rising living standards. These decades saw the highest percentage of growth in international tourist arrivals (by far) in the second half of the twentieth century.71 In the Netherlands, the boost of international tourism resulted in a new influx of German tourists. At the same time, Dutch tourists also increasingly traveled outbound. Spain became a popular holiday destination among the Dutch. An important driving force behind this development was the increase of car ownership, that made this and other international destinations easier accessible. Despite the increase of international tourism, however, the Dutch coast remained one of the most important holiday destinations for domestic tourists in this period.72 The 1973 and 1979 oil crises resulted in a temporary drop in growth of coastal tourism, while also resulting in a relative increase of domestic tourism, as people now sought their holiday destinations closer to home.73

68 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 202. 69 Lengkeek, ‘Tourism Policies in the Netherlands’, 528. 70 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 203-216. 71 Timothy, Tourism and Political Boundaries, 7. 72 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 208-210. 73 Ibid., 207; Jan Schipper, 100 jaar VVV. Van vreemdelingenverkeer tot toerisme (Leiden: Toerboek, 2000) 193. In his analysis of the development of mass tourism in Spain, Josep A. Ivars Baidal mentions that ‘the positive evolution rates of international tourism [in the second half of the twentieth century] only changed during recession periods, such as that related to the effects of the oil crisis in the mid-1970s or that experienced during the transition from the 1980s to the 1990s.’ See: Josep A. Ivars Baidal, ‘Spain: From the Mass Model to a New Tourism Economy’ in: Carlos Costa, Emese Panyik and Dimitrios Buhalis ed., European Tourism Planning and Organisation Systems. The EU Member States (Bristol: Channel View Publications, 2014) 464-485: 468. 21

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In the second half of the twentieth century, the maritime province of Zeeland increasingly came to be known as ‘holiday province’ of the Netherlands.74 Coastal towns such as Domburg lost their elitist character, as they became holiday destinations accessible to broader layers of society. According to Van Keken, Zeeland developed a particular tourist landscape in the postwar period. Compared to the rest of the Netherlands and Belgium, its coastline to a lesser extent saw the emergence of new hotels and pensions. Instead, its tourism culture was highly determined by the involvement of locals, especially in the provision of tourist accommodations. Illustrative for Zeeland’s tourism culture was the habit of Domburg’s locals to transform their house into holiday accommodations during peak season, whilst residing in the garden shed themselves.75

Figure 3 The number of tourist overnight stays in Zeeland between 1950 and 1990, published in local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant in 1990. Between 1982 and 1987, the growth of overnight stays temporarily stagnated, due to the 1980s recession. Source: see note 77.

Although little is known about particular tourist dynamics in Zeelandic Flanders, the impact of tourism on local society cannot be denied. By the mid-1980s, West Zeelandic Flanders counted 1,5 million overnight stays, on a total population of approximately 25.000 inhabitants.76 It must be noted, however, that this number was only a fraction of the total amount of stays in Zeeland. In the same year, Zeeland counted 14 million overnight stays. This extraordinary number could largely be explained by the popularity of the province’s main beach destination: the island of

74 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 25. 75 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 202-204. 76 Author unknown, ‘Oostburgse wethouder A. de Feijter: Toerisme wordt belangrijkste trekpaard West-Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1985. 22

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Walcheren.77 Nonetheless, the impact of tourism on the regional economy should not be underestimated. In peak season, the tourist wave more than doubled the local population.78 Van Keken argues that in recent decades, tourism has become essential to the economic development of peripheral coastal areas with a rural hinterland.79

1.1.2 Domestic tourism

Most of the guests come from Holland, of course, and there are also many visitors from Belgium, close to the border. A considerable number of Germans (…) have become regular guests over the years.80

This brief reflection on the origins of tourists in Zeelandic Flanders, published in local tourist magazine De Badkoerier in 1973, quite accurately summarizes the ratio domestic / foreign tourists in Zeelandic Flanders throughout the 1970s and 1980s.81 The vast majority of tourists were Dutch, followed by Germans and Belgians. The large share of domestic tourists mirrors the limited attraction of the region outside of the Netherlands. In 1983, regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders issued a report exploring possibilities to enhance the international position of the region as a holiday destination. In this report, it is mentioned that ‘Northern France is still uncharted territory (…) [and] England shows a modestly growing interest for the region.’’82 Besides, in this period, international tourism was only just starting to take off. The 1979 oil crisis resulted in a temporary drop of foreign travel, with the exception of Belgian tourism. After all, for Belgians seeking their holiday closer to home in times of recession, the Dutch maritime border region was an interesting option.83 Overviews of information requests published in VVV Oostburg’s newsletter Kwartaalbericht offer a more precise insight into the relative numbers of domestic and foreign tourists visiting the area. For example, in the summer of 1983, almost half of the total amount of information requests

77 Author unknown, ‘De Zeeuwse Actie tegen de polsslag van de tijd’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 August 1990; Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 205. 78 Author unknown, ‘Juli wordt weer vakantietopper in Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 13 May 1972. 79 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 5. 80 ‘Ferien in Cadzand’, De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973). 81 In an issue of VVV Oostburg’s newsletter Kwartaalbericht issued almost a decade later, it is stated that the vast majority of tourists coming to Zeelandic Flanders were domestic tourists, followed by tourists from Germany, Belgium, France and Great-Britain. See: Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1984. 82 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 143: Streek VVV West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen (1981-1983), Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West- Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1983. 83 During a meeting of regional VVV’s Executive Committee (Dagelijks Bestuur), the ‘increasing tendency to go on a holiday in your own country (also in Europe)’ is explicitly mentioned. In letter correspondence between the regional VVV and a national tourism agency, mentioned is that Belgian tourism increased due to the economic crisis See respectively: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 143: Streek VVV West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen (1981-1983), Minutes meeting Executive Committee (Dagelijks Bestuur) Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 16 November 1981; Letter from Astrid Zande, representative of the Nationaal Bureau voor Toerisme [National Agency for Tourism], to Streek VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, concerning the annual Salon des Vacances in Brussels, 7 November 1983. 23

Lauren Antonides was issued to Dutch tourists, followed by German tourists (25 percent) and Belgian tourists (10 percent).84 Within the Netherlands, most tourists came from Noord-Brabant, Limburg and Gelderland.85 The relatively large influx of these provinces can be explained by their geographical location: as they were situated east from Zeelandic Flanders, the Western Scheldt did not constitute a barrier for traveling.86 Coming from the north, one had to cross this estuary by taking the ferry from , on the island of Walcheren, to . To illustrate: a trip from the Dutch metropole area De Randstad to Zeelandic Flanders took approximately 2,5 hours.87

Figure 4 ‘In many instances, Auckland and Sydney are more easily accessible than Grijpskerk [a village on the island of Walcheren] and Cadzand… Question of good connections.’ The notoriously poor accessibility of Zeelandic Flanders is used to promote intercontinental cargo flights by Pan American Express. Source: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148.

1.1.3 Tourism in Zeelandic Flanders: beach and border The coast was essential to Zeelandic Flanders’ appeal as a tourist destination. West Zeelandic Flanders counted four coastal towns: Cadzand, Breskens, Nieuwvliet and Groede, of which

84 Note that Belgium and Luxembourg are taken together as a category in overviews of information requests in VVV Oostburg’s newsletters. Assuming that the number of tourists from Luxembourg is negligible, this number offers a fairly good indication of the number of Belgian information requests. See: Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, November 1984. 85 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1984. 86 Coming from the east, one would usually travel through Belgium via Antwerpen. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 144, Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1984. 87 Maggy van Gaalen, ‘Waarom niet naar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen in de winter?’, Haagsche Courant, 30 December 1972. 24

Borderless Flanders

Cadzand was the largest.88 The most southern coastal town of the Netherlands was situated on the border with Belgium, only a few kilometers away from Belgian seaside resort Knokke.89 Compared to the Belgian coast, the Zeelandic Flemish coastline was considerably less adapted to mass tourism. The famous ‘wall’ of seaside apartment buildings in Belgium formed a stark contrast with the simple coastline of the Dutch borderland. According to Van Keken, this was a typical difference between the Dutch and Flemish coast in general, the first generally characterized by a stronger connection with nature.90 The Zeelandic Flemish coast was a typical family destination: by the early 1980s, 90 percent of all beach tourists came as families.91 Apart from beach tourism, Zeelandic Flanders was home to particular types of tourism that were directly connected to the border, such as cross-border shopping. In the 1970s, border towns Sluis and Oostburg increasingly expanded their position as go-to shopping cities in the area.92 Cross-border travel between the Netherlands and Belgium was free from border checks, as the free movement of people between these countries had been guaranteed by the Benelux Treaty of 1960. This Treaty was introduced fifteen years before the establishment of the Schengen zone, that enabled the free crossing of border for a wider array of Western European countries.93 Belgian cross-border shopping was, however, not an entirely new phenomenon. On the contrary, for centuries, price differences had stimulated cross-border movement in the Dutch- Belgian borderland. Differences in prices on both sides of the border even sparked a lucrative butter smuggle business in the postwar era.94 It could be argued that from the 1970s onwards, Belgian cross-border shopping became more of a touristic event in its own right. The relaxation of laws on opening hours in the Netherlands resulted in relatively flexible opening hours on the Dutch side of the border, which made shopping trips in the evening and on Sunday possible. In 1976, the Dutch phenomenon of the koopavond [shopping night] was introduced in the Winkelsluitingswet [Shop Closing Law]. This meant that from now on, shopkeepers were legally permitted to open their shops in the evening once a week.95 In 1984, the koopzondag [shopping Sunday] was introduced. This allowed shopkeepers to open their shops on Sunday up to four times

88 ‘Cadzand: meer dan alleen zee en strand’, De Stem, 27 July 1979. 89 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142, Breskens, brochure issued by Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1978. 90 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 197. 91 VVV Oostburg’s newsletter Kwartaalbericht published an overview of statistics regarding tourism in West Zeelandic Flanders in 1983. Mentioned here is that ‘More than 90 percent of the summer guests ‘comes as a family’ (‘komt in gezinsverband’). See: Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, July 1983. 92 W. de Vries, ‘Inleiding Archief Sluis’, 9; Author unknown, ‘Dertig jaar full-time informatiebureau. Oostburgse VVV viert jubileum in alle stilte’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 1 June 1983; Author unknown, ‘VVV-Sluis bedolven onder regen van informatievragen’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 15 June 1988. 93 Author unknown, ‘De geschiedenis van de Benelux Unie’ (version date unknown), https://www.benelux.int/nl/benelux-unie/benelux-een-oogopslag/ (accessed 17 June 2020); European Union, ‘Schengen Area’ (version date unknown), https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/what-we-do/policies/borders-and- visas/schengen_en (accessed 17 June 2020). 94 André Bauwens, ‘Smokkel tussen noord en zuid’ in: Bauwens, Scharnierend Gewest, 89-103: 99-100. 95 In an issue of VVV Sluis’ newsletter ‘t Sluisje, it is mentioned that Oostburg and Breskens frequently held koopavonden. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 155: VVV Sluis (1952-1987), Contactorgaan 't Sluisje 36, newsletter issued by VVV Sluis, December 1978. 25

Lauren Antonides a year.96 The Sunday opening indeed offered new recreational opportunities for Belgians, amongst whom especially Sluis was popular.97 The town was exempted from the Winkelsluitingswet, resulting in relatively flexible opening hours.98 Together with , a border city in the eastern part of Zeelandic Flanders, Sluis had become Zeelandic Flanders’ most important shopping destination by the end of the 1980s.99 The laws introducing the koopavond and the koopzondag were respectively passed by the Labor cabinet under Joop Den Uyl (1973-1977) and the Christian Democrat/Liberal cabinet under Ruud Lubbers (1982-1986), which suggests that the flexibilization of opening hours was not necessarily tied to one particular political current.100 Rather, these legislative changes should be seen as part of a broader, social development. According to psychologist Jos van der Lans and sociologist Herman Vuijsje, Dutch cities’ leisure capital became increasingly important in the 1970s and 1980s. Shopping and amusement characterized the ‘fun city’, and ‘going downtown’ became a leisure pursuit in its own right. It could be argued that the introduction of the relaxation of laws on shop opening hours was the legal response to this ‘exodus to the city center’.101 The border, however, also stimulated particular types of tourism that were generally less welcomed by the local community. In the first half of the 1970s, Zeelandic Flanders saw a massive increase of pornography shops and adult cinemas.102 Nationally, these were called the ‘golden years’ of sex shops, as the Dutch gedoogbeleid [policy of tolerance] with respect to pornography resulted in a rapid increase of enterprises exploiting commercial sex.103 ‘Gedogen’ was a typical political phenomenon of the 1970s, when a massive swing to the left took place under Den Uyl (Partij van de Arbeid [Labor Party] (PvdA)).104 He led what is generally referred to as the most left-wing cabinet

96 Wikipedia, ‘Winkeltijdenwet’ (version date unknown) https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winkeltijdenwet (accessed 13 May 2020). 97 The Sunday opening had not yet been introduced in Belgium. An exception was coastal town Knokke, that organized a Sunday market from 1972 onwards. Knokke also organized koopavonden. See: ‘Knokke Heist’, De Badkoerier 13.12 (1972); Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 36, December 1978. 98 In one of its newsletters, VVV Sluis describes Sluis’ flexible opening hours as an ‘unprecedented situation in the Netherlands.’ Shops were opened between 08.00 and 21.00 on weekdays, and between 10.00 and 21.00 on weekends. This resulted in Sluis enjoying becoming a popular shopping city in the 1970s and 1980s, especially amongst Belgian tourists. ‘Tourists love Sluis, especially the fact that shops are open on Sunday, people enjoy,’ an employee of VVV Breskens’ tourist office commented in local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant. See respectively: Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 36, December 1978; Peter Verdurmen, ‘Kampeerders gaan op de kleintjes letten’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 22 July 1983. 99 Author unknown, ‘Middenstand: Geen gevolg voor kooptoerisme. Kamer van Koophandel bang voor dure gulden’, De Stem, 9 January 1987. 100 Jeroen Touwen, Coordination in Transition. The Netherlands and the World Economy, 1950-2010 (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, 2014) 261-265. 101 Jos van der Lans and Herman Vuijsje, Lage landen, hoge sprongen. Nederland in de twintigste eeuw (Wormer: Immerc, 2003) 195-196. 102 Gemeente Sluis, Oostburg, Archief van het Gemeentebestuur Sluis 1940-1995 (hereafter AGS, Gemeente Sluis), box 588: ‘Stukken betreffende het beleid inzake de commerciële exploitatie van seks in de gemeente Sluis en Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen (1970-1985)’, Report on the development of commercial sex institutions in Zeeland by the police department of Zeeland in Middelburg, 17 June 1983. 103 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Letter from the head of the police department in West Zeelandic Flanders to the district commander of Zeeland about the development of commercial sex institutions, August 1983. 104 See: Lans, Lage landen, hoge sprongen, 177, 240. 26

Borderless Flanders of the century.105 Although the Labor Party was a strong advocate of liberalizing Dutch obscenity laws in the field of pornography, Christian Democratic Minister of Justice Dries van Agt heavily resisted this. Therefore, only in 1986, the production and possession of pornographic material was officially legalized in Dutch law.106 The proximity of Belgium, that still employed a far more conservative policy on pornography, meant that the Zeelandic borderland faced a much greater demand of pornography and sex related articles than the rest of the Netherlands. This ‘short circuit’ between what was allowed in Belgium and the Netherlands resulted in the market for pornography not saturating. On the contrary: the demand from Belgium seemed almost limitless.107 Around 1981, approximately 90 percent of visitors of sex shops and adult cinemas were Belgians.108 ‘In the past, Belgians predominantly crossed the border for price differences. Since a couple of years, pornography has been added to that,’ Jaap Pop, policy analyst for the Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten [Association of Dutch ] (VNG) and member of the Labor Party, remarked in 1974.109 The spread of pornography shops is, according to border scholar Dallen Timothy, a type of ‘tourism of vice’ that typically emerges in border areas, as different types of jurisdictions meet here.110 Zeelandic Flanders’ coastal area saw the emergence of another type of border tourism that was generally perceived as immoral by the local community: nudist recreation. In the 1980s, Zeelandic Flanders’ beaches experienced a significant increase of Belgian nudists, attracted to the more tolerant policy on nudism on the Dutch side of the border.111 The increase of nudist recreation was, however, not a dynamic exclusive to the maritime borderland, but a broader European development. In the postwar period, nudism lost its elitist character and became decreasingly associated with the strict ‘back-to-nature’-lifestyle of the Lebensreform movement of the early twentieth century.112 In Europe and the , the practice of nudism

105 Touwen, Coordination in Transition, 261. 106 Jan Schuijer, ‘Seksuele integriteit en rechtsbescherming’, Socialisme & Democratie (1996) 43-49: 45-46. 107 In the Netherlands, the already limited legal provisions in the field of pornography rarely led to criminal prosecution. Belgium, on the other hand, employed a far stricter policy on pornography. Sex shops and other forms of commercial exploitation of sex were forbidden here. See: Letter from police chief West Zeelandic Flanders to district commander Zeeland about commercial sex institutions, August 1983. 108 John Verhoeven, 'Sluis: sex kopen ze toch wel, daar wordt niet op bezuinigd', Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 6 November 1981. 109 J.J.H. Pop, ‘In Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Gemeenten stellen grenzen aan commerciële seks’, De Nederlandse Gemeente (Official magazine of the Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten (VNG)) 13 (1975) 145-150: 145. 110 Timothy, Tourism and Political Boundaries, 61. 111 In a letter from the chief of police in Sluis to the head of the police department in West Zeelandic Flanders in 1981, in which the ‘problem’ of nude recreation is reported, the police commander mentions that nude recreation is spreading along the entire coastline, ‘from Retranchement to Breskens.’ See: AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548: ‘Stukken betreffende de naaktrecreatie op de stranden (1981-1988)’, Letter from the chief of police in Sluis (postcommandant Sluis) to the head of the police department in West Zeelandic Flanders (Groepscommandant Rijkspolitie West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen) about the development of nudism in het , 29 August 1981. 112 In the early twentieth century, nudism emerged as an elitist branch of the German-based Lebensreform (life reform) movement, that advocated ‘natural ways of living’ to improve urban-industrial society. Apart from nudism, vegetarianism, abstinence from alcohol and natural healing through sunlight are a few elements of the ‘back-to- nature-lifestyle’ that this reactionary movement propagated. The Lebensreform ideology became increasingly 27

Lauren Antonides

‘democratized’, as the sexual revolution and emerging youth culture resulted in the breaking of taboos around nudism and naturism. Nudism, in other words, transformed from an elitist, naturist lifestyle, into a leisure pursuit accessible to broader layers of society.113 In the 1960s, nude recreation gained increasing popularity in the Dutch leisure scene. The Nederlandse Federatie van Naturistenverenigingen [Dutch Federation for Nudism Associations] was established in 1961, with the aim of defending the rights of nudists in Dutch society.114 This organization fulfilled a central role in the lobby for the legalization of nudism in the Netherlands. In 1975, Minister of Justice Van Agt decided that Dutch municipalities were allowed to appoint nudist beaches, however under strict circumstances. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, nudist recreation was tolerated (gedoogd) by the national government. Only in 1986, nude recreation was formally legalized in Dutch law.115

Figure 5 Herewith, I declare open…’ Illustration about the opening of a nudist beach near The Hague, published in Dutch newspaper De Volkskrant on 21 August 1974. Source: see note 115.

controversial after the War, due to its folkish and racial elements See: John Alexander Williams, Turning to Nature in Germany. Hiking, Nudism and Conservation, 1900-1940 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007) 11. 113 Tess de Bruijn, ‘Nudisme en naturisme. Waarom zijn we zo graag naakt?’ (version date unknown), https://npofocus.nl/artikel/7861/nudisme-en-naturisme-waarom-zijn-we-zo-graag-naakt (accessed 21 May 2020). 114 By 1975, the association already counted sixty thousand members. See: Bruijn, ‘Nudisme en naturisme’. 115 J.J.H. Pop, ‘Bloot slaat niet langer dood, oftewel: Naaktstrand, een zaak van voorwaardelijke gemeentelijke autonomie’, De Nederlandse Gemeente (Official magazine of the Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten (VNG)) 29 (1975) 354-357; Bruijn, ‘Nudisme en naturisme’; Ibid., ‘Naakt in Callantsoog’ (version date unknown), https://www.anderetijden.nl/artikel/6739/Naakt-in-Callantsoog (accessed 21 May 2020). 28

Borderless Flanders

As Municipalities were responsible for the local policy on nudism, the spread of nudist beaches showed high regional variety. Compared to the rest of the Netherlands, Zeeland’s local authorities were rather hesitant in opening a nudist beach. Partly, this could be explained by the large orthodox-Protestant (Gereformeerde) community in Zeeland, which had moral objections against nudism.116 However, the call for a nudist beach became increasingly pressing. This was especially the case for Zeelandic Flanders, that experienced a disproportionate growth of nudist recreationists due to its proximity to Belgium. Eventually, the municipality of Oostburg opened the first nudist beach of Zeeland in 1984, on the coastal area between Breskens and Groede. This turned out to be a success: the nudist beach became the most frequented beach in the region by the late 1980s.117

1.2 The Vereniging voor Vreemdelingenverkeer (VVV)

The postwar development of tourism and leisure was followed by a boom of recreational policy in the 1970s, according to Van Lengkeek. The increased priority given to the recreation sector in national economic policy was, amongst others, reflected in more substantial financial support for local tourist entrepreneurs.118 This was an important driving force behind the professionalization of tourist organizations in the Netherlands, such as the Vereniging voor Vreemdelingenverkeer [Association for Foreign Travel], or VVV.119 This tourist organization operated on different spatial levels: the local, regional, provincial and national level. In this thesis, only the activities of local and regional VVV will be analyzed.

1.2.1 Local VVVs The core business of the VVV was performed on the local level: the provision of information to tourists. In cities and villages, plaatselijke VVV’s [local VVVs, often simply referred to as VVVs] implemented this core task. These local associations usually ran one or more tourist offices, where local volunteers provided tourists with both spoken and written information about the area.120 As Daphne Blanker shows in her study of the VVV in Middelburg in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, this ‘expert role’ was essential to the position of VVVs in the tourist infrastructure. ‘By accumulating information about the region and saving it in one place, the VVV

116 Joop van Dalfsen, ‘Kwart eeuw georganiseerd toerisme. Zeeland en de Veluwe blijven witte plekken’, De Waarheid, 5 April 1986; Author unknown, ‘Belangstelling afgelopen zomer overweldigend. Nieuw parkeerterrein voor naaktstrand bij Breskens’, Provinciale Zeeuwse Courant, 4 October 1984. 117 Author unknown, ‘Eerste Zeeuwse naaktstrand’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 16 March 1984; 4 October 1984; Author unknown, ‘Naaktstrand het drukste strand van Zeeuws-Vlaanderen’, Trouw, 5 September 1987. 118 Lengkeek, ‘Tourism Policies in the Netherlands’, 528-529. 119 Keken, ‘Zeeland’, 207. 120 Lengkeek, ‘Tourism Policies in the Netherlands’, 527; ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 143, ‘De samenwerking en de taakafbakening in het kader daarvan, van het NBT (Nationaal Bureau Toerisme) en het VVV-wezen’, Report VVV Nederland, February 1981. 29

Lauren Antonides was able to become a knowledgeable actor in the region (…) leaving behind traces of its power that are still evident today’, she states.121 By the mid-1980s, West Zeelandic Flanders counted ten local VVVs.122 The majority of these had been established long before the regional VVV was introduced.123 Remarkably, the demand of tourist information was not diminished in the wake of the economic recession in the 1980s. On the contrary: in times where people had less to spend, they became more critical in choosing their holiday destination. As a result, VVVs were busier than ever. ‘Tourists nowadays are not easily satisfied. On most tourists, we spend twice as much time as before,’ VVV Oostburg’s secretary J.G. Ouwendijk stated in 1983.124 Informatie-employés [Information Employees], most of whom were volunteers, should be seen as the operational layer of the VVV. On a more strategic level, the board of the local tourist association set out a course for the development of tourism in the area. Until 1990, the VVV had an official status as a governmental body (ambtelijke status), meaning that local authorities had a strong say in the organization.125 This is reflected in the composition of local VVVs’ boards, in which local administrators fulfilled key positions. In 1971, Sluis’ mayor Herman van den Beld (Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie [Liberal Party] (VVD)) was elected as chairman of the local VVV.126 His successor, fellow party member Jack Asselbergs, took office in 1980 and became chairman of the VVV a year later.127 An influential figure within VVV Oostburg was municipal secretary M.A. Aalbregtse, who had founded the association in 1953 as an ‘extension of the municipal service (gemeentelijke diensten)’.128 The cooperation between local authorities and the VVV had a long history. Zeeland’s first VVV, founded in Middelburg in 1892, already intensively cooperated with local authorities in the first decades after its establishment.129 The influence of municipalities in the VVV was not only reflected in the composition of local boards, but also in its financial structure. Municipal subsidies were an important source of income for the local branches of the tourist association.130 As Jan Schippers shows in his historical study of the VVV, the municipal contribution came under pressure in the wake of the economic recession in the early 1980s. State Secretary of Economic Affairs van Piet van Zeil (Christen-

121 Daphne Blanker, ‘Tourist Office in Middelburg: Infrastructure and Information Society’ in: Arjan van Dixhoorn, Gerjanne Hoek, Koen van der Blij and David van Gelder ed., History of Zeeland in the World: Exploring the World from Zeeland (Middelburg: De Drukkery, 2019) 211-226: 220-222. 122 These VVVs were based in Aardenburg, Breskens, Cadzand, Groede, Hoofdplaat, IJzendijke, Nieuwvliet, Oostburg, Retranchement and Sluis. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 144, Overview addresses VVV-offices in Zeelandic-Flanders, 1 January 1985. 123 VVV Sluis and VVV Cadzand were for example founded in 1939 and VVV Oostburg in 1953. See respectively: Author unknown ‘Goedkeuring statuten VVV Sluis’, Vlissingsche Courant, 22 April 1939; ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148, Statutes VVV Cadzand, 9 July 1959; ‘Jubileum VVV Oostburg’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 1 June 1983. 124 ‘Jubileum VVV Oostburg’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 1 June 1983. 125 Author unknown, ‘Inleiding Archief VVV Zeeland’. 126 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 155, Annual report (Jaarverslag) VVV Sluis 1971, December 1971. 127 Author unknown, ‘VVV Sluis heeft nieuwe voorzitter’, De Stem, 9 September 1981. 128 Author unknown, ‘Jaarvergadering VVV Oostburg’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 25 April 1977; ‘Waarom niet naar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen?’, Haagsche Courant, 30 December 1972. 129 Blanker, ‘Tourist Office in Middelburg’, 220-222. 130 See for example: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148, Budget VVV Cadzand 1986 and 1987. 30

Borderless Flanders

Democratisch Appèl [Christian Democratic Party] (CDA)), however, encouraged municipalities to invest in their VVVs, as the tourism sector was one of the few growing economic sectors. Not investing in tourism was, as he stated, like ‘slaughtering a chicken that was still laying eggs.’131 Apart from municipal subsidies, VVVs were also funded by donations of local businesses.132 More than municipal subsidies and commercial donations, local VVVs were dependent of membership contributions. These constituted approximately half of their annual income.133 Anyone interested in the development of tourism in the area could become a member of the tourist association, ranging from local entrepreneurs and authorities to residents. In the annual Algemene Ledenvergadering [General Members Meeting], members could participate in the decision-making process of the tourist association.134 Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the three largest VVVs of West Zeelandic Flanders counted approximately 200 (Cadzand), 160 (Sluis) and 130 (Oostburg) members. Although these VVVs saw their number of members slightly decrease in the wake of the economic recession, this period saw no drastic alterations in membership numbers.135 Apart from the provision of tourist information, local VVVs also undertook other activities with the aim of stimulating tourism in the area. An important additional task was the organization of tourist events. VVV Sluis for example organized the ‘braderie’, an annual street fair in which members of the tourist association could participate.136 As a ‘guide’ in the tourist landscape, VVVs also actively supported tourist entrepreneurs in the region. VVV Sluis and VVV Oostburg regularly published newsletters, in which they updated their members about relevant developments in the Dutch recreation sector, and offered advice about touristic matters.137 This was rather unique, as only 3 percent of local VVVs in the Netherlands issued newsletters to its members in this period.138 Whereas ‘t Sluisje was issued approximately twice a year, VVV Oostburg’s Kwartaalbericht [Quarterly Report] was issued, as its name suggests, four times a year. In 1980, regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders also established its own newsletter Contactorgaan, in imitation of VVV Oostburg.139

131 Jan Schipper, 100 Jaar VVV. Van vreemdelingenverkeer tot toerisme (Leiden: Toerboek, 2000) 193. 132 Report VVV Nederland, February 1981. See for example: Annual report VVV Sluis, December 1971; Budget VVV Cadzand 1986 and 1987. 133 See for example: Annual report VVV Sluis, December 1971; Budget VVV Cadzand 1986 and 1987. 134 See for example: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148, Agenda General Members Meeting (Algemene Ledenvergadering) VVV Cadzand, 10 March 1972. 135 See respectively: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148, Annual report (Jaarverslag) VVV Cadzand, December 1974; ‘Jubileum VVV Oostburg’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 1 June 1983; Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 36, December 1978. 136 Author unknown, 'Vijfde Braderie Sluis goede reclamestunt', Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 26 May 1978. 137 In an edition of Kwartaalbericht issued in 1979, VVV Oostburg sums up the main goals of the newsletter: Offering a platform for members, signaling relevant developments in the tourism sector, informing about VVV Oostburg’s activities, informing about national developments in the tourism sector. See: Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1979. 138 Ibid. 139 Author unknown, ‘Voorzitter VVV West-Z.-Vlaanderen: Optimisme over zomerseizoen’, De Stem, 14 May 1980. 31

Lauren Antonides

1.2.2 The regional VVV The boost of tourism in the postwar era increased the need to coordinate tourism on a regional level. Hence, from the 1950s until the 1980s, regional partnerships were established between local VVVs, the so-called Streek-VVV’s [regional VVVs].140 Zeelandic Flanders counted two regional VVVs: Streek-VVV Oost-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen [East Zeelandic Flanders] and Streek-VVV West- Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen [West Zeelandic Flanders].141 A merger between the two was discussed and preferred by the overarching provincial VVV, but heavily resisted by ‘the west’, that claimed that the differences between both districts would hinder effective cooperation. The fact that the tourism sector was more developed – and more lucrative – in the western district, probably also explained the latter’s reluctance to join forces with its neighbor. In 1972, the recently established western department counted almost a thousand members, three times as much as the eastern department.142 In regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders’ Executive Committee (Dagelijks Bestuur), local VVVs and municipalities were equally represented. Out of the 7 board members, 4 represented local VVVs (2 for the coastal areas and 2 for the interior) and 3 represented the municipalities of Sluis, Oostburg and Aardenburg.143 The composition of the board remained relatively unchanged throughout its years of existence (1972-1985).144 The chairman of the regional VVV was Jan Schippers, chairman of VVV Groede. Schippers, a fruit grower himself, was a strong advocate of increasing the influence of local tourist entrepreneurs in the VVV. This was, he claimed, needed to counterbalance the powerful position of municipalities in the tourist organization.145 The regional VVV was indirectly funded by the members of participating local VVVs, as each local division contributed a fixed amount per year. Apart from membership contributions, the regional association was also dependent of municipal subsidies.146 The regional VVV had the primary goal of promoting tourism in the district, which mainly entailed the coordination of local VVVs’ policies. It for example organized joined meetings for members and issued a newsletter to update its members about national and local developments in

140 See note 9. 141 These regional divisions were, however, not entirely new, as they replaced the contactcommissies, looser forms of cooperation in which the local VVVs cooperated since the 1950s. See: ‘Oprichting Streek-VVV’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 31 July 1971. 142 The number of members of regional VVVs equaled the sum of members of participating local VVVs. See: ‘Oprichting Streek-VVV’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 31 July 1971. 143 See: Jan van , ‘Streek-VVV: 'De minste regen en de meeste zon… wat wil je nog meer?’ Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen Extra, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1982; ‘Streek VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen’, De Stem, 3 October 1972; ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142, Minutes meeting General Board (Algemeen Bestuur) Streek-VVV West- Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 12 December 1978. 144 ‘Streek VVV in West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen slaat aan het werk’, De Stem, 3 October 1972; ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 144, Minutes meeting General Board (Algemeen Bestuur) Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 17 December 1984. 145 Already since 1960, Schippers had been seated in the board of VVV Groede. See: ‘De minste regen en de meeste zon’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1982. 146 Report VVV Nederland, February 1981. 32

Borderless Flanders the field of tourism.147 Apart from this coordinating task, the regional association also provided financial incentives for local touristic initiatives. It for example financially contributed to a so- called ‘Promotions Weekend’ in 1974, during which the region was promoted to journalists and other stakeholders.148 It must be noted, however, that the regional VVV’s coordinating role remained rather limited throughout its years of existence, as local VVVs resisted top-down interference.149 Social historian Anton Schuurman argues that despite efforts to more centrally coordinate these local tourist offices throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century, they remained essentially autonomous and independent organizations.150 The regional VVVs’ primary task therefore remained restricted to the publication of regional brochures.151

Figure 6 Fragment from regional VVV’s first newsletter Contactorgaan issued in 1980, in which the functioning of the regional VVV is explained. The Executive Committee (Dagelijks Bestuur) of the association consisted of both municipal administrators as representatives of local VVVs. Source: see note 11.

1.2.3 Other actors in the tourist industry The emerging tourism sector was not merely the field of local and regional VVVs. In plotting a course for the development of tourism in Zeelandic Flanders, a wide variety of actors in society was involved, ranging from municipalities to commercial tourist agencies. Although these actors were often members of the VVV and thus represented by the tourist association, they also acted on their own behalf. West Zeelandic Flanders’ local tourist magazine De Badkoerier was for example published by a local rental agency in Cadzand.152 In an informative brochure of the ‘Promotions Weekend’, a weekend organized by PR-agency West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen Promoties in 1974, a list was

147 The regional VVV organized frequent meetings with people working in the local tourist offices (or Doe-Mensen, as they were referred to by the board). In 1980, the regional VVV issued its first newsletter, Contactorgaan, that was supposed to be issued twice a year. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142, Minutes meeting representatives local VVVs or ‘Doe-Mensen’, 9 February 1976; Ibid., Minutes meeting General Board Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 15 December 1980; Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1980. 148 Author unknown, ‘Westeuropese journalisten op bezoek in West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen’, De Stem, 17 October 1972. 149 See for example: Author unknown, 'Voorzitter J.H. Schippers: Te weinig coördinatie in de streek-VVV van West- Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen', De Stem, 17 December 1974; Author unknown, ‘Streek-VVV in West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen moet sterker’, De Stem, 18 December 1980. 150 Anton Schuurman, ‘Paradijs voor de vermoeide grootstedeling. Toerisme in Gelderland voor de Tweede Wereldoorlog’ in: Dolly Verhoeven ed., Gelderland 1900-2000 (Zwolle: Waanders, 2006). 151 See note 11. 152 Bureau voor Verhuur en Verzorging van Zomerverblijven Cadzand [Agency for Holiday Home Rental and Care Cadzand], or VAZV Cadzand. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 148, Letter from Mr. De Hullu, secretary of VVV Cadzand, to Mr. Oskamp, chief of VVV Zeeland, concerning the membership of holiday home rental agency VVAZV, 22 January 1960. 33

Lauren Antonides included with ‘hosts’ that contributed to the weekend. This offers a rather complete overview of the types of tourist actors in Zeelandic Flanders’ tourism sector in this period. Mentioned are municipality boards and tourist foundations, such as ‘Stichting Sluis Promotie’, as well as commercial organizations, such as PR-agencies.153 Considering the strong say of local authorities in the VVV and the tourist infrastructure in general, a brief reflection on the regional political landscape is needed. The results of the municipal elections of 1974, 1978 and 1982 in West Zeelandic Flanders’ municipalities Aardenburg, Oostburg and Sluis offer a rather accurate overview of (shifts in) political preferences in this period. In Aardenburg, Catholic parties dominated the elections throughout the 1970s. In the early 1980s, the recently established Christen-Democratisch Appèl [Christian-Democratic Party] (CDA) was, together with independent local parties, the largest party.154 In the Municipality of Oostburg, that since the 1970 municipal organization (gemeentelijke herindeling) also entailed coastal towns Breskens and Cadzand, the PvdA [Labor Party] remained the largest party throughout the 1970s. By the end of the decade, however, the VVD [Liberal Party] and CDA also made their advance in the municipal council.155 This political shift ‘to the right’ reflects a broader national political development. In the wake of the economic crisis, Prime Minister Lubbers (CDA) (r. 1982-1994) set out a pragmatic, neoliberal course that contrasted strongly with the left-wing years of Den Uyl.156 In Sluis, the 1970s were generally characterized by a balance of power between local Catholic parties and the VVD. Catholic and protestant local parties joined forces in 1978 in the local branch of the CDA, which together with the VVD formed the majority in the council in the early 1980s.157 Confessional parties generally maintained their dominant position in municipal politics in West Zeelandic Flanders throughout the 1970s and early 1980s. The maritime border region traditionally had strong Protestant tradition, although throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century, its Catholic population also expanded. Catholic communities were especially concentrated in the border area, which was the direct result of cross-border interaction with Belgian Flanders. Sluis, home to a large parish church, was for example traditionally a Catholic-oriented city.158 Compared to the rest of the Netherlands, ‘ontkerkelijking’ [secularization] was less of an issue in the

153 See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 141: Streek VVV West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen (1971-1975), Brochure containing information about 'Promotions Weekend West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen', an organized weekend aimed to promote the region to European journalists and other stakeholders, December 1972. 154 See: Kiesraad, ‘Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 29 mei 1974’ (version date unknown), https://www.verkiezingsuitslagen.nl/verkiezingen/detail/GR19740529/663246 (accessed 17 June 2020); Ibid., ‘Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 31 mei 1978’ (version date unknown), https://www.verkiezingsuitslagen.nl/verkiezingen/detail/GR19780531/663239 (accessed 17 June 2020); Ibid., ‘Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 2 juni 1982’ (version date unknown), https://www.verkiezingsuitslagen.nl/verkiezingen/detail/GR19820602/667782 (accessed 17 June 2020). 155 Ibid. 156 Touwen, Coordination in Transition, 262. 157 Kiesraad, ‘Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 29 mei 1974’; Ibid., ‘Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 31 mei 1978’; Ibid., ‘Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 2 juni 1982’; Author unknown, ‘CDA Sluis bepleit een actief welzijnsbeleid’, De Stem, 12 May 1978. 158 Piet de Blaeij, ‘Protestants grensverkeer’ in: Bauwens, Scharnierend Gewest, 175-195: 184; Schoots, Stromenland, 104. 34

Borderless Flanders province of Zeeland. Between 1971 and 1983, the percentage of Catholics in Zeeland, of which the majority was concentrated in Zeelandic Flanders, remained stable (27 percent), whereas nationally, the Catholic population decreased with 10 percent. Protestantism remained the dominant religion in Zeeland in this period: in the 1970s and early 1980s, approximately half of Zeeland’s population was Protestant, compared to the national average of one third.159 It should be noted, however, that the orthodox Protestant religion (Gereformeerde Kerk) was generally stronger north of the Western Scheldt.160

Conclusion

In the 1970s and 1980s, Zeelandic Flanders’ tourism sector experienced a major boost. Against this background, the VVV became one of the key players in the regional tourist industry. In this tourist association, local authorities and commercial actors cooperated on different spatial levels to stimulate tourism in the area. Beach tourism and border-related tourism, such as cross-border shopping, defined the maritime border region’s tourist profile. However, in this period, the region also saw the emergence of types of border tourism that were generally not welcomed by the local community: the so-called ‘tourism of vice’. The different pace in which obscenity laws in the field of nudism and pornography liberalized in the Netherlands and Belgium resulted in a boost of nudist recreation and sex shop tourism in the borderland.

159 See: Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS) Statline, ‘Kerkelijke gezindte per provincie vanaf 1849’ (version 30 November 2001), https://opendata.cbs.nl/statline/#/CBS/nl/dataset/37850/table?ts=1592482093008 (accessed 18 June 2020). 160 Schoots, Stromenland, 106. 35

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2 Beach tourism

As the ‘Dutch riviera’, Zeelandic Flanders offered the ideal climatological circumstances for a ‘sun- sea-beach’-holiday. In touristic brochures and magazines, the borderland’s simple coastline, embedded in its rural surroundings, came to be presented as a marker of its pure and authentic character. This well-cultivated landscape idyll was, however, not unproblematic, as the emergence of a new type of beach tourism led to tensions in local society in the 1980s.

2.1 Tourist framing: A maritime-rural landscape crossing borders 2.1.1 A pure and quiet coastline Compared to Belgian and Zeelandic coastal towns such as Knokke and Domburg, Zeelandic Flanders’ coast was still relatively untouched by mass tourism. Cadzand, the region’s largest coastal town, only had one boulevard (or was it a road?) barely worth mentioning, and few restaurant and nightlife facilities.161 In promotional brochures and magazines, however, the relatively underdeveloped coastline of Zeelandic Flanders was presented as its main asset. The beaches’ ‘cleanliness’ was for example often emphasized in this context. A motto frequently used for promotional purposes was ‘Van Breskens tot Cadzand, Europa’s schoonste strand’ [From Breskens to Cadzand, Europe’s cleanest beach].162 In interviews with local and national media, the VVV also stressed cleanliness as touristic trademark. ‘We will receive them [tourists] with open arms at our clean beaches,’ VVV Oostburg’s secretary M.A. Aalbregtse stated in 1972 in an interview with national newspaper De Haagsche Courant.163 Adding to this clean and pure image, was the stress on tranquility. In De Badkoerier, Cadzand was characterized as a ‘quiet seaside town, ideal for people that seek rest, especially families with many children.’164 In 1985, local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant even explicitly referred to tranquility as typical Zeelandic Flemish tourist attraction: ‘Rust als zomerevenement’ [‘Peace and quiet as summer event’].165 In this context, the borderland’s exceptional climatological circumstances were often emphasized. Zeelandic Flanders was by tourism promotors referred to as the ‘Dutch riviera’, as its geographical situation resulted in relatively high temperatures and a high number of sunshine hours, compared to the rest of the Netherlands.166 Regional VVV’s Chairman Schippers even admitted not to leave a moment unused to stress the region’s exceptional climate. In an interview with the Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant in honor of the association’s tenth anniversary, he stated:

161 Cees Langerak, ‘Cadzand-bad, een koude douche. AD Strandtest’, Algemeen Dagblad, August 1983. 162 See for example: Brochure Promotions Weekend West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1972. 163 ‘Waarom niet naar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen?’, Haagsche Courant, 30 December 1972. 164 ‘Ferien in Cadzand’, De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973). In other issues of De Badkoerier, Cadzand’s character as quiet coastal town emphasized as an important tourist trademark. See for example: ‘Bezienswaardigheden’, De Badkoerier 14.2 (1973). 165 Jacques Cats, ‘Rust als zomerevenement’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 20 July 1985. 166 See for example: Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1979; Ibid., April 1979; ‘Rust als zomerevenement’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 20 July 1985; ‘Ferien in Cadzand’, De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973). 36

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‘When I am promoting our region, I always say: we have the least rain and the most sun in the Netherlands, what more could you possibly wish for?’167

Figure 7 Beach near coastal town Cadzand, ca. 1970. Source: Zeeuws Archief Beeldbank, copy rights belong to J. Torbijn (Goes).

Descriptions of the coastline also reflect an appreciation of simplicity. Especially Cadzand was often praised for its modest character. The seaside town was located on a ‘cozy family beach, without pretentions.’168 Cadzand’s simple coastal architecture was also highlighted in this respect. Its boulevard was depicted as an ‘ordinary road’, with ‘ordinary’ and ‘modest’ apartments and pensions.169 In a promotional article published in local newspaper De Stem in 1979, Cadzand’s image as a ‘no-nonsense’ beach destination was presented as a sign of historical authenticity. The author described how he was relieved to find out his expectations of Cadzand, as ‘largest seaside town of Zeelandic Flanders’, turned out to be false. Instead of broad boulevards, expensive shops and an overcrowded beach, he stumbled upon a charming seaside town that reminded him of his youth:

That day, Cadzand certainly won my heart. It reminded me of the pleasant years of my childhood, which I was allowed to spend in Scheveningen, which at that time did not have the forced grandeur it has now. [It reminded me] of what Noordwijk aan Zee [a coastal village

167 ‘De minste regen en de meeste zon’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1982. 168 Henk Schaap, ‘Dijken, kreken, oude dorpen, strand en vis. West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen erg sfeervol achtertuintje’, Het Vrije Volk, 18 July 1979. 169 ‘Cadzand: meer dan alleen zee en strand’, De Stem, 27 July 1979. 37

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close to Leyden] once looked like, with its cozy family pensions, in short, of an entourage that until now I had considered part of the past.170

As an authentic beach destination, Zeelandic Flanders’ coast was often contrasted with beaches ‘polluted’ by modern mass tourism. ‘This southern coast is nowhere near as crowded as the coastal towns in Central Holland. The beach is not so full here,’ an article in De Badkoerier, aimed at German tourists, mentioned in 1973.171 Quiet coastal towns such as Cadzand and Groede were in this context presented as hidden gems, not (yet) altered by mass tourism. In an issue of De Badkoerier published in 1980, the author described Groede as a pleasant alternative for beaches that were ‘taken over by mass tourism.’ ‘Here you can still walk around without having to worry about tripping over a few thousand sun-bathers. (...), and you don’t have to lay down in five rows on one square meter.’172 The characterization of Zeelandic Flanders as a refuge from mass beach destinations mirrors a critical attitude towards the impact of mass tourism on coastal towns in this period. According to geographer Gert-Jan Hospers, the postwar boost of mass tourism resulted in radical changes to Europe’s coastline between the 1950s and 1990s. Illustrative of this tendency is the transformation of the Portuguese seaside town of Quarteira in the 1980s. The emergence of high- rise buildings completely stripped the village from its character as a ‘charming fishery village’, as it became a ‘place without features.’173 Knokke underwent a similar transformation in the 1960s and 1970s.174 During a joint meeting of West Zeelandic Flanders’ regional VVV and Belgian partner organization Westtoerisme [West Tourism] in 1974, the latter’s chief R. Annoot characterized the Belgian coast as a result of mismanagement in the past. ‘The ‘famous wall’ is a legacy of the past that people are now forced to deal with,’ he stated.175 In this context, Zeelandic Flanders’ coast represented the polar opposite of the uniform, ‘characterless’ image of modern mass beach destinations. Instead, seaside towns such as Cadzand and Groede were nostalgically associated with an authentic, simple maritime landscape from the past. The importance of peace and quiet for Zeelandic Flanders’ image as a holiday destination is also reflected in tourism policy pursued by local VVVs in this period. In 1984, VVV Oostburg for example mentioned as one of the central values of the development of tourism ‘a coastline that is not too busy.’176 The need to maintain an authentic, natural coastal landscape was even considered a valid argument not to expand the number of campsites in coastal areas in the 1980s.177 This

170 ‘Cadzand: meer dan alleen zee en strand’, De Stem, 27 July 1979. 171 ‘Ferien in Cadzand’, De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973). 172 ‘Het vlakke land dat het mijne is’, De Badkoerier 21.13 (1980). 173 Gert-Jan Hospers, Zee+Land. De kracht van kustregio’s (Vlissingen: Den Boer De Ruiter, 2014) 53. 174 Author unknown, ‘Dutch heritage official sparks row over Belgium coastline’ (version 2018), https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/11/belgium-holland-beaches-tourist-rivalry (accessed 3 June 2020). 175 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 141, Notes on presentation ‘Hoe doen onze buren het’ [How are our neighbors doing] by R. Annoot, chief of Westtoerisme, the tourist department of the West Flemish provincial government, during Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen's Spring Meeting, 22 April 1974. 176 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1984. 177 ‘Kampeerders gaan op de kleintjes letten’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 22 July 1983. 38

Borderless Flanders attitude is remarkable, considering the growing concern about the economy in the early 1980s.178 Apparently, the VVV considered the economic opportunities that further commercialization of the coastline would offer of secondary importance to the preservation of its natural, authentic character.

2.1.2 Ripe cornstalks, gently swaying in the sea breeze: the countryside Essential to the tourist branding of Zeelandic Flanders as an authentic beach destination, was the close connection between the coast and the countryside. In brochures and magazines, tourists were encouraged to not only visit the beach, but to also explore the surrounding rural areas. The ‘calm and simple hinterland’ offered an alternative ‘recreational opportunity’, as a brochure issued in 1972 tellingly stated.179 Similarly, an article published in local newspaper De Stem seven years later, with the telling title ‘Cadzand, more than sea and beach’, encouraged tourists to not restrict themselves to the coastal area. ‘[Cadzand] is located in a landscape, which is unique to the Netherlands, characterized by polders, dikes, dunes and salt marshes (‘schorren’)’, the author wrote, followed by an elaborate description of the rural landscape. ‘Visitors should at least take two days into account to explore Cadzand’s rural surroundings’, he concluded.180 In promotional brochures and magazines, the coastline was often presented as uniquely embedded in its rural surroundings. In the newspaper article ‘Rust als zomerevenement’ (1985), the coast was for example presented as situated in the ‘polder land, with its endless tranquility and rare beauty.’ The author described how he was overwhelmed by the ‘stunning view’ from the dunes: ‘(…) wherever one turns, the eye meets a touchingly beautiful panorama. Like the view of het Zwin [a nature park on the border with Belgium]. Whole and pure, a rare chunk of natural beauty.’181 In a similar way, a brochure about Breskens described the maritime village as situated in a rural environment, ‘with its typical Zeelandic Flemish polder landscape with inner dikes (binnendijken), planted with poplars and pollard willows.’182 In the promotion of rural tourism, Zeelandic Flanders was characterized as a rural idyll. In a promotional article specifically aimed at Dutch tourists published in 1973, with the telling title ‘Steek de Westerschelde eens over!’ [Cross the Western Scheldt!], the region’s countryside was described in a particularly nostalgic way. ‘West Zeelandic Flanders, with its broad, open landscape, under hollow skies, with silent creeks and rabbits that jump from the cornfields on the country roads…’183 A similar tone was employed in an article published in De Badkoerier in 1980, titled ‘Het vlakke land

178 Turpijn, 80’s Dilemma, 123-125. 179 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 141, Fragment of local magazine Verloren nieuws [?] with quiz about West Zeelandic Flanders. The quiz consists of descriptions of famous places in West Zeelandic Flanders and is written in a promotional style. The quiz also contains references to West-Zeelandic-Flanders' Promotions Weekend in December 1972. 180 ‘Cadzand: meer dan alleen zee en strand’, De Stem, 27 July 1979. 181 ‘Rust als zomerevenement’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 20 July 1985. 182 VVV-brochure Breskens, 1978. 183 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 141, Fragment magazine article: Carla Catalani, ‘Steek de Westerschelde eens ver…’, magazine title unreadable, February 1973. 39

Lauren Antonides dat het mijne is’ [‘The flat land that is mine’]. This title was a reference to Le Plat Pays (1962), a song about Belgian by famous Belgian singer Jacques Brel.184 In the article, the countryside around seaside town Groede was depicted as a rare remnant of a distant rural past:

The interior is all about peace and tranquility. These areas, that are excellently suited to agriculture, are regularly crossed by creeks and dikes, (…). The fluttering effect here and there or the incessantly singing skylark give you the pleasant feeling that nature was not completely destroyed by mankind after all.185

This sense of rural nostalgia was also central to descriptions of Het Land van Cadzand [The Land of Cadzand], the polder landscape surrounding this seaside town. In De Badkoerier, an article titled ‘Cadzand-dorp. Parel van West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen’ [The village of Cadzand. Pearl of West Zeelandic Flanders] published in 1980 described the village as a bastion of rural idyll. ‘The ripe cornstalks, gently swaying in the never-ending sea breeze (…), but also often under a radiant sun, and a real Zeelandic Flemish cloudy sky, have already delighted many tourists,’ the author wrote.186 He continued to melancholically reminisce on the village’s rural history, and pictured the rich herenboeren [farmers] and their farmhands on the land in harvest time. ‘We wouldn’t want to go back to that time, but still, it must have already been a pleasure to live in ‘t landje van Kerzand’187, he pondered.188 Cadzand’s traditional rural culture was an important aspect of the ‘brand’ Zeelandic Flanders created by tourism promotors. The Cadzandse Boerenkamer [Cadzand Farmhouse Room] was for example one of the most popular attractions of the regional museum in IJzendijke. The room was a replica of a nineteenth-century peasant room, decorated in traditional style and ‘inhabited’ by dolls in traditional dress.189 The Boerenkamer was meant to offer an authentic image of rural life: tourists could experience what life was like in ‘the olden days.’ A description of the room in De Badkoerier seems to suggest that the regional museum succeeded in this effort: ‘It smells like the previous century here.’190 According to cultural historians Adriaan de Jong and Mette Skougaard, the recreation of peasant rooms was a phenomenon that emerged in museums throughout Europe during the late nineteenth-century. In the 1960s, the peasant room came under

184 The author explicitly refers to Jacques Brel’s song in this article: ‘This polder landscape, with its rapidly changing cloud mass, often remind of Jacque Brel’s song: ‘Het vlakke land dat ‘t mijne is.’ See: ‘Het vlakke land dat het mijne is’, De Badkoerier 21.13 (1980). 185 Ibid. 186 ‘Cadzand-dorp. Parel van West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen’, De Badkoerier 21.9 (1980). 187 Kerzand refers to ‘Cadzand’ in local dialect. 188 ‘Cadzand-dorp. Parel van West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen’, De Badkoerier 21.9 (1980). 189 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142, Fotoroute West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen. Brochure issued by Stichting Amateur Fotografie [Foundation for Amateur Photography] in cooperation with a.o. VVV Zeeland, 1980. 190 ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 40

Borderless Flanders increasing pressure due to their association with outdated ethnological research. From now on, they argue, ethnological elements remained confined to the tourist sector.191

Figure 8 Description of the Cadzandse Boerenkamer in a brochure promoting West Zeelandic Flanders’ Photo Route. Source: see note 189.

Another ethnological element central to the cultivation of Cadzand rural culture in the context of tourism was local cuisine. In 1970, VVV Oostburg’s secretary Aalbregtse, who was also an amateur historian (heemkundige), published his cookbook Kezanse kost [Food from Cadzand].192 The cookbook, containing over a hundred traditional recipes (and tons of local expressions), was actively promoted to tourists. It was for example presented during West Zeelandic Flanders Promotions Weekend in 1974, partly organized by the regional VVV.193 Considering Aalbregtse’s professional connection to VVV Oostburg, it is also highly possible that the cookbook was sold in local tourist offices. In an interview with national newspaper De Haagsche Courant, Aalbregtse explained how he traveled around the countryside and spoke to the rural population – or more particularly, ‘Cadzand’s elderly housewives’ – to document these traditional recipes.194 ‘I had to

191 Adriaan de Jong and Mette Skougaard, ‘The Hindeloopen and the Amager Rooms. Two examples of an historical museum phenomenon’, Journal of the History of Collections 5.2 (1993) 165-178: 175. 192 Willem Enzinck, ‘“Kezanse kost” van M. Aalbregtse. Z-Vlaamse folklore herleeft in kookboek’, De Stem, 11 April 1970. 193 Author unknown, ‘Presentatie West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen vrijdag begonnen’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 9 December 1972. 194 ‘Many of those special things from Zeelandic Flanders are in danger of being lost,’ Aalbregtse stated in the interview with national newspaper Haagsche Courant. ‘That is why I went to the countryside, to find out what is left of traditional recipes.’ In an article about Kezanse Kost in local newspaper De Stem, mentioned is that Aalbregtse mainly interviewed ‘(…) – vanzelfsprekend bejaarde – Cadzandse huismoeders’ [‘(…) needless to say, elderly, housewives from 41

Lauren Antonides move heaven and earth to find out how ‘stroopjannever’ was made,’ he explained.195 ‘An elderly woman, who was already over a hundred years old, was still so clear-headed that she could describe it to me.’196 The promotion of the countryside as an extension of Zeelandic Flanders’ coastline should be understood against the background of the emergence of rural tourism in the 1970s. According to tourism scholars Bernard Lane and Elisabeth Kastenholz, the countryside offered new recreational opportunities that challenged the ‘traditional’ sun, sea and sand holiday of the postwar era.197 Rural tourism was the antithesis of mass tourism, as it offered tourists ‘their own very personal experiences in unique, authentic places far away from tourist crowds’.198 Tourist travel to the countryside was, however, not an entirely new phenomenon. Cultural historian Eric Storm shows that already in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the countryside became a popular tourist attraction for elite travel. Contrary to the ‘new’ rural tourism of the 1970s and 1980s, however, the touristic appeal of the countryside in the nineteenth century was closely tied to a broader interest in the nation’s origins and true culture or ‘spirit’.199 Another difference was that the new rural tourism was not restricted to a selected number of small towns – often spa towns – but spread across numerous rural areas.200

2.1.3 Like fork and knife: Cadzand and Knokke A pure, quiet and simple coastline may be aesthetically appealing, but this also had a downside: the line between quiet and dull could be rather fine. Telling in this respect is a scathing review of Cadzand, published in national newspaper Algemeen Dagblad in 1983, titled ‘Cadzand-bad, een koude douche’ [Cadzand, a disappointment]. ‘No, it wasn’t a pleasure to visit Cadzand’s beach’, the critic wrote. The low level of beach facilities – beach pavilions were sparse – would result in a little exciting beach experience. ‘Cadzand is een strand voor mensen met kleine wensen’ [Cadzand is a beach for people who are easily satisfied], the author concluded.201 Knokke was better adapted to the wishes of the modern tourist. The proximity of the modern Belgian seaside resort was important to Zeelandic Flanders’ attractiveness as a holiday destination. In a recurring section in De Badkoerier called ‘Vakantietips’ [Travel Tips], Knokke was for example often mentioned simultaneously with coastal towns on the Dutch side of the border.202

Cadzand’]. See respectively: ‘Waarom niet naar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen?’, Haagsche Courant, 30 December 1972; ‘Kezanse kost’, De Stem, 11 April 1970. 195 ‘Stroopjannever’ is Stroopjenever [a type of gin based on syrup] written in local dialect. This was a traditional Cadzand beverage typically drunk on New Year’s Eve. See: Author unknown, ‘Zalig Zeeland. Oud en nieuw en januari’ (version date unknown) https://www.zalig-zeeland.com/zeeuwse-almanac/1-januari-nieuwjaarsnacht (accessed 3 June 2020). 196 ‘Waarom niet naar Zeeuws-Vlaanderen?’, Haagsche Courant, 30 December 1972. 197 Bernard Lane and Elisabeth Kastenholz, ‘Rural tourism: the evolution of practice and research approaches – towards a new generation concept?’, Journal of Sustainable Tourism 23.8-9 (2015) 1133-1156: 1134. 198 Ibid., 1139. 199 Storm, ‘Tourism and the Construction of Regional Identities’, 113. 200 Lane, ‘Rural tourism’, 1134. 201 ‘Cadzand-bad, een koude douche’, Algemeen Dagblad, August 1983. 202 See for example: ‘Vakantietips’, De Badkoerier 18.8 (1977). 42

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From 1972, De Badkoerier even contained a recurring section titled ‘Knokke Heist’, elaborating on touristic events organized in the Belgian municipality.203 The idea often emphasized in this context, is that the coast on the Dutch side of the border offered relaxation, whereas the Belgian coast offered excitement. ‘If you are looking for more variety, you can find it in nearby Belgian Knokke,’ an article about Cadzand in De Badkoerier, published in 1973, stated.204 Also telling in this respect is the portrayal of Knokke as mirage (‘fata morgana’) that could be seen from the Zeelandic Flemish dunes.205 For the tourist seeking ‘mundane pleasures’, the Belgian coast was presented as an ideal destination for a day trip. In 1973, De Badkoerier published an elaborate article on Knokke and its villa quarter Het Zoute. The article described the twentieth-century transformation of the Belgian seaside resort, that once was a small fishery village. ‘Once, there were only a couple of villas, built by brave pioneers,’ the author wrote. ‘[Het Zoute] used to be a mere hamlet of fishermen, with low houses and thatched roofs, but it took a fantastic flight.’ Remarkably, in this article, the modernization of Knokke is thus framed as a positive development. A day trip to the ‘elegant and opulent beach resort’ was presented as a pleasant (but temporary) change of scene. ‘The distance is not a problem, because you are there in less than twenty minutes by car.’206 In descriptions of Knokke, the Belgian coastline was presented as the natural extension of the Zeelandic Flemish coast. ‘Cadzand and Knokke, they belong together like food and drinks, like knife and fork… well, whoever amongst the young tourists says “Cadzand”, also says “Knokke’’’, an article published in De Badkoerier in 1972 stated. The author described how on summer nights, the youth collectively traveled south-bound to enjoy nightlife on the other side of the border. ‘Cadzand is in fashion… thanks to Knokke,’ he even boldly concluded.207 Telling in this respect are also the repeated requests of VVV Cadzand to the regional VVV to publish a map on which the Belgian coast was also included in the late 1970s. The then recently published Zeeland Atlas, aimed specifically at tourists, was considered insufficient by the coastal tourist association, as the Belgian coast was not included on its maps.208

203 See for example: ‘Knokke Heist’, De Badkoerier 13.6 (1972); Ibid., De Badkoerier 13.12 (1972); ‘Evenementen Knokke’, De Badkoerier 13.13 (1972). 204 ‘Ferien in Cadzand’, De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973). 205 ‘Rust als zomerevenement’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 20 July 1985. 206 ‘Knokke – Het Zoute’, De Badkoerier 14.10 (1973). 207 ‘Cadzand en Knokke’, De Badkoerier 11.10 (1970). 208 Minutes meeting Executive Committee Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 25 February 1976; Minutes meeting representatives local VVVs or ‘Doe-Mensen’, 22 October 1979. 43

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Figure 9 Boulevard in Cadzand, 1966. Source: Zeeuws Archief Beeldbank, copy rights belong to J. Torbijn (Goes).

Figure 10 Boulevard in Knokke, 1970. Source: De Tijd, 1 August 1970.

44

Borderless Flanders

2.1.4 Zeelandic clay and Flemish sandy soils: a cross-border tourist landscape Zeelandic Flanders’ tourist landscape was often presented as transcending national borders. Descriptions of physical features of the landscape highlighted both typically ‘Zeelandic’ and ‘Flemish’ elements. In the regional brochure Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams [Zeelandic Flanders: Boundlessly Flemish], the polder landscape was for example presented as inextricably linked to Zeeland’s historical struggle against the sea. After summing up historical wars that left their mark on Zeelandic Flemish towns and villages, the article continued:

Another war lasted centuries longer: the battle against water. The wide land is intersected by dikes that indicate how earlier, polder by polder, the land was conquered from the sea. Sometimes the sea also demanded land back again.209

The last sentence refers to the historical flooding of polders in Zeelandic Flanders, to which its Verdronken gebieden [Drowned Areas], such as the Drowned Land of Saeftinghe and Drowned Black Polder, still reminded the tourist.210 In a brochure promoting West Zeelandic Flanders’ ‘Photo Route’, a tour along photogenic spots in the region, the maritime landscape was also explicitly linked to Zeeland’s past. ‘The schorren [saltwater marches] are the essence of the lush Zeelandic landscape. The land arose from schorren and slikken [mud flats],’ the first sentence of the brochure read. At the same time, however, the area was depicted as ‘a region, that was originally Flemish, which is still very visible today.’211 Similarly, in an article published in De Badkoerier in 1971, the landscape around Sluis was described as having a ‘typical Zeelandic character, with tall poplars, gnarled willows, dikes and meadows.’ Nature park het Zwin was, on the other hand, described as characteristic for the Flemish landscape.212 The combination of Zeelandic and Flemish elements in the landscape was often also made explicit. An article in De Badkoerier for example described the landscape as a spectacular interplay between ‘Zeelandic clay and Flemish sandy soils.’213 In a similar way, Zeelandic Flanders was sometimes defined as a transition zone, in which typical ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ landscapes met. In a promotional brochure published in 1972, the regional landscape was described as ‘a flat land with poplars in the north, combined with forest- and heathlands in the south.’214 Interestingly, this notion of a cross-border landscape seemed to undermine the importance of the state border as a marker of difference. A promotional article published in national newspaper Het Vrije Volk in 1979 described how tourists often did not even notice crossing the border:

209 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 143, Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams. Brochure issued by Streek-VVV West- Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1982. 210 Schoots, Stromenland, 81. 211 Brochure Fotoroute West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1980. 212 ‘Wilkommen in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 12.13/14 (1971). 213 ‘Aardenburg’, De Badkoerier 11.3 (1970). 214 Quiz West Zeelandic Flanders, Verloren Nieuws, 1972. 45

Lauren Antonides

The landscape fits seamlessly with that south of the border. Anyone who travels through the region only sporadically notices a deviating color of road markings and traffic signs, which reminds him that he has entered Belgium without even noticing (…).215

The cultivation of a tourist landscape that stretched beyond the Dutch-Belgian state border reflects cultural historian Caitlin Murdock’s notion of a cross-border tourist landscape, that does not align with political boundaries. In her study of the Saxon borderland, Murdock shows how late- nineteenth-century tourism promotors cultivated notions of a unified landscape that offered an alternative delineation to that of the German Reich.216 Similarly, Zeelandic Flanders was presented as seamlessly connected to Belgian Flanders, its physical features embodying the landscape’s cross- border character. Telling in this respect is the slogan that VVV West Zeelandic Flanders employed from 1983 onwards: ‘Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos mooi’ [Zeelandic Flanders: Boundlessly Beautiful].217

Figure 11 ‘Zeeuws-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos mooi’. Sticker with regional VVV West Zeelandic Flanders’ slogan. Source: see note 217.

Remarkably, however, the state border was sometimes also emphasized as an important marker of the tourist landscape. Local and regional VVVs for example actively promoted cross-border hikes, in which the act of ‘crossing the border’ was presented a tourist attraction in its own right. An example is the Smokkelroute [Smugglers Tour], that was officially opened by the regional VVV in

215 ‘West Zeeuws-Vlaanderen erg sfeervol achtertuintje’, Het Vrije Volk, 18 July 1979. 216 Murdock, ‘Tourist Landscapes’, 597. 217 Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1983. 46

Borderless Flanders

1974.218 This tour followed trails that smugglers used to take to secretly cross the border between the Netherlands and Belgium.219 The commercialization of these historic trails into a proper touristic route was the initiative of the ‘Comité der Verbroederde Grensgemeenten’ [Committee of Fraternized Border Municipalities], founded in 1972, in which border villages and cities on both sides of the border participated.220 The Smugglers Route was frequently promoted as a touristic activity in promotional brochures and magazines.221 ‘This tour takes you along all kinds of devious inland roads through Belgium and the Netherlands’, an article in De Badkoerier stated in 1981. ‘According to tradition, smugglers have used these paths extensively in the past to conduct their dark business. This route takes you through untouched parts of nature.’222 The tour proved to be a success: it even gained attention in national media.223 Another popular cross-border hike was the Grenspalentocht [Border Markers Tour] which centered around these indispensable landmarks of the border landscape. In an issue of De Badkoerier published in 1971, the Border Markers Tour was introduced. ‘Our historical monuments also include border markers, although often no attention is paid to them by passers-by,’ the article stated. ‘Stoer en onverzettelijk’ [tough and unyielding], the poles marked the legacy of an ‘illustrious past’.224 Timothy argues that demarcation icons and hiking trails that cross the border are typical tourist attractions in borderlands.225 A similar observation comes from geographer Eeva-Kaisa Prokkola, as she speaks of the ‘revival of borderland culture’ in the context of tourism. She argues that in borderland tourism, cross-border heritage is celebrated, and typical borderland traditions, such as smuggling, are cultivated.226

2.2 Tussen bloot en niet bloot staat een grenspaal: nudist recreation

The notion of an authentic maritime-rural landscape that transcended national borders was central to the promotion of Zeelandic Flanders as a holiday destination. Behind the façade presented to

218 During a meeting of the regional VVV’s Executive Committee (Dagelijks Bestuur), mentioned is that the Smokkelroute will be officially opened on 21 July 1974. See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 141, Minutes meeting Executive Committee Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 6 March 1974. 219 ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 220 These were the Dutch cities of Aardenburg and Middelburg and the Belgian cities of , Moerkerke, St. Margriete en St. Laureins. See: Annemieke vanden Broecke, Toeristische samenwerking tussen West-Vlaanderen en Zeeland. Thesis ('proefschrift') Economisch Hoger Onderwijs at Hoger Technisch Instituut in Brughes (1983) 63. 221 Sections such as ‘Vakantietips’ [Travel Tips] and ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’ [Tours-excursions-trips] in De Badkoerier frequently mention the Smugglers Route. See for example: ‘Vakantietips’, De Badkoerier 18.8 (1977); ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 222 ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 223 In 1975, the television program ‘Zomer in het hoofd’ [Summer on My Mind] dedicated an item to the cross-border route Sluis VVV’s newsletter ‘t Sluisje issued in 1973 mentions that the tourist association contributed to the preparation of this national broadcast. See: Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 33, June 1975. 224 ‘Grenspalentocht’, De Badkoerier 12.5 (1971). In later issues, the Grenspalentocht is also frequently mentioned as tourist activity. See for example: ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 16.5 (1975); Ibid., De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 225 Timothy, Tourism and political boundaries, 37-43. 226 Prokkola, ‘Borders in tourism’, 233. 47

Lauren Antonides the tourist, however, local society struggled with the emergence of a new type of beach tourism, that was directly related to the proximity of the state border: nudist recreation. In the 1980s, Zeelandic Flanders’ coast saw a rapid increase of nudists from Belgium, that were attracted by the more liberal policy on nudism on the Dutch side of the border.227 Belgian nudists mainly concentrated on the beach right next to the Belgian border, near nature park het Zwin.228 ‘During our walk through het Zwin [on July 28th], we counted about thirty blootliggers [naked people]’, the chief of police in Sluis reported to his superior in 1981. Compared to the previous year, when the first cases of nude recreation were reported by Sluis’ authorities, the number of nude recreationists had increased, he continues.229 By this time, roughly 75 percent of all nude recreationists in het Zwin came from Belgium.230 The municipal board of Sluis, led by liberal mayor Jack Asselbergs (VVD [Liberal Party]) (1981-1987), tolerated the public practice of nudism in het Zwin to a certain extent. In 1982, it was decided that as long as nudists did not show ‘offensive behavior’, nudist recreation was allowed. Offensive behavior for example included standing in ‘obscene’ poses.231 On the Belgium side of the border, however, a far stricter policy was employed. Here, nudists risked heavy fines and even prison terms (up to three months). Regular arrests on the Belgian beaches had a deterring effect on nudists, who found their refuge on the more tolerant Dutch side of the border.232 ‘Tussen bloot en niet bloot staat (…) de grenspaal’ [‘Naked and not naked are divided by a border marker’] , national newspaper Trouw accurately remarked in 1984.233

2.2.1 The threat of blootliggers and naaktlopers: the local debate The disproportionate influx of nudists from Belgium was met with concern in the local community. A wide array of local actors, ranging from local authorities to citizens and the VVV, engaged in the public debate on this new phenomenon. Already in 1981, when the first cases of nudist recreation were reported, the local police stressed the need to actively combat nudism in het Zwin. ‘(…) If nothing is done to curb nudism on the short term, the entire beach will be

227 Report by the chief of police in West Zeelandic Flanders about nude recreation in summer, 1981. 228 Ibid.; ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142, Minutes meeting Executive Committee Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen, 16 September 1980. 229 Letter from the chief of police in Sluis to the chief of police in West Zeelandic Flanders about nudism in het Zwin, 29 August 1981. 230 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from Sluis’ mayor Jack Asselbergs to Emmanuël Desutter, city council member of Knokke-Heist, 22 September 1981. 231 Ibid.; Author unknown, ‘Naaktrecreatie Zwin zal onder voorwaarden worden toegestaan’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 18 March 1982. In a letter from the chief of police in Sluis to the head of the police department in West Zeelandic Flanders in 1981, in which the ‘problem’ of nude recreation is reported, the first describes how nudists were arrested that showed offensive behavior. Among the offenders were a couple that had played tennis naked and men that were visibly sexually aroused. See: Letter from the chief of police in Sluis to the chief of police in West Zeelandic Flanders about nudism in het Zwin, 29 August 1981. 232 Author unknown, ‘Naakt zonnen in België mag niet’, Leeuwarder Courant, 2 June 1981; Author unknown, ‘Strand in België nog zonder bloot’, Trouw, 2 June 1981. 233 Henny de Lange, ‘Als De Paal verdwijnt is de ellende niet meer te overzien’, Trouw, 18 June 1984. 48

Borderless Flanders overrun by naaktlopers [naked people],’ Sluis’ chief of police warned his superior.234 In reports issued by the local police, the increase of nudist recreation was explicitly associated with border tourism. In 1981, the chief of police (Groepscommandant) in West Zeelandic Flanders described how nude recreationists were often ‘Belgians of the male sex, that walk around completely naked’. These ‘groups of young men from Belgium’ were portrayed as a threat to other beach visitors. ‘Sometimes [they] position themselves completely naked on or in front of the dunes or in the sea. It is no exception that they impose themselves naked on the other bathers.’235 From the letter correspondence between regional police departments, it becomes clear that there was a discrepancy between the perceived Dutch tolerance on nudism amongst Belgian tourists and the actual policy employed. Although nudist recreation was tolerated in municipal law, it was subject to strict regulation that restricted ‘excessive behavior’. According to the local police, the Belgian press overestimated the Dutch tolerance towards nudism. Belgian magazines for nudists for example praised het Zwin as the place par excellence for nude recreation. As a result, police action against what was considered offensive behavior led to confusion among Belgian nudists, who were under the assumption that what they did was perfectly legal.236 This confusion is also reflected in letters addressed to Mayor Asselbergs, in which Belgian tourists asked for clarification about the Dutch policy on nudism.237 The reputation of het Zwin as a nudist paradise was a thorn in the side of the mayor. When the first ‘cases’ of nudism were reported in 1981, Asselbergs had just taken office. Although the young, liberal mayor (he was only 35) adopted a relatively tolerant attitude towards nudism, the disproportionate influx of Belgians in het Zwin he strongly condemned.238 The local politician actively combated the wrongful image of Zeelandic Flanders’ presumed tolerance on nudism spread in the Belgian media. In a letter to a member of the municipal council of the adjacent Belgian municipality Knokke-Heist, the mayor explicitly called upon his colleague to address the misleading coverage of Zeelandic Flanders’ coastline in the neighboring country’s press. ‘It would be a good thing if Belgian newspapers would point out that nude recreation in het Zwin has also not officially been legalized in the Netherlands,’ he wrote the council member.239 In an interview aired on Belgian television in the summer of 1982, Asselbergs addressed the misconception about

234 Letter from the chief of police in Sluis to the chief of police in West Zeelandic Flanders about nudism in het Zwin, 29 August 1981. 235 Report by the chief of police in West Zeelandic Flanders about nude recreation in summer, 1981. 236AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from the head of the police department in West Zeelandic Flanders (Groepscommandant Rijkspolitie West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen) to Sluis' mayor Jack Asselbergs, concerning police action with regard to nude recreation, 8 November 1980; Letter from the chief of police in Sluis to the chief of police in West Zeelandic Flanders about nudism in het Zwin, 29 August 1981. 237AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from a resident of the Belgian city of Roeselare [name unreadable] to the mayor of Sluis, concerning uncertainty about nudist recreation in het Zwin, 20 November 1981. 238 Author unknown, ‘Burgemeester Asselbergs in Sluis geïnstalleerd’, De Stem, 10 January 1981; Author unknown, ‘Naturisme in het Zwin niet meer tegen te houden. Na seizoen gesprek over naaktrecreatie’, De Stem, 11 August 1981. 239 Letter from Sluis’ mayor Asselbergs to member of city council Knokke-Heist Desutter, 22 September 1981. 49

Lauren Antonides the tolerance of nudism personally. In this broadcast, he explained in detail what Sluis’ local legislation on nudism entailed, and that it was not as tolerant as his ‘Flemish guests’ assumed.240

2.2.2 Citizen letters Residents also made their voice heard in the local debate about nudist recreation. In letters to the local authorities, citizens voiced their concern about the rapid increase of nudism in het Zwin. ‘Last Saturday we decided to go to the beach with our children (…). What could have been a fun day, turned out to be a very unpleasant experience for us,’ a resident of the town of Axel wrote in 1981. He continued to explain the mayor how his beach visit was disturbed by people walking around naked or topless. ‘We wonder how you would feel when naked men decided to sit next to you, hardly two meters away, in a position that is so obscene that I can hardly explain to you.’241 The perceived threat of nudism to the character of Zeelandic Flanders as a family destination is an important theme in citizen letters. In another letter written a year later, a local called upon the municipal authorities to curb the emergence of nudism to safeguard families with young children. The regional landscape’s ‘unique connection’ between beach and countryside would offer ‘educational value’, which the writer considered a valid reason to fend nudism in the area. ‘This [the presence of nudists] is depriving people of the opportunity to pay [the area] an educational visit. Het Zwin remains an interesting nature park, it’s not just another beach,’ he explained. The commercialization of het Zwin would result in a ‘wave of Belgian nude recreationists’ at the cost of tourists genuinely interested in the area.242 Letters of complaint sent by locals also often contained religious arguments against nudist recreation. In the letter sent by an Axel resident mentioned before, Sluis’ municipality board is explicitly made aware of the divine duty it had to fulfill:

You have been called by God to govern your municipality and to make sure that everything is running smoothly. (…) In this way you renounce your office, He (God) who has appointed you in office will also ask you to account for what you have done with it.243

If the authorities would continue to allow this behavior, the writer warned, they contributed to a nation-wide decline of morals. ‘If the Netherlands, once a Christian nation, becomes a normless

240 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter with attachment from Belgian broadcaster BRT (Belgische Radio en Televisie Nederlandse uitzendingen) to Sluis' mayor Jack Asselbergs concerning the television broadcast ‘Naaktstranden aan de Belgische kust’ [Nudist beaches along the Belgian coast] for which Asselbergs was interviewed, 28 July 1982. The attachment contains the script of the item in question. 241 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from P. Dieleman, a resident of the city of Axel, to the College of Mayor and Aldermen of the Municipality of Sluis (College van Burgemeester en Wethouders Gemeente Sluis) concerning nude recreation in het Zwin, 10 September 1981. 242 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from F. Sandkuyl, a resident of the city of Hulst, to the College of Mayor and Aldermen of the Municipality of Sluis concerning nude recreation in het Zwin, 30 March 1982. 243 Letter from an Axel resident to Sluis’ College of Mayor and Aldermen concerning nude recreation in het Zwin, 10 September 1981. 50

Borderless Flanders and immoral nation with only interest in your own pleasure and lust, you are partly to blame for that,’ he concluded his letter.244 Another letter addressed to Sluis’ municipality board from a resident of the border village of Retranchement, written in 1984, also stressed the Christian duty of local authorities. ‘I hope you take into account the Authority that is not defined by human beings, and to Whom we all will be accountable later, whether we believe in it or not,’ he wrote.245 The stress on people’s personal responsibility for their sins was an important aspect of the Gereformeerde Kerk, an orthodox current within Protestantism. The Gereformeerde Kerk still occupied a dominant position in parts of West Zeelandic Flanders in this period.246 This shows how the emergence of nudist recreation was perceived as a threat to religious values within the local community. In a broader sense, the objections voiced by the Christian community echo the growing concern in the 1980s about the erosion of moral values, that would follow from the Dutch ‘gedoogcultuur’ [culture of tolerance].247 Apart from residents, tourists that frequently visited Zeelandic Flanders also addressed the local authorities about nudism in het Zwin.248 In the summer of 1981, a frequent visitor of Cadzand from the province of Limburg addressed a letter to the Municipality of Sluis, in which he expressed his critique on the passive attitude of the local police with respect to nude recreation:

I have been vacationing in Cadzand (...) for five years now and I wonder why I am obliged, when I or my wife go to the beach, to be confronted with naked men, who walk around there freely. My wife no longer dares to go to the beach anymore. I am embarrassed for my grandchildren. I have the impression that you and your police are not doing anything about this, (…).249

The frustrated tourist concluded his letter by explicitly calling upon the municipal board to undertake action and keep the area ‘decent’.250 The threat of nudism to Zeelandic Flanders’ identity as a family destination also resonates in tourists’ complaints to the police. In a letter from the police department to the Municipality of Sluis, it is described how ‘Mothers were afraid to go to

244 Letter from an Axel resident to Sluis’ College of Mayor and Aldermen concerning nude recreation in het Zwin, 10 September 1981. 245 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from I.J. Basting, a resident of the village of Retranchement, to the College of Mayor and Aldermen of the Municipality of Sluis, concerning nude recreation in Zeelandic Flanders, 3 February 1984. 246 Blaeij, ‘Protestants grensverkeer’, 187-189. 247 Lans, Lage landen, hoge sprongen, 240-241. 248 Sluis’ local authorities also received letters from advocates of nudism in het Zwin, these were often Belgian tourists. See for example: AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from Mr. Vanneste-Kind, a nudist from the Belgian city of Wervik, to the College of Mayor and Aldermen of the Municipality of Sluis, concerning nude recreation in het Zwin, 1 July 1981. 249 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Letter from H.G. Engels, a frequent visitor of Cadzand, to Sluis’ mayor Jack Asselbergs concerning nude recreation in het Zwin, 14 July 1981. 250 Ibid. 51

Lauren Antonides the beach (…) with their kids. The reason being that they would be confronted with naked men, that walked around everywhere.’251

2.2.3 Zeeland’s first nudist beach: VVV and local authorities The feared impact of nude recreation on Zeelandic Flanders’ identity as a beach destination was shared by the VVV. In meetings held by the regional VVV’s Executive Committee (Dagelijks Bestuur), the risk of the concentration of nudists in het Zwin becoming a tourist attraction in itself was addressed. ‘It’s becoming a problem, partly because of the so-called ‘sight-seeing [effect]’, chairman Jan Schippers warned his colleagues in 1980. Other board members shared his concern: the idea that if nothing was done, the situation would get out of hand, determined the tone of this meeting.252 In an interview with local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, Chairman Schippers offered a more elaborate explanation of this ‘sight-seeing-effect’. When asked for his opinion about the ‘tumultuous question’ of nudist recreation, he explained that an official nudist beach would be prone to becoming a tourist attraction for Belgian tourists. ‘Our southern neighboring country is still quite prudish. We don’t need an influx of Belgian spectators.’ Then, on a more light-hearted tone: ‘However, it will probably not spread that fast. The climate here is a difficult factor. In general, you are too busy dressing and undressing.’253 The municipality council also responded to the concerns voiced in the local community, by addressing the issue in public council meetings. These council meetings were chaired by Mayor Asselbergs, who formed the municipal board together with Sluis’ two Alderman (wethouders) F. Cuelenaere (CDA) [Christian-Democratic Party] and J. du Fossé (Gemeentebelangen, the local branch of the VVD [Liberal Party]).254 Both were insiders in Sluis’ local politics: they had been seated in the municipal board since 1966.255 Between 1978 and 1982, the council coalition consisted of Gemeentebelangen/VVD, CDA and PvdA [Labor Party].256 In June 1981, the council extensively discussed the new phenomenon of nudist recreation during a council meeting in which the approaching peak season was previewed. In this debate, relative consensus existed about the negative impact of nudists on beach tourism in the border area. ‘Every person naturally has a feeling of shame, and now these nudists want to impose their ideas on the community,’ council member P. de Brock (CDA) emotionally remarked in his opening speech. His party was a strong opponent of nudist recreation in het Zwin, as this ‘immoral

251 Letter from the head of the police department in West Zeelandic Flanders (Groepscommandant Rijkspolitie West- Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen) to Sluis' mayor Jack Asselbergs, concerning police action with regard to nude recreation, 8 November 1980. In this letter, the mayor is explicitly advised to explore options to appoint a nudist beach on the coastal territory of the Municipality of Oostburg 252 Minutes meeting Executive Committee Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 16 September 1980. 253 ‘De minste regen en de meeste zon’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1982. 254 ‘Burgemeester Asselbergs in Sluis geïnstalleerd’, De Stem, 10 January 1981. 255 Author unknown, ‘Zeeuwse raden en wethouders’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 7 September 1966; Author unknown, ‘College Sluis onveranderd’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 September 1974. 256 Author unknown, ‘Raad Sluis herkoos zittende wethouders’, De Stem, 6 September 1978. 52

Borderless Flanders behavior’ was perceived as conflicting with Christian values and threatening to Zeelandic Flanders’ character as a family destination. In a personal anecdote, the Christian-democrat illustrated the impact of nudism on het Zwin. ‘He [De Brock] is already a grandfather and likes to walk along the beach with his grandchildren along the coast and in het Zwin’, the meeting secretary reported. ‘Het Zwin is one of the most beautiful pieces of nature that Sluis has. He likes to enjoy nature without being disturbed by people who think they have to recreate naked.’257 This statement shows that the local politician shared citizens’ concerns about the damage nudism would cause to the authentic character of Zeelandic Flanders’ coastline. The Christian Democrat even claimed to fear that ‘on the border of two countries, an open sewer will arise.’258 An alternative perspective on the relation between nature and nudism was voiced by Ko Kopmels, spokesman of progressive independent party Democratisch Welzijn Sluis [Democratic Welfare Sluis]. ‘Het is natuurlijk allebei puur natuur, het Zwin en naaktrecreatie’, he stated, pointing out the Lebensreform- inspired idea that nudism and nature are essentially compatible. ‘However,’ he hurried to add, ‘hikers should, of course, not be disturbed by nudists.’259

Figure 12 The nudist beach nearby Groede. Source: see note 267.

Although concrete policy measures were not discussed in the 1981 council meeting, council members agreed on the idea that a nudist beach could offer a solution to the frequent unwanted confrontations between nudists and other beach visitors. The key question was, however, where? Not on Sluis’ territory: that was something that the council wholeheartedly agreed on. As the beach

257 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Minutes public municipal council meeting Sluis, 11 June 1981. 258 Minutes public municipal council meeting Sluis, 11 June 1981. 259 Ibid. 53

Lauren Antonides near het Zwin was easily accessible and rather narrow, it would not be suitable for nude recreation. Instead, other areas along Zeelandic Flanders’ coast were discussed. ‘Let [the Municipality of] Oostburg take care of a nudist beach itself,’ Kopmels remarked in this respect.260 This ‘Not In My Backyard’-principle also resonated in meetings of the VVV in which the appointment of a nudist beach was discussed. In a meeting of the regional Executive Committee held in 1980, none of the local VVV-representatives seemed particularly eager to voluntarily sacrifice a part of their coastline to this end.261 It was indeed the Municipality of Oostburg that eventually established the first nudist beach of Zeeland in 1984.262 This beach, situated between Breskens and Groede, turned out to be a raging success: the new wave of (mostly Belgian) tourists was so overwhelming, that they could hardly be accommodated.263 ‘Het voorziet in een behoefte’ [‘It meets a need’], VVV Breskens commented dryly on the nudist beach’s popularity.264 VVV Oostburg’s response was slightly more outspoken: ‘Without using the cliché term “voorziet in een behoefte”, we do like to say that from far and wide, from home and abroad, we have been overwhelmed by questions and information requests about this matter.’265 In broader society, however, the nudist beach still proved to be a sensitive topic. Telling in this respect was the establishment of the anti-naakt-brigade [anti-nudity- brigade] in 1984, a citizen movement that fiercely opposed the establishment of the nudist beach.266 These civil protests could, however, not turn the tide: by 1987, the nudist beach was even the most frequently visited beach of Zeelandic Flanders.267

Conclusion

In tourist brochures and magazines, Zeelandic Flanders’ coastline was branded as simple and pure: the antithesis of the modern mass beach destination of the postwar period. The close connection between the beach and its rural surroundings were central to its authentic character. A starker contrast than Cadzand vs. Knokke was almost unthinkable: the modest coastal town was the polar opposite of the modernized Belgian seaside resort. Their differences were presented as complementary: whereas the Dutch coast offered relaxation, the Belgian coast offered excitement. In the tourist branding of the countryside, notions of a cross-border tourist landscape diminished

260 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 2548, Minutes public municipal council meeting Sluis, 11 June 1981. 261 Minutes meeting Executive Committee Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 17 November 1980. 262 ‘Eerste Zeeuwse naaktstrand’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 16 March 1984. 263 Shortly after the official opening of the nudist beach between Breskens and Groede, a new parking lot had to be realized in order to accommodate the new wave of tourists from Belgium. See: Author unknown, ‘Belangstelling afgelopen zomer overweldigend. Nieuw parkeerterrein voor naaktstrand bij Breskens’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 October 1984. 264 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 144, Minutes meeting representatives local VVVs (‘Doe-Mensen’), 18 September 1984. 265 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, April 1984. 266 Jan Jansen and Frank Deij, ‘Het naakt wil wat. Discrimineert D&T 6.000 Oostburgers?’, De Stem, 24 March 1984. 267 Emile Calon and Romain van Damme, ‘Verdeeldheid over naaktstrand. Andere groepen worden vergeten’, De Stem, 8 September 1987. 54

Borderless Flanders the border to a rather insignificant line in space. At the same time, the border was emphasized as tourist attraction: cross-border hikes centered around the act of ‘crossing the border’. However, behind this image presented to the tourist, the impact of specific dynamics of border tourism led to tensions in the local community. The Dutch liberalization of obscenity laws in the field of nudism resulted in a disproportionate growth of nudist recreation in the borderland in the 1980s. This new ‘wave’ of nudists from Belgium was perceived as a threat to Christian values and harming the region’s reputation as a family-friendly tourist destination. This strengthened the notion of the border as a divisive force in the tourist landscape: on the Dutch side of the border, nudism was tolerated, and on the Belgian side, it was not.

55

Lauren Antonides

3 City tourism

A holiday on the coast of Zeelandic Flanders equals sun, sea, beach and other ‘briny’ pleasures. At least, that’s how it should be, but there are those days... Well, what do you do then? Shopping in Oostburg or Sluis (…) belongs to the possibilities.268

As this article published in local tourist magazine De Badkoerier in 1971 suggests, even in the ‘Dutch riviera’, sunny days were not endless. Zeelandic Flanders’ interior offered a pleasant alternative to the beach. Picturesque towns such as Sluis and Oostburg offered plenty of shopping opportunities and cultural entertainment – or simply a refuge on drizzly days. However, behind the façade of local idyll presented to the tourist, border towns struggled with the rapid increase of a new type of city tourism that directly resulted from different state regulations on both side of the border.

3.1 Tourist framing: The Flemish idyll

3.1.1 Shopping in the border area The character of border towns as ideal shopping destinations is a recurring theme in promotional brochures and magazines. In the context of shopping, the metropolitan character of border towns was often combined with a sense of small-town coziness and hospitality. Sluis and Oostburg were framed as ‘internationally renowned shopping centers’ and cities of ‘international allure’, while at the same time breathing local authenticity.269 The Dutch term ‘gezellig’, referring to a sense of coziness and friendliness, was often employed in this context. Sluis was for example frequently referred to as a gezellig handelsstadje [cozy little trade town], with picturesque alleys that ‘breath past times.’270 In a broader sense, hospitality was portrayed as a typical regional trait, that contrasted with the impersonal, anonymous character of big cities. In an interview with local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, Jan Schippers, chairman of the regional VVV, framed the hospitable attitude of locals as distinguishing trait of the region. The Zeelandic Flemish were ‘warm people’, genuinely interested in visitors of the area: ‘We still have time for people here’.271 In promotional brochures,

268 ‘IJzendijke’, De Badkoerier 12.12 (1971). 269 In the annually published Accommodatiegids [Accommodation guide], Sluis and Oostburg are highlighted as international shopping destinations: ‘Sluis is an internationally known shopping center, and Oostburg also has an extensive range of shops.’ See for example: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 142, West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen Accommodatiegids '80, issued by Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1980. Interestingly, although in reality, the ‘international’ clientele of cities such as Sluis and Oostburg consisted mainly of Belgian tourists, in promotional context, cross- border shopping was framed as evidence of the cities’ metropolitan character. See for example: Brochure Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams, 1982; ‘Gastronomie en stedeschoon in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 270 See respectively: ‘Gastronomie en stedeschoon in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981); ‘Sluis, een bijzondere stad!’, De Badkoerier 21.9 (1980). 271 ‘De minste regen en de meeste zon’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1982. 56

Borderless Flanders this local character trait was also associated with the region’s borderland identity: ‘Here, Dutch hospitality meets Flemish geniality’.272 The importance of hospitality in the portrayal of Oostburg and Sluis as shopping destinations also becomes apparent from the efforts their respective local VVVs undertook to create a hospitable mindset amongst their members. In newsletters, the tourist associations emphasized the importance of ‘friendly manners’ towards tourists and advised on how to handle complaints without becoming annoyed.273 ‘We, and especially the personnel in Sluis, [must] remain attentive and certainly consider the customer as emperor, or at least as king. (…) Service also includes a friendly chat and friendly face,’ VVV Sluis stated in its newsletter in 1975.274 VVV Oostburg frequently compared the region’s level of service to national standards. In a newsletter issued in 1983, it stated: ‘Nationally, there are quite a few complaints [among tourists] (…), summarized as little service, long waiting times and high prices. Luckily, in Oostburg, we are experiencing the opposite. Our service is praised widely (…).’275 The national dissatisfaction with the price and quality of the retail sector fits within the pessimistic attitude that characterized the economic outlook of the early 1980s.276 Interestingly, the VVV actively disassociated the region from this gloomy picture, in framing Oostburg as the exception to the rule.

Figure 13 VVV Oostburg’s secretary J.G. Ouwendijk poses in front of the tourist office in 1983. Source: see note 124.

272 Regional brochure (Streekfolder) West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1978. 273 See Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 16, March 1970, Ibid. 25, November 1972; Ibid. 34, December 1975; Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, October 1978. 274 Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 33, June 1975. 275 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, October 1983. 276 Turpijn, 80’s Dilemma, 123-127. 57

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3.1.2 Architecture: Flemish roots and Scheldegotiek Apart from shopping destinations, the VVV and other actors in the tourist industry promoted border towns as bastions of local culture. In promotional brochures and magazines, history, culture and heritage are frequently recurring themes. ‘The era of the “mass man” (…) is behind us’, Schippers tellingly stated in his interview with newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant in 1982. With this statement, the regional chairman hinted on the idea that tourism was not in the first place an expression of mass consumerism, but a quest of cultural authenticity. 277 This conception of tourism reflects the revaluation of local culture and regional diversity in tourism in the 1970s. This ‘new vogue for cultural trips’, as Storm calls it, was a broader European tendency in which local culture and heritage reemerged as important aspects of the tourist landscape.278 In descriptions of Zeelandic Flanders’ interior, historical architecture was portrayed as a marker of local authenticity. Sluis was for example often imagined as an authentic medieval city, with its roots anchored in Flemish history. An article about Sluis aimed at German visitors (‘Wilkommen in Sluis!’) published in 1971, for example directly connected the town’s medieval roots to its modern touristic appeal. ‘Sluis has had a long and lively history’, the author stated, followed by a brief overview of historic events in which the ‘once important medieval port leading to the old Flemish city of ’ played a role.279 Historic tourist sites, such as the ruins of a medieval fortress, offered the tourist an authentic experience: ‘The ramparts, gates and ruins of the Steenen Beer [the fortress] remind us that Sluis is an old fortress town. A very interesting walk can be taken over the ramparts (…).’280 Sluis’ Flemish connections were also emphasized in the promotion of historical monuments.281 The town’s most prominent landmark, the Belfort [belfry], was for example often framed as a unique piece of Flemish heritage on Dutch territory.282 This medieval tower structure, characterized by its topic bells, was the only one of its kind in the Netherlands, as it was most

277 ‘De minste regen en de meeste zon’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 4 June 1982. 278 Storm, ‘Tourism and the Construction of Regional Identities’, 113. 279 See: ‘Wilkommen in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 12.13/14 (1971). In the following years, edits of this article were also published in Dutch. See: ‘Sluis, een bijzondere stad!’, De Badkoerier 21.9 (1980); ‘Gastronomie en stedeschoon in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981); ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 280 ‘Wilkommen in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 12.13/14 (1971). 281 It must be noted that actual authentic medieval buildings were sparse in the western part of Zeelandic Flanders, as they had been largely destroyed during the Second World War. The Battle for the Western Scheldt in 1944 especially left its mark on the urban landscape, as cities such as Breskens, Oostburg and Sluis were almost completely destroyed by heavy bombing. To illustrate: only ten percent of the houses in Sluis remained intact after the War. In contrast to Breskens and Oostburg, however, Sluis was rebuilt according to the traditional medieval street plan. Its Belfort, as well as Aardenburg’s St. Baafskerk, also severely damaged by the War, were also restored in traditional style. See: ‘Aardenburg en zijn St. Baafskerk’ De Badkoerier 14.3 (1973); Bas Roodnat, ‘In Zeeuws Vlaanderen is heel wat afgevochten’, NRC Handelsblad, 30 August 1975; H. Besselaar, ‘Jong Sluis en Oud Mude’, NRC Handelsblad, 9 June 1979; Henk Hendrikse, ‘De wederopbouw van Sluis’ (version date unknown) https://www.zeeuwseankers.nl/verhaal/de-wederopbouw-van-sluis (accessed 3 June 2020); Author unknown, ‘Wederopbouwstad Oostburg’ (version date unknown) https://www.zeeuwseankers.nl/verhaal/wederopbouwstad- oostburg (accessed 3 June 2020). 282 Ibid. In other brochures and magazines, Sluis’ belfry is also frequently mentioned. See for example: West-Zeeuwsch- Vlaanderen Accommodatiegids ’80, 1980. 58

Borderless Flanders common in Northern France and Flanders.283 Telling in this respect is the characterization of ‘Jantje van Sluis’, the wooden figure that at set times rang the tower bells, as the ‘oldest bell player in Flanders’.284 The same article characterized Sluis’ neighboring village St. Anna ter Muiden as a picturesque Flemish village – ‘worth a detour’. ‘Painters and poets love the idyll of this Flemish village with its atmospheric surroundings,’ the author wrote.285 The region’s ‘Flemishness’ was also central to descriptions of the so-called Scheldegotiek [Scheldt Gothic]. With its roots in the Flemish city of Doornik (hence the French name of gothique tournaisien), this early regional variant of the Gothic style mainly influenced church architecture in Flanders.286 The St. Baafskerk [Church of St. Baafs] in Aardenburg was the only example of this style within the borders of the Netherlands. In De Badkoerier and promotional brochures, the century-old church was presented as a unique remnant of the town’s Flemish past.287 A brochure promoting Zeelandic Flanders ‘Photo Route’ for example contained a detailed description of the church’s typical Flemish architectural style: ‘On the outside of the church, the Scheldegotiek can be recognized by the broken stonework of Vlaamse steen [Flemish stone] (…).’ The regional landmark offered an excellent photo opportunity, the author concluded.288 The borderland’s Flemish heritage was sometimes also made explicit in the context of city tourism. In promotional material, Oostburg was for example often referred to as the ‘heart of Flanders’, and Aardenburg as the ‘mother city of Flanders’.289 The influence of Flemish culture on the region was an important aspect of the ‘brand’ Zeelandic Flanders constructed by tourism promotors, as it strengthened the region’s foreign character. A tourist guide offering information about accommodation in the area for example mentioned how ‘at first sight [Zeelandic Flanders] does not seem to belong to the Netherlands. It is a piece of Flanders in the Netherlands.’290 The brochure Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams, published by the regional VVV in 1982, also explicitly mentioned the historical connection between Belgian Flanders and Zeelandic Flanders:

Zeelandic Flanders is located between the Western Scheldt and Belgium. As its name suggests, the region is linked to the Netherlands by history, but also part of the centuries-old cultural area of Flanders. Zeelandic Flanders is a rich region, (…) rich in culture and history. Grenzeloos Vlaams.291

Remarkably, apart from its Flemish character, the region’s ‘Frenchness’ was sometimes also emphasized. Retranchement was for example often referred to as a ‘Montmartre-like’ village, as its

283 Author unknown, ‘Les Beffrois, Les Perrons & Les Rolands. France, Belgique, Pays-Bas & villes de la Hanse’ (version date unknown), http://beffrois.blogg.org/ (accessed 17 May 2020). 284 ‘Wilkommen in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 12.13/14 (1971). 285 Ibid. 286 See for example: Jan Timman, Scheldegotiek. Een zoektocht door Zeeland (Zaltbommel: Europese Bibliotheek, 2001). 287 The article ‘Aardenburg en zijn St. Baafskerk’ was first published in De Badkoerier in 1973, but recurred (in edited form) in later issues of the tourist magazine. See: ‘Aardenburg en zijn St. Baafskerk’, De Badkoerier 14.3 (1973). 288 Brochure Fotoroute West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1980. 289 See respectively: ‘Vlandriade 73’, De Badkoerier 14.2 (1973); ‘Aardenburg’, De Badkoerier 11.3 (1970). 290 West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen Accommodatiegids ’80, 1980. 291 Brochure Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams, 1982. 59

Lauren Antonides picturesque village square would remind visitors of the famous Parisian neighborhood.292 The village’s French character was mockingly portrayed in a promotional article in the form of a quiz, published in 1972, describing West Zeelandic Flanders’ most famous (and appealing) locations:

The residents of this area sometimes ask: “Do we really belong to the Netherlands?” A resident of this town once received a staggering response from The Hague to a petition he sent: “Turn to your own government… in Paris!”293

Similarly, Sluis was sometimes referred to as ‘klein Parijs’: little Paris.294 Both the suggestion of Flemishness and Frenchness hinted on the border region’s character as a foreign-like, exotic destination. This was especially emphasized with the aim of attracting Dutch tourists: a holiday in Zeelandic Flanders equaled ‘a trip abroad in your own country’, the 1978 Streekfolder stated. ‘Spending the holidays in your own country with a foreign atmosphere: it’s possible in Zeelandic Flanders.’295

Figure 14 Regional brochure Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams (fold out), with in the left bottom corner Aardenburg’s St. Baafskerk. Source: see note 209.

3.1.3 Bourgondisch genieten: local cuisine ‘You really shouldn’t leave Sluis without visiting one of its renowned restaurants,’ De Badkoerier stated in 1981.296 From this year onwards, articles elaborating on gastronomy and haute cuisine in this border town made their entrance in the local tourist magazine. In the 1980s, Sluis’ culinary scene started to take shape. Luxury restaurants increasingly determined the culinary offer of the border town. Chef Ronnie Herman (father of Sergio Herman, a famous Dutch chef and restaurateur) for example transformed the cafe Oud Sluis into a mussel restaurant of high culinary

292 ‘‘Eten is (w)eten’, De Badkoerier 11.3 (1970). 293 Quiz West Zeelandic Flanders, Verloren Nieuws, 1972. 294 Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 32, December 1974. 295 Regional brochure (Streekfolder) West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1978. 296 ‘Gastronomie en stedeschoon in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 60

Borderless Flanders standards in the early 1980s, which gained increasing international prestige in the decades to follow.297 Other restaurants underwent a similar transformation. Once a simple bistro, hotel- restaurant De Korenbeurs reopened in 1977 as a ‘renowned specialty-restaurant’, in terms of the owner.298 Zeelandic Flanders’ emerging culinary scene, in which Sluis was the epicenter, was a melting pot of maritime, Flemish and French cuisine. De Korenbeurs’ ‘gastronomic menu’ for example consisted of ‘(…) lobster, clear bouillon soup, asparagus and sole fillet à la Normandie (…).’299 Sluis’ emerging restaurant scene mirrored a broader national trend that took place between the 1960s and 1980s, in which Dutch cuisine became ‘more varied, more creative and most importantly: more foreign’, in terms of cultural historian Laura van Hasselt.300 This ‘culinary revolution’ marked the end of the sober eating culture of the Dutch, that was still the norm in the Reconstruction era. The rise of living standards and emerging leisure culture of the 1960s and 1970s resulted in ‘eating outdoors’ becoming more mainstream. Whereas in 1960, only 15 percent of Dutch people regularly ‘ate out’, by 1980s, this had already increased to 75 percent. This culinary reawakening also resulted in changing eating patterns. Especially foreign restaurants –the Italian pizzeria and the French bistro – became increasingly popular in this period.301 The ‘foreign’ character of Sluis’ culinary scene was a dominant frame in its tourist promotion. The local taste for fine dining and culinary finesse were framed as part of the region’s shared heritage with Flanders. ‘The fact that Zeelandic Flanders shares its bourgondisch verleden (Burgundian past) with Belgium is evident on both sides of the border. Good food is still a way of life here’, regional brochure Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams stated.302 The Flemish culinary tradition was, however, not merely associated with haute cuisine, but also more accessible forms of eating out. ‘Weten waar te eten’ [Knowing where to eat], an overview of restaurants that already in the early 1970s frequently recurred in De Badkoerier, for example regularly highlighted typical Flemish and Belgian dishes as part of the unique regional culinary offer. ‘De Lindenhoeve [a restaurant in Sluis] is located on the picturesque Beestenmarkt. (…) You can eat boerenbrood met hesp [bread with a mousse of cooked ham] here, ‘Belgian style’. It is their specialty.’303 Other Flemish local dishes, such as the Thé Cramique [a type of sweet, rich breakfast bread] were also framed as part of Sluis’ unique culinary tradition.304 Interestingly, the notion of Zeelandic Flanders’ unique, ‘un-Dutch’ culinary tradition, was by the VVV sometimes made sense of as a marker of ‘civilization’ and ‘sophistication’ that set the region apart from the rest of the Netherlands. In 1978,

297 Author unknown, ‘Sergio Herman sluit restaurant Oud Sluis’ (version 10 June 2013), https://www.businessinsider.nl/sergio-herman-sluit-restaurant-oud-sluis-ik-heb-alles-bereikt/ (accessed 16 June 2020). 298 Author unknown, ‘De Korenbeurs Sluis’, De Stem, 20 October 1977. 299 ‘Gastronomie en stedeschoon in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 300 Laura van Hasselt, ‘De culinaire revolutie van de jaren zestig’ (version date unknown), https://anderetijden.nl/aflevering/524/De-culinaire-revolutie-van-de-jaren-zestig (accessed 16 June 2020). 301 Ibid. 302 Brochure Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen: Grenzeloos Vlaams, 1982. 303 ‘Weten waar te eten’, De Badkoerier 14.2 (1973). 304 See for example: ‘Wilkommen in Sluis’, De Badkoerier 12.13/14 (1971). 61

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VVV Oostburg addressed the national ‘misconception’ of restaurants in Zeelandic Flanders being too expensive. This, according to the secretary, was not a matter of price differences, but a matter of taste. ‘There is sherry and sherry,’ VVV Oostburg’s secretary wrote. ‘‘Ollanders [Dutchmen] usually drink colored water as sherry.’305

3.1.4 Reinventing local traditions: krulbollen and carnaval Local traditions and folklore played a key role in the tourist promotion of cities. Most notably is the promotion of krulbollen, a folkloric sport that came to be strongly identified with the town of Oostburg. This ball game, that was similar to jeu de boules, was traditionally played in Zeelandic Flanders and adjacent Belgian regions, such as Meetjesland, Knesselare, and the areas surrounding Ghent and Bruges.306 Oostburg’s local VVV undertook efforts to revive the old folk sport by organizing events and competitions. Already in 1966, VVV Oostburg organized the first ‘Keizersbolling’ – the name used to refer to a krulbol competition.307 Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the tourist organization continued to take a leading role in the organization of Keizersbollings, in which both Dutch and Belgian teams participated.308 Interestingly, the VVV’s efforts to encourage the ballgame amongst locals even resulted in heightened popularity of the sport amongst women.309 Keizersbollings were frequently promoted as a tourist attraction: in issues of De Badkoerier, these krulbol competitions were a recurring item on lists of upcoming events.310 The tourist association’s board was well aware of the attraction krulbollen had on tourists. In its newsletters to members, the board claimed to see the promotion of the folkloric sport as an important task.311 ‘Of course, we treat the crowd-pleaser ‘krulbollen’ carefully, because it does well in the media,’ the VVV’s secretary wrote in 1983. ‘We must maintain the folkloric, as well as the historic aspect.’312 This statement suggests that the VVV deliberately chose to stage the traditional folk sport as part of Oostburg’s heritage. Krulbollen was presented as ‘Oostburgse aangelegenheid’: an ‘Oostburg affair’.313 The tourist association, in other words, actively engaged in reinventing this local tradition for commercial purposes. Storm already hinted on the role of tourism promotors as ‘inventors’ of tradition in recent decades. The economic impact of tourism would stimulate entrepreneurs in

305 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, October 1978. 306 See: Lo van Driel, ‘Het tweeslachtige gewest in cultureel perspectief’ in: Bauwens, Scharnierend gewest, 121-147: 141-142; Author unknown, ‘Programma Europese spelen Krulbolbond 2019’ (version date unknown), https://www.brummo.be/nl/brummo-steunt/programma-europese-spelen-krulbolbond-2019 (accessed 3 June 2020). 307 Author unknown, ‘Oostburg. Keizersbolling’, De Vrije Zeeuw, 22 August 1966. 308 ‘Keizer bolling met de krulbol’, television broadcast Weekjournaal van Polygoon Hollands Nieuws week 35 (1971), http://in.beeldengeluid.nl/collectie/details/expressie/4013194/false/true (accessed 17 May 2020). 309 ‘Jubileum VVV Oostburg’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 1 June 1983. 310 See for example: ‘Evenementen’, De Badkoerier 13.13 (1972); Ibid., De Badkoerier 14.2 (1973); Ibid., De Badkoerier 18.9 (1977). 311 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1979. 312 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, July 1983. 313 ‘Jubileum VVV Oostburg’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 1 June 1983. 62

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Europe to try to welcome visitors with their own regional specialties. ‘If they do not yet exist, they will have to be invented.’314 This idea also underpinned VVV Sluis’ ‘folkloric strategy’. This tourist association actively promoted the public celebration of carnaval, a folkloric fest that was traditionally celebrated in southern parts of the Netherlands and Belgium. In cooperation with the carnaval association in Bruges, VVV Sluis installed its own carnavalsorde [Carnival Order] in 1971: the Kaaispugersorde [Order of the Quay Spitters].315 ‘This is expected to lead to the public celebration of carnaval in Sluis,’ the board stated in its annual meeting.316 Remarkably, the postwar revival of this catholic folk fest is predominantly associated with catholic cities in the eastern part of Zeelandic Flanders, such as and Hulst.317 Traditionally, carnaval and other music and dance associations were more common in the east.318 This shows that the VVV reinvented this local tradition as anchored in West Zeelandic Flanders’ regional heritage. Other Flemish-inspired folkloric traditions, such as the majorettencorps [Majorets Corps] and carillon concerts [chime concerts] were also cultivated as local heritage by VVV Sluis. The majorettencorps, a marching band with the typical element of girls skillfully throwing sticks in the air, already gained popularity in Belgian Flanders during the 1960s.319 When this trend flew over to Sluis in the early 1970s, this was welcomed with open arms by the VVV. ‘We congratulate (…) the city of Sluis with this young, fresh corps. (…)’, the VVV responded to the establishment of Sluis’ own majorettencorps ‘Apollo’ in 1971. ‘We’re sure you’ll agree with us that a good musical company cannot be missed in Sluis.’320 The local tourist association actively promoted public performances of the majorettencorps in the years following its establishment. In an annual meeting in 1971, a board member for example asks for ‘more music, preferably with majoretten.’321 Carillon concerts, performed on the chimes of Sluis’ Belfort, also frequently appeared on the newsletter’s lists of upcoming tourist events.322 VVV Sluis considered them indispensable in the tourist offer, ‘although unfortunately still not appreciated by everyone.’323 Tourism entrepreneurs in other cities and villages also invested in the cultivation of local culture. Cattle exhibitions, lacemaking demonstrations and archery competitions are just a few examples of folkloric events organized by the VVV and other actors in the tourist industry.

314 Storm, ‘Tourism and the Construction of Regional Identities’, 113. 315 ‘Kaaispugers’ is a traditional nickname for inhabitants of Sluis. 316 See: Annual report VVV Sluis, December 1971. Similarly, in Oostburg, the VVV invested in the organization of carnaval-inspired events, such as children’s processions. See: Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, January 1979. 317 Author unknown, ‘Carnaval’ (version date unknown), https://www.zeeuwseankers.nl/verhaal/carnaval (accessed 17 May 2020). 318 Driel, ‘Het tweeslachtige gewest’, 141. 319 Hanne Delodder, Meisjes met rokjes, botjes en stokjes. Onderzoek naar de ontstaansgeschiedenis en evolutie van de Vlaamse majorette binnen de sociaal-culturele context vanaf Expo '58 tot de vroege jaren '80. Master Thesis History (2009) 30. 320 Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 19, May 1971. 321 See: ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 155, Minutes of VVV Sluis’ members meeting (ledenvergadering), 3 June 1971; Ibid., 16 December 1971; Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 19, May 1971. 322 See for example: Contactorgaan ‘t Sluisje 25, November 1972. 323 Annual report VVV Sluis, December 1971. 63

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IJzendijke even organized an annual ‘Folkloric Day’.324 In the organization of these folkloristic events, cross-border cooperation with Belgian partners was not uncommon. The annual berenningsfeesten in Aardenburg, a folkloric fest celebrating the victory against the French invasion in the seventeenth century, for example had a strong cross-border character. The events organized during this week often involved both Dutch and Belgian participants, such as music festivals in which majorettes from both sides of the border cooperated.325 Telling in this respect is also the organization of a hexathlon in which both Dutch and Belgian teams were represented. This sports event was called the ‘Game without Borders’, a reference to a popular game show on Dutch television at the time. According to local historian Lo van Driel, culture and sports were an important aspect of Zeelandic Flanders’ cross-border relations with Belgian Flanders.326 In the context of tourism, the (re)invention of Flemish traditions encouraged these cross-border relations.

Figure 15 National Championship Krulbollen in Oostburg, 1965. Source: ANP Historisch Archief.

3.1.5 The Belgian hinterland In the promotion of Zeelandic Flanders’ towns and villages in tourist brochures and magazines, Belgian cities were often mentioned simultaneously. ‘Don’t forget to bring your border papers, because a holiday in Zeelandic Flanders without a visit to Belgian Flanders is unthinkable,’ the

324 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 143, Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1982. 325 ‘Berenningsfeesten Aardenburg’, De Badkoerier 13.6 (1972). 326 Driel, ‘Het tweeslachtige gewest’, 141. 64

Borderless Flanders regional Streekfolder, published in Dutch, German, French and English, boldly stated. ‘The artistic cities of Ghent and Bruges are within reach, and so is Damme, the birthplace of famous Flemish historic figure Tijl Uilenspiegel.’327 In De Badkoerier, especially city trips to Bruges, ‘Venice of the north’, were often promoted:

Are you a real lover of old cities, with romance still hanging between the old churches and canal walls? Then Bruges in Belgium is definitely something for you, (…) you can take a fantastic cruise through the canals of illuminated Bruges on a warm summer evening. (…) There is no more attractive sight of this magnitude in all of Western Europe.328

Apart from city trips, excursions to villages on the other side of the border were also frequently promoted. From 1972 onwards, an article titled ‘Belgisch West Vlaanderen’ [Belgian West Flanders] repeatedly appeared in issues of De Badkoerier.329 This article offered an elaborate description of so- called kerkdorpen [church villages], that were considered typical for the Belgian countryside. These villages were characterized by a typical structure: a church and a graveyard in the center, surrounded by circular streets that enclosed the village center ‘like colossal arms’. The author melancholically described these kerkdorpen as authentic remnants of a distant past:

They [kerkdorpen] lie there dreaming in the Flemish land. Longing passionately to a time that has passed forever, a time that slowly but steadily flows away. Like the boiling asphalt that has already suffocated the bumpy cobblestones and pavers in the winding streets.330

The Flemish countryside was even presented as offering a temporary escape from modern society: ‘They [kerkdorpen] (…) breathe peace and simplicity, a rare experience for the urbanized, diesel- breathing man.’ 331 The regional VVV considered the Belgian hinterland as essential to the attractiveness of Zeelandic Flanders as a tourist destination. ‘We can safely send our guests to Belgium for a day trip,’ Chairman Schippers stated in response to a question about the desirability of promoting tourism to Belgium during a General Board meeting in 1977.332 A survey issued in 1984 shows that the proximity of Belgium was indeed considered an important factor in tourists’ decision to choose Zeelandic Flanders as their holiday destination.333

327 Regional brochure (Streekfolder) West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1978. 328 ‘Vakantietips’, De Badkoerier 18.8 (1977). For other references to Brughes in De Badkoerier, see for example: ‘Brugge, waard om te zien’, De Badkoerier 14.11 (1973); ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 329 See for example: ‘Belgisch West-Vlaanderen’, De Badkoerier 13.1 (1972); Ibid., De Badkoerier 14.5 (1973); Ibid., De Badkoerier 18.8 (1977). 330Ibid., De Badkoerier 13.1 (1972). 331 Ibid. 332 Minutes meeting General Board Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 19 December 1977. 333 ZA, VVV Zeeland, box 144, Contactorgaan Streek-VVV West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, December 1984. In an article about the attractiveness of Zeelandic Flanders’ coast as a holiday destination published in local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant in 1983, the importance of the Belgian hinterland is also stressed. Beach visitors 65

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Whereas the Belgian hinterland was frequently promoted in brochures and tourist magazines, Zeelandic cities such as Middelburg and Vlissingen were mentioned considerably less. Trips to the island of Walcheren were often framed in terms of ‘a day on the other side’, or: ‘a day across the Western Scheldt’.334 This suggests that the landscape border of the Western Scheldt was considered more of a barrier for traveling than the state border between Zeelandic Flanders and Belgian Flanders. This idea was sometimes also made explicit in tourist discourse. An advertisement published in Belgian newspaper De Post in 1976, probably by the regional VVV, described Zeelandic Flanders as an area that geographically seemed to belong to Belgium. ‘From the Netherlands, it is only accessible by ferry, but from Belgium, one only has to cross the border.’ This geographical unity was even perceived as blurring national identities. The region was ‘so frequently visited by Belgian guests, that they can hardly be called “foreigners” anymore.’335

Figure 16 Fragment from an issue of the Streek-VVV’s newsletter Contactorgaan issued in 1984, in which the results of a survey amongst tourists are discussed. As factors determining the attractiveness of Zeelandic Flanders as a tourist destination, mentioned are ‘attractive area’, ‘not yet visited the area before’, ‘proximity of Belgium’, ‘recommendation by family, friends or acquaintances’. Source: see note 333.

In tourist discourse, the Dutch-Belgian border was not imagined as a political boundary hindering cross-border movement, but reduced to a rather insignificant line in space. The actual physical border of the Western Scheldt, on the other hand, was imagined as a substantial boundary for tourist travel. The idea that within the context of tourism, the landscape offers an alternative delineation of the region to that of the state, is central to Caitlin Murdock’s study of tourist landscapes and regional identities in the Saxon borderlands (1878-1938). This dynamic, she argues, was especially visible in borderlands were landscapes and political divisions did not coincide.336

interviewed for this item mention the presence of the Belgian hinterland as important aspect of Zeelandic Flanders as a holiday destination. See: ‘Kampeerders gaan op de kleintjes letten’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 22 July 1983. 334 ‘Tochten-excursies-uitstapjes’, De Badkoerier 22.2 (1981). 335 Author unknown, ‘Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen. Waard om te bezoeken’, De Post, 27 June 1976. 336 Murdock, ‘Tourist Landscapes’, 590. 66

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3.2 From historic town to ‘sex Mecca’: border tourism in Sluis

Although in tourist framing, Zeelandic Flanders was presented as part of a fluid cross-border cultural landscape, behind this façade of ‘Flemishness’, the border proved all but an insignificant line in space. In the 1970s, the Zeelandic borderland saw the emergence of a vibrant ‘sex shop’ industry, that almost exclusively ran on Belgian tourists. The rapid spread of pornography shops was the direct consequence of the different pace in which obscenity laws in the field of pornography liberalized on both sides of the border. Especially Sluis saw a massive increase in shops selling pornographic literature and videos during the 1970s.337 Between 1968 and 1977, the number of sex shops in the border town almost doubled: from five in 1970 to nine in 1974 – on a total population of 3.000 inhabitants.338 The border town even came to be known as ‘busiest sex city in the Netherlands.’339 ‘A highly dubious honor’, Mayor Herman van den Beld (VVD) [Liberal Party] commented in 1975.340 Partly, the unparalleled success of Sluis’ pornography industry could be explained by its already existing reputation as a shopping destination and its geographical location right next to the state border. However, the rapid expansion of pornography shops in this town was arguably also the result of rather arbitrary events. The entire sex business was namely run by only two entrepreneurs, that ‘happened’ to choose to start their businesses in Sluis. Especially sex entrepreneur Paul Metz, or ‘Porno Paultje’, as locals liked to call him, succeeded in expanding his lucrative business. Starting with a small shop selling pornographic literature in the late 1960s, he soon owned the majority of shops in Sluis. ‘Now, Metz drives around in a Rolls Royce’, local newspaper Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant commented dryly in 1981.341 In 1974, local authorities in Zeelandic Flanders started developing a policy to curb the sex shop industry. This eventually resulted in the alteration of the municipal legislation (Algemene Politieverordening) in Sluis and other municipalities in the area, with the aim of ‘preventing excesses’ in the pornography industry. From now on, the appearance of shops selling pornography was regulated, and permits were required.342 In reality, however, it remained rather difficult to reduce

337 Although Oostburg did not have a sex shop industry comparable to that of Sluis, the commercial exploitation of sex was also considered an issue in this border city. Especially the growing popularity of adult cinemas was subject of local concern. See: AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Minutes public municipal council meeting Sluis, 8 August 1974. 338 ‘Sluis: sex kopen ze toch wel’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 6 November 1981. 339 Author unknown, ‘Sex in Sluis. Kassa's witgloeiend van Belgen die in hun land niks mogen’, Het Vrije Volk, 30 July 1970. 340 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Proposal for adjustments to Sluis municipal law (Algemene Politieverordening) by the municipal board (College van Burgemeester en Wethouders), April 1975. 341 ‘Sluis: sex kopen ze toch wel’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 6 November 1981. 342 The amendments proposed by the municipal board were approved by the municipal council in 1975. From now on, sex shops and other commercial sex institutions were required to have a permit. This was meant to limit the number of shops, as the Municipality of Sluis decided to issue no new permits. Other regulations related to the appearance of sex shops and sex related enterprises. The new municipal legislation clarified what was considered offensive, and thereby illegal. See: AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Minutes meeting provincial board Zeeland (Provinciale griffie) concerning the policy on the commercial exploitation of sex in Zeelandic Flanders, 23 October 67

Lauren Antonides the number of commercial sex businesses. Although the growth of shops did stabilize, it did not decline. By the early 1980s, Sluis still counted nine sex shops.343 Rules regarding the appearance of shops did, however, result in the shops’ appearance becoming less provocative. In 1977 and 1978, shop windows with displayed sex articles were cleared or covered with posters and curtains. ‘To really know what was being sold in a certain store, the prospective buyer was kindly requested to come in,’ the local police stated.344

3.2.1 Sluis, ‘open sewer of Zeelandic Flanders’: the local debate The rapid increase of pornography shops and adult cinemas sparked a heated debate in local society about the threat of the industry to Sluis’ quality of life and its reputation as a tourist destination. By the mid-1970s, the local community’s call to bring the growth of the local sex industry to a halt became increasingly pressing. In public protests and petitions, residents urgently requested the municipal council to revise the liberal policy on sex shops.345 At some point, local authorities even received threatening letters.346 Especially confessional, and in particular Catholic, organizations made their voice heard, such as the local foundation for Catholic education (Stichting Katholiek Onderwijs) and the Committee for Catholic Parents (Katholieke oudercommissie).347 These civil protests eventually led to the local authorities to take the matter at hand. In 1974, Sluis’ municipal council installed an emergency meeting with the sole aim of discussing possible ways to curb the spread of sex shops. The fact that an emergency meeting was considered necessary shows the perceived urgency of the issue of sex tourism: a meeting of the sort had not been held for decades.348 The majority of seats in the recently installed municipal council (1974- 1978) were taken by Gemeentebelangen, the local branch of the VVD, and Algemeen belang, a Catholic- based local party which was the predecessor of the local branch of the CDA.349 The 11 council seats were distributed as follows: Gemeentebelangen/VVD 4, Algemeen Belang 3, PvdA [Labor party] 2, Verenigde Protestante Kiezers (local protestant party) 2 and Werknemerslijst [Employees Party] 1.350

1974; Ibid., Minutes public municipal council meeting Sluis, 3 July 1975; Ibid., Minutes closed municipal council meeting Sluis concerning the development of sex shops, 23 April 1981. 343 Minutes closed municipal council meeting Sluis, 23 April 1981. 344 Letter from police chief West Zeelandic Flanders to district commander Zeeland about commercial sex institutions, August 1983. 345 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Minutes of the emergency meeting held by Sluis’ municipal council concerning the recent developments in Sluis’ pornography industry, 10 June 1974. 346 Pop, ‘Gemeenten stellen grenzen aan commerciële seks’, 145. 347 Other examples are the Union of Teachers of Roman-Catholic Schools, the Association for the Advancement of Christian Primary Education in Sluis and the Church Council of the Reformed Church in Sluis (Hervormde Kerk). See: AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Policy note by the policy team (‘werkgroep’) concerned with the commercial exploitation of sex in Zeelandic Flanders, published by the Dutch Association for Municipalities (Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten), August 1974. 348 In the emergency meeting, Van Hal (Verenigde Protestante Kiezers) mentioned that having been part of the council for almost 25 years, this is the first time that he experienced a meeting of this sort. See: Minutes emergency meeting municipal council Sluis, 10 June 1974. 349 Author unknown, ‘Katholieke lijsten krijgen meerderheid in Aardenburg. Verkiezingsuitslagen’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 30 May 1974. Algemeen Belang joined forces with local protestant parties in 1978 in the newly established CDA. See: ‘CDA Sluis bepleit een actief welzijnsbeleid’, De Stem, 12 May 1978. 350 ‘Verkiezingsuitslagen’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 30 May 1974. 68

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The meeting was chaired by mayor Van den Beld (VVD) (r. 1970-1980), who formed the municipal board together with wethouders Du Fossé (Gemeentebelangen/VVD) and Cuelenaere (Algemeen Belang). Despite his political affiliation, Van den Beld was a practicing Catholic. According to the Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, he was even the first ‘Catholic liberal mayor’ of the Netherlands.351 ‘The latest developments in Sluis [the rapid growth of sex shops] have exceeded the limit of where tolerance is still acceptable’, S. van Hal (Verenigde Protestante Kiezers) remarked in the 1974 emergency meeting. This statement quite accurately depicts the general tone of this meeting, as relative consensus existed about the idea that the excessive amount of pornography shops in Sluis had a negative impact on local society. With their provocative appearance, the shops were said to dominate Sluis’ street scene, which led to a serious deterioration of the living climate. Especially the youth was considered victim of their ‘invasive’ and ‘threatening’ presence. C. van de Plasse, spokesman of the Liberal Party (Gemeentebelangen/VVD), emphasized the need to combat the ‘mental pollution,’ to which especially the youth were exposed to, in a ‘totally unacceptable, twisted and dirty way.’352 A similar tone was employed by his Catholic colleague A. de Badts (Algemeen Belang), who argued that Sluis’ sex industry ‘manipulated’ and even ‘exploited’ the sexual education of the youth. ‘Love and sexuality’, he stated, ‘are degraded to a vulgar banality’.353 The rhetoric device employed by both governing parties, is the framing of entrepreneurs in the sex industry as perpetrators. Van de Plasse for example mentioned that owners of pornography shops could not ‘go unpunished’. The solely by profit driven entrepreneurs, he argued, took advantage of their commercial freedom, at the cost of sexual morality.354 In an emotional plea, De Badts stated that ‘(…) nowhere else in Sluis have youths been so helplessly handed over to people who so abuse the great tolerance here towards our southern neighbors to fill their own wallets.’ The powerful position of entrepreneurs in the sex industry, that ‘impose vulgar sexuality on the defenseless’, he even compared with authoritarian rule. ‘It is under this form of dictatorship, that Sluis is burdened’, he concluded his plea.355 The emerging pornography industry was not only considered harmful to public morality, but also damaging to Sluis’ image as a tourist destination. This idea was most explicitly voiced by Gemeentebelangen/VVD. Van de Plasse for example spoke of

(…) the explosive expansion of sex shops in the beloved little tourist town of Sluis, which, until recently, was known as such far beyond the country borders. Recently, however, it has become increasingly notorious under a different name.356

351 Author unknown, ‘Sluis verwacht veel van zijn nieuwe burgemeester’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 28 August 1970. 352 Minutes emergency meeting municipal council Sluis, 10 June 1974. 353 Ibid. 354 Ibid. 355 Minutes emergency meeting municipal council Sluis, 10 June 1974. 356 Ibid. 69

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The need to protect ‘ordinary tourists’, the liberal politician also emphasized in this context. Tourists should ‘not be disturbed or affected in their chastity by the provocative appearance of shops,’ he argued.357 The idea that the growing pornography industry was harmful to the Sluis’ quality of life and tourist reputation was hardly contested by the opposition parties. By the end of the meeting, the council unanimously asked the municipal board to develop policy measures to curb the growth of the local sex industry.358 The message of the council was clear: the limit of what was still considered acceptable had been reached. The 1974 emergency meeting signaled the start of a policy process, lasting several months, in which Sluis cooperated with the provincial board, neighboring municipalities and the national Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten [Association of Dutch Municipalities] (VNG). This ‘Werkgroep’ [Policy Team] was responsible for exploring policy measures to control the sex industry in Zeelandic Flanders.359 Many of the arguments voiced in the 1974 emergency meeting found their way into the policy reports written in this period. The reports published by the VNG for example defined the spread of pornography shops as a ‘sex epidemic’.360 The municipal board’s proposal for amendments to the Algemene politieverordening (municipal law) in 1975 underlined the danger of the sex industry for Sluis’ tourist image:

This [the expansion of sex shops] is an excess that must be vigorously combated. The existence of these shops on its territory has indeed turned Sluis from a historic tourist town into a “sex Mecca”, which for many people equals the reputation of the open sewer of Zeelandic Flanders.361

Other policy reports also emphasized the danger of Sluis transforming from an idyllic, picturesque town into a ‘sex paradise’.362 Underlying this rhetoric is the idea that a distinction can be made between ‘good’ tourists, that visited Sluis for its historical heritage, and ‘bad tourists’, interested in Sluis’ sex industry. In the proposal for amendments to Sluis’ municipal law (1975), the municipal board stated that the emergence of pornography shops created a deterring effect on ‘the type of tourists that used to honor Sluis with a visit.’363 The need to protect this desired type of tourists also becomes clear from this proposal. The document elaborated on the misleading character of sex saunas, that were often mistaken for normal saunas by tourists. Only inside these establishments, visitors came to the ‘painful conclusion, that they have just entered a closed brothel.’364 In interviews with national

357 Minutes emergency meeting municipal council Sluis, 10 June 1974. 358 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Policy note by the policy team (‘werkgroep’) concerned with the commercial exploitation of sex in Zeelandic Flanders, published by the Dutch Association for Municipalities (Vereniging voor Nederlandse Gemeenten), August 1974. 359 Minutes meeting provincial board Zeeland, 23 October 1974. 360 Policy note commerical exploitation of sex in Zeelandic Flanders, August 1974. 361 Proposal for adjustments to Sluis municipal law by the municipal board, April 1975. 362 AGS, Gemeente Sluis, box 588, Report by the policy team concerned with the commercial exploitation of sex in Zeelandic Flanders, published by the Dutch Association for Municipalities, December 1974. 363 Proposal for adjustments to Sluis municipal law by the municipal board, April 1975. 364 Ibid. 70

Borderless Flanders media, mayor Van den Beld often stressed the need to protect ‘ordinary’ tourists against the sex industry. ‘There are a lot of tourists here. Those people shouldn’t be forced to look at those terrible shops (rotwinkeltjes)’, he stated in 1975 in an interview with national newspaper Trouw.’365

3.2.2 The VVV and sex shop tourism In his article published in De Nederlandse Gemeente (1974), Pop, who was also member of the Policy Team, ironically remarked that ‘sex museum Sluis’ was not mentioned in promotional brochures. ‘This is a first-class tourist attraction, given the number of visitors,’ he wrote. ‘Officially, however, people do not like to brag with the sex shops and sex cinemas that have sprung up like mushrooms in recent years.’366 Indeed, Sluis’ sex industry was carefully eliminated from the picture of Zeelandic Flanders as a tourist destination presented in promotional material.367 Illustrative for this is the description of Sluis in the brochure promoting Zeelandic Flanders’ ‘Photo Route’. ‘The streets are filled with souvenir shops and other shops, cafes and restaurants,’ the brochure stated.368 At this point, Sluis already counted nine sex shops. Remarkably, the before mentioned promotional quiz about highlights in Zeelandic Flanders does mention Sluis’ sex shop industry, in a particularly ironic way. ‘(…) [this] age old town attracts tens of thousands of tourists. Not only are there a lot of sex shops, but also sex cinemas. The locals say: “That’s where the foreigners go.”’369 Behind the scenes, VVV Sluis actively tried to prevent entrepreneurs in the sex industry from gaining any influence in the tourist association. In this period, the local tourist association was involved in a conflict, lasting several years, with Paul Metz. The point of contention between the VVV, chaired by Mayor Van den Beld, and the sex entrepreneur was the question of the latter’s membership. Metz stressed that his membership requests were among others motivated by his wish to participate with a stand in the annual braderie (street fair), organized by VVV Sluis. Not surprisingly, this was not warmly welcomed by the board of the tourist association.370 Between 1975 and 1979, Metz’ repeated requests to become a member of VVV Sluis were rejected, eventually resulting in the entrepreneur starting a lawsuit against the association.371 In a letter to Metz’ attorney, VVV Sluis explained the reason for excluding the entrepreneur from membership:

365 Barend Mensen, ‘Burgemeester Van den Beld: “Het wordt te gek”. Sexhandel in Sluis naar het achterplan’, Trouw, 11 July 1975. 366 Pop, ‘Gemeenten stellen grenzen aan commerciële seks’. 367 Only the first issues of De Badkoerier contain some advertisements for sex shops. An issue of De Badkoerier published in 1970 for example contains an advertisement for Metz’ sex shops, titled: ‘For all possible and impossible sex products’. See: De Badkoerier 11.3 (1970). 368 Brochure Fotoroute West-Zeeuwsch-Vlaanderen, 1980. 369 Quiz West Zeelandic Flanders, Verloren Nieuws, 1972. 370 Author unknown, ‘Sexkoning Metz sluit winkels tijdens braderie’, De Vrije Zeeuw, 28 May 1975. 371 Author unknown, ‘“Uitoefenen pornohandel geen aanbeveling tot toetreding.” Metz in beroep tegen afwijzing als lid VVV’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 23 June 1979; Author unknown, ‘Verdachte VVV-Sluis handelt naar willekeur’, De Stem, 3 March 1979. 71

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The VVV board (...) believes that the practice of ‘porn trade’ cannot be a recommendation for admission to an association for foreign travel. It is believed that admission of Metz BV to the VVV could seriously damage the image of the association (...).372

The court’s decision in 1979 turned out in favor of the VVV: Metz was not granted membership.373 In the following years, the entrepreneur did, however, not cease to defend his position in the tourist landscape. His struggle with Mayor Van den Beld, in terms of Metz a ‘sexually frustrated man’, continued both in court and the municipal council, that the pornography entrepreneur joined in 1978.374 His newly established party Democratisch Welzijn Sluis [Democratic Welfare Sluis] did not represent a specific political ideology, but could be described as a progressive ‘anti-establishment’ party. ‘The time when authorities could just mess around as they please, is over’, he stated in an interview with Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant shortly after his installation in the council.375

3.2.3 ‘Op sex beluste Belgen’: local and national media The conflict between Sluis’ local authorities and ‘sex king’ Metz was heavily covered in local media, and also gained attention in national newspapers. In a broader sense, the pornography industry in Sluis and its ‘local response’ proved a popular subject in the local and national press. This had implications for how the primary consumer of this industry, the Belgian tourist, was depicted.376 A sense of contempt for the Belgian tourist was unmistakably present in interviews with locals published in local newspapers. In an article published in the Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant in 1981, a staff member of a sex shop was interviewed:

The man behind the counter looks affably at the Belgians that are roaming around in the store. Stacks and cluttered rows of videotapes, trays of shrill colors and titles that unfold to the viewers’ fantasies. (…) ‘Oh well, it is all for sale, so apparently, there is a demand. We will sell it. To Belgians, that is certain.377

372 ‘Metz in beroep tegen afwijzing als lid VVV’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 23 June 1979. 373 In a newspaper article published a few months after the court order on 16 March 1979, it becomes clear that Paul Metz has not been granted VVV-membership, as he is still not allowed to participate in the braderie organized by the local VVV. See: Author unknown, ‘Politie neemt artikelen Metz op braderie Sluis in bewaring’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 23 June 1979. 374 The fact that Metz was elected in the municipal council, implies that the local sex industry also had advocates in local society. Indeed, the pornography industry offered employment opportunities, and retailers and restaurant owners also benefited from the ‘extra’ influx of Belgian tourists. The economic impact of border tourism, and tourism in general is, however, excluded from this analysis. See: Author unknown, ‘Pornokoning met 3 zetels in raad Sluis’, Het Vrije Volk 2 June 1978; Author unknown, ‘Sekskoning Paul slaat gemeente Sluis. Jaren strijd voorlopig weer beslecht’, Het Vrije Volk, 7 September 1979. 375 Author unknown, ‘De huismus en de norse ambtenaar’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 25 November 1978. 376 The negative portrayal of Belgian tourists should, however, not be overestimated. In an interview with national newspaper Trouw, Sluis’ mayor Van den Beld for example nuances the idea that Belgian tourists would be solely interested in sex shops. ‘I’ve received a lot of lovely responses from Belgium, from people that used to come to Sluis, but have chosen to stay away from it because of all those [sex] shops.’ See: Sexhandel in Sluis naar het achterplan’, Trouw, 11 July 1975. 377 ‘Sluis: sex kopen ze toch wel’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 6 November 1981. 72

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Later in the interview, the employee mentioned that the devaluation of the Dutch guilder, a result of the economic recession, did not decrease sales. ‘Sex, they [the Belgian tourists] will buy anyway, they won’t save money on that,’ he dryly concluded. This conflicting attitude, Belgian sex tourism was both morally disapproved as economically valued, should be seen within the context of the economically uncertain early 1980s. In times when economic growth was no longer self-evident, the profitability of sex tourism was given more priority by locals.

Figure 17 The rivalry between pornography entrepreneur Metz and Mayor Van den Beld was a popular theme in the local and national press. This newspaper article describes how Metz would distribute post cards stating ‘Greetings from Sex City Sluis’, with the sole aim of provoking the local politician. Source: Het Vrije Volk, 3 August 1979.

Remarkably, descriptions of the sex industry in local newspapers sometimes also hinted on a ‘preference’ for Dutch and German tourists, over Belgian tourists. This distinction becomes clear in an interview with a desk clerk of Sluis’ local VVV in 1975, published in newspaper De Vrije Zeeuw. The employee mentioned how ‘real tourists’, visitors that actually came to Sluis for its history and heritage, were often Dutch, German, English, or French. The difference between these tourists and Belgian visitors she illustrated with a personal anecdote:

“Once,” Ineke [the desk clerk] remembers, “A gentleman asked me about ‘le magasin sex.’ I struggled not to laugh, but managed to make clear to him that he could find it in almost every street here. Another tourist mentioned to me he thought Sluis was no more than a dirty place.” 378

378 Gerdi Preger, ‘In gesprek met… Ineke Vercouteren. Sluisse VVV-informatrice: “In mijn werk maak je genoeg mee”’, De Vrije Zeeuw, 25 September 1975. 73

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In the national news coverage of Zeelandic Flanders’ sex shop industry, negative Belgian stereotypes were also cultivated. Dutch tabloid De Telegraaf was especially explicit in voicing its disdain for Belgian sex shop tourists in the borderland. ‘Sluis has had enough of Belgians eager for sex’ (‘op sex beluste Belgen’), the newspaper stated in an article elaborating on the struggle between Sluis’ local authorities and Metz, published in 1974. The author described how ‘Porno Paultje’s shops’ were ‘besieged’ by hundreds of Belgians every day. Belgian tourists were even portrayed as having an almost insatiable, animal-like sex drive, ‘running from one sex domain to the other.’379 Similarly, other national newspapers spoke of an influx of versekste Belgen [Belgians hungry for sex] and mockingly portrayed Belgians as ‘sex hunters’.380

Figure 18 Sluis has had enough of Belgians hungry for sex’, article in national newspaper De Telegraaf. Source: see note 379.

The image of Belgium as a conservative and prude country is another frame often employed by national newspapers discussing Sluis’ sex industry. ‘Refugees of the modern era’, progressive protestant newspaper Trouw called Belgian consumers of the pornography industry in Zeelandic Flanders. The visits of sex shops and adult cinemas were, according to the newspaper, in essence an escape from Belgium’s little tolerant attitude towards sex. ‘The taboo is still so strong in their own country, that salvation is sought in Hulst and Sluis. Madame goes shopping and Monsieur takes a sex movie.’381 The ‘liberation’ of Belgian conservatism was also stressed in an article published in liberal newspaper NRC Handelsblad in 1975. ‘And they [the Belgian tourists] look into the shop

379 Martin Mensing, ‘Gemeenteraad geeft Porno Paultje ervanlangs. Sluis krijgt genoeg van op sex beluste Belgen’, De Telegraaf, 15 June 1974. 380 See respectively: Author unknown, ‘Sluis protesteert tegen sex shops’, Nederlands Dagblad, 12 June 1974; Author unknown, ‘Belgen kopen volop “sex” in Sluis’, Algemeen Dagblad, 25 February 1971. 381 Haro Hielkema, ‘Bij Hulst en Sluis proeft het Vlaams’, Trouw, 17 May 1980. 74

Borderless Flanders windows of sex shops, where the (…) pornographic literature enjoys the freedom that is still enslaved a few kilometers away across the border.’382 It should be noted, however, that sex shop tourism was not an exclusively ‘male’ activity. In the Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant¸ described is how ‘[tourists] wander quietly, with a woman on their arm, along the racks of video tapes.’383 Belgian conservatism in the field of sex and pornography was sometimes even subject to ridicule. ‘Cash registers are exploding, because of Belgians that are not allowed to do anything in their own country’, progressive newspaper Het Vrije Volk stated in 1970. In this period, the border town’s sex industry experienced its most impressive growth. According to the author, Sluis’ pornography shops benefited from the sexual backwardness of Belgium. ‘Didn’t the Belgian Ministry of Health recently announce that more than fifty percent of Belgian couples only knows the coitus interruptus as a contraceptive?’, he mockingly asked.384 Again, the idea of Sluis offering an escape from Belgium conservatism was emphasized. ‘Fountain pens and playing cards with naked girls, which shops in the Netherlands have been unable to sell for years – the Belgians love it.’ And, when describing Belgians roaming through the sex shops: ‘They don’t giggle, they stare.’ 385

Conclusion

The combination of a maritime landscape with a ‘Flemish hinterland’ was an important trademark of Zeelandic Flanders’ profile as a tourist destination. Sluis and Oostburg became attractive shopping destinations in the postwar era, and Belgian cross-border shopping increasingly became a leisure pursuit in its own right in the 1970s. The VVV and other actors in the local tourist infrastructure invested, however, not merely in border towns’ reputation as ‘shopping walhallas’, but also developed their image as bastions of local authenticity. In terms of history, architecture, culinary scene and local folklore, the interior was portrayed as the decor of an authentic Flemish culture that transcended borders. Belgian cities such as Ghent and Bruges were presented as the logical extension of the borderland, as they shared the region’s Flemish roots. However, behind this ‘façade’ of authentic cross-border culture, the local community struggled with the rapid spread of pornography shops in the 1970s. This ‘tourism of vice’ was the direct result of the different pace in which obscenity laws liberalized on both sides of the border. Especially Sluis became home to a vibrant ‘sex industry’: the town counted nine shops on a total population of 3.000 inhabitants by 1974. This sparked heated debates in the local community, that feared moral degradation and damage to Sluis’ image as a picturesque tourist town. As the pornography business almost exclusively ran on Belgians, negative stereotypes about the neighboring country were developed, which strengthened the ‘sense of border’.

382 ‘Zeeuws-Vlaanderen’, NRC Handelsblad, 30 August 1975. 383 ‘Sluis: sex kopen ze toch wel’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 6 November 1981. 384 ‘Sex in Sluis’, Het Vrije Volk, 30 July 1970. 385 Ibid. 75

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Conclusion

Zeelandic Flanders is becoming more and more boundlessly Flemish, also for tourists. Now, we are not pleading for a merger, but a ‘status aparte’ is becoming increasingly clear. Even the municipal magazine writes comically about an independent Zeelandic Flanders.386

In 1983, VVV Oostburg addressed the rumors about an impending merger between the regional VVVs in East and West Zeelandic Flanders in its newsletter. The latter’s coordinating role in the tourist landscape had proved practically non-existent: local VVVs barely accepted any top-down influence from the regional association. In 1985, the eastern and western departments’ merger was definitive. Five years later, this new regional VVV was again dissolved as part of a broader reorganization of the overarching provincial VVV, that led to further commercialization of the tourist association. This virtually meant the end of the regional VVVs in Zeeland.387 What this statement shows, however, is that despite its lack of coordination, the VVV was successful in creating the ‘tourist product’ Zeelandic Flanders. The tourist association strengthened regional awareness about the unique character of the ‘boundlessly Flemish’ borderland, which granted the region even the political ‘status aparte’ in the minds of locals.388 In the economically uncertain 1980s, when concerns about mass unemployment were widespread, tourism thus not only provided economic opportunities, but also cultural reorientation. In the same period, however, the border stimulated particular types of tourism that were considered negative and immoral: sex shop tourism in Sluis and nudism on the beach near Cadzand. The local impact of these types of ‘tourism of vice’ was a topic of heated debate amongst tourism promotors, local authorities and residents. This thesis investigated the impact of tourism on processes of regional identity formation in Zeelandic Flanders in the period 1970-1985. In the promotion of city tourism, border towns were presented as bastions of local authenticity. Medieval architecture reminded the tourist of the region’s Flemish past, with landmarks such as Aardenburg’s St. Baafskerk and Sluis’ Belfort portraying the unique Flemish heritage on Dutch territory. ‘Flemishness’ was also key to the promotion of Sluis’ emerging culinary scene: in the south, ‘bourgondisch genieten’ was still a way of life. The sense of ‘exoticism’ and ‘foreignness’ that was associated with Flemish culture was essential to the region’s touristic appeal, with towns proudly referred to as ‘Heart of Flanders’ and ‘Mother city of Flanders’. Local VVVs reinvented cross-border traditions, such as krulbollen and carnaval, with the aim of strengthening the region’s Flemish character. The promotion of the Belgian hinterland added to the notion of a

386 Kwartaalbericht VVV Oostburg, October 1983. 387 Author unknown, ‘Toeristisch bureau vervangt Promotie en het Streek-VVV’, Provinciale Zeeuwsche Courant, 29 November 1990; Author unknown, ‘Inleiding Archief VVV Zeeland’. 388 The status aparte refers to the special political status of parts of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, such as Aruba in the period 1986-2010. Up until this day, Zeelandic Flanders’ possible status aparte is a subject of political discussion, however often in a provocative sense. See for example: NOS, ‘PvdA pleit voor status aparte voor Zeeuws-Vlaanderen’ (version 26 June 2020) https://nos.nl/artikel/2338616-pvda-terneuzen-pleit-voor-status- aparte-voor-zeeuws-vlaanderen.html (accessed 26 June 2020). 76

Borderless Flanders cross-border cultural landscape. A trip to Bruges or Ghent was considered indispensable to the tourist experience, which reduced the state border to a rather insignificant line in space. The physical boundary of the Western Scheldt was, on the other hand, imagined as barrier to travel: a trip to the island of Walcheren equaled a day ‘on the other side’. Key to Zeelandic Flanders’ appeal as a tourist destination was its maritime landscape. In tourist brochures and magazines, the coastline was framed as simple and pure: the antithesis of the mass beach destination of the postwar era. A starker contrast between Cadzand and Knokke was almost unthinkable: whereas the first offered relaxation, the latter offered excitement. Underlying this tourist frame was the notion of a complementary relation between the Dutch and Belgian coast, in which the dividing function of the state border was considered an asset of the tourist landscape. Zeelandic Flanders’ character as a natural beach destination was strengthened by the close connection between the beach and the countryside. Nostalgic reflections on le plat pays emphasized the image of the borderland as a rural idyll, home to an authentic pastoral population. Physical features of the landscape were framed as representing the unique character of the region as a transition zone where ‘northern’ and ‘southern’ landscapes met. This notion of a cross-border tourist landscape offered an alternative delineation of the region to that of the state. At the same time, the state border was sometimes also emphasized as an important marker of the landscape: cross-border hikes elevated the act of ‘crossing the border’ to a tourist experience in its own right. This harmonious image was, however, not as unproblematic as promotional material might suggest. Behind the façade presented to tourists, the impact of negative and immoral types of border tourism caused tensions in the local community to run high. This ‘tourism of vice’ was the direct result of the different pace in which obscenity laws liberalized on both sides of the border in this period. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Zeelandic Flemish border towns saw an unprecedented growth of pornography shops and adult cinemas. Belgian tourists benefited from the far more liberal policy on pornography on the other side of the border, which disturbed market forces. Especially Sluis became home to a vibrant sex shop industry, which granted the border town the (dubious) honor of ‘busiest sex city of the Netherlands’. The 1980s saw the intensification of another type of tourism of vice: nudist recreation. Especially on het Zwin, the coastal area near Cadzand, Belgian nudists ‘sought refuge’ from the strict Belgian policy on nudism. Both types of border tourism met with concern in the local community, that feared moral degradation and damage to the region’s authentic and picturesque image as a tourist destination. Tourism influenced identity formation in Zeelandic Flanders on different spatial scales. In practices of tourist framing, the borderland was imagined as the center of a Flemish zone of transnational interaction, that stretched beyond state borders. This notion of a cross-border, Flemish identity was most evident in the context of cultural and heritage tourism. Medieval architecture, culinary traditions and local folklore were presented as markers of the region’s ‘Flemishness’, as this was associated with an exotic, foreign-like holiday destination. This had implications for the way in which the relationship with neighboring country Belgium was made

77

Lauren Antonides sense of. Belgians were primarily framed as Flemish participants in cultural and sportive events, which reinforced the idea of the Zeelandic Flemish and Belgian Flemish as regional neighbors. In the promotion of rural tourism, the landscape was framed as an interplay between ‘Zeelandic’ and ‘Flemish’ elements. The tourist framing of the countryside thus strengthened the image of the region as a transition zone where different regional identities met. Whereas local culture and landscape were framed as markers of a fluid, cross-border identity, descriptions of the coastline emphasized national differences. The coastal landscape was imagined as split between a ‘Dutch’ and ‘Belgian’ part. The natural, simple coastline on the Dutch side of the border was presented as the polar opposite of the modernized, Belgian coast. Their differences made them interdependent: Cadzand and Knokke belonged together like ‘fork and knife’. This shows that when the border did play a role in the image presented to the tourist, its ‘dividing function’ was imagined in a particularly positive way. The Belgian hinterland offered recreational opportunities, such as a day in Bruges or a night in Knokke, that were considered indispensable to Zeelandic Flanders’ identity as a tourist destination. National differences were, in other words, complementary: what the Dutch side of the border could not offer, the Belgian side could. This positive notion of complementing national spheres was, however, merely the picture presented to the tourist. In local society, the impact of the border-related tourism of vice fueled national contradictions in a negative sense. Sex shop tourism was for example associated with the cliché of Belgium as ‘prude’ and ‘conservative’, which contrasted with the stereotypical image of the Netherlands as ‘tolerant’ and ‘liberal’. This affected the way in which its main consumer, the Belgian tourist, was imagined. As ‘sex tourists’ and ‘nudists’, Belgians were perceived as unwanted guests, to whom Dutch and German tourists were preferred. This view contradicted with the picture of Belgians as ‘regional neighbors’, that was central to tourist discourse. On the ‘supply side’ of the tourism industry, cross-border cultural cooperation aligned with the view of Belgians as good Flemish neighbors, whereas on the ‘demand side’, Belgians were made sense of as unwanted, ‘bad’ tourists. In the context of tourism, locals thus developed a conflicting attitude towards the neighboring country. ‘Flanders’ and the ‘Flemish’ evoked positive images, whereas ‘Belgians’ were associated with negative aspects of tourism. In reality, however, often the same group of people was concerned. This thesis showed that in borderland tourism, multiple, and often contradictory, understandings of regionhood and nationhood were developed. Notions of a shared cross-border identity, interacting regional identities and harmoniously coexisting national identities were cultivated in the tourist industry. Tourist framing was, however, only the tip of the iceberg. Underlying forces of border tourism fueled negative national stereotypes, which encouraged ‘us versus them’ thinking. Both tourist discourse and the underlying impact of border tourism on local society are vital to understanding the impact of tourism on territorial identification processes in borderlands.

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In demonstrating the impact of borderland tourism on regional identity in Zeelandic Flanders, this thesis aimed to offer a new perspective on existing work in the scholarly field of regionalism studies. Perhaps most evident, is that this case explored the boundaries of the current chronological and geographical scope of this scholarly field. The 1970s and 1980s form a chronological ‘gap’ in the existing body of literature, as historians are generally interested in developments before 1945, and social scientists typically take the 1990s as starting point of the analysis. The 1970s saw the revaluation of regional differences, as a reaction to the modern mass culture of the Reconstruction era. The revival of folklore and vernacular traditions in regional branding practices echoed typical nineteenth century images and stereotypes. An important difference between the ‘new regional tourism’ of the 1970s and prewar forms of tourist travel was that regional culture was no longer appreciated as a manifestation of the nation’s true origins, but as a leisure pursuit in its own right. The nationalist undertone of domestic tourism had become suspect, as it now was associated with the Blut und Boden ideology of Nazi Germany.389 Regional tourism was, in other words, no longer motivated by the moral duty to get acquainted with the fatherland, but rather offered a pleasant temporary escape from modern mass culture. In terms of geographical scope, the Netherlands, and Zeeland in particular, are still heavily underexplored areas in regionalism studies. Existing historical studies of Zeelandic Flanders share the idea that the borderland became increasingly nationally oriented throughout modern history. This study showed that the region’s national identity was not as uncontested as existing scholarly work might suggest. Tourism promotors expanded their scope beyond the national framework and developed alternative understandings of what it meant to be ‘Zeelandic Flemish’. The overemphasis on political events in the historical study of Zeelandic Flanders explains the simplified historiographical image of the region’s ‘linear’ process of nationalization throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century. The disproportionate focus on political regionalism is a broader scholarly challenge in the field of Dutch regionalism. As regionalism in the Netherlands had a relatively weak political translation, the idea that regionalist sentiments historically rarely constituted a serious opposing force to nationalism dominates the current historiography. Separatist movements such as the Fryske Nationale Partij [Frisian National Party] were considered not more than ‘fringe phenomena’, that merited little scholarly attention.390 However, the idea of Dutch identity being rarely challenged by regional counterforces is an oversimplified historiographical image that has resulted from the scholarly overemphasis on political manifestations of regionalism. This thesis showed that the tourism industry was a key arena in which regional identity was negotiated and borders were redrawn. The study of tourism is therefore valuable in offering alternative insights into the process of regional and national identity construction in the Netherlands, that would remain under the surface in the traditional approach. It should, however, be noted that actors in the Dutch tourism

389 See: Storm, ‘Tourism and the Construction of Regional Identities’, 100. 390 Maarten Duijvendak, ‘Ligamenten van de staat? Over regionale identiteit en de taaiheid van de provincie’, Low Countries Historical Review 123.3 (2008) 342-353: 346. 79

Lauren Antonides industry were not entirely ‘unpolitical’. The VVV was not a neutral, but a politicized actor, as local authorities had a strong say in the organization. Further research is needed to gain a clearer image of the political motivations of players in the Dutch tourist infrastructure, and how this influenced their role in territorial identification processes. In recent decades, historians have become increasingly aware of the role of tourism in regional identity formation in Europe. The influence of tourism on borderland identity is, however, still largely uncharted territory. A dominant idea in existing scholarly work is that tourism promotors in borderlands redrew political boundaries: the tourist landscape offered an alternative delineation to that of the state.391 This thesis demonstrated that the impact of tourism on borderlands cannot be simplified to the construction of a single ‘cross-border identity’. Instead, multiple understandings of regionhood and nationhood were developed in borderland tourism, that overlapped and sometimes even contradicted each other. This also implied that the state border was imagined in different ways: from an insignificant line in a fluid cross-border landscape, to an actual legal boundary separating two (or more) state systems. Disentangling these alternative patterns of territorial identification requires combining insights from different scholarly disciplines. Border studies have significantly contributed to the understanding of the role of borders in regional identity formation in more recent decades. Insights from this interdisciplinary field help interpret geographical dynamics that influenced regional identification processes, such as the border-related tourism of vice. The incorporation of these social scientific concepts in historical research has potential in providing fresh insights into the dynamics of borderland identity formation in the second half of the twentieth century. Tourism was a key arena in which borderland identity was negotiated and different spatialities dynamically interacted. In the margins of the country, people did not merely identify with the country, region or village, but also looked across the border to make sense of their regional identity.

391 See: Murdock, ‘Tourist Landscapes’. 80

Borderless Flanders

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