A Social Reinterpretation of City Hall

A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Architecture

in the School of Architecture and Interior Design of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning

by

Austin Gehman

B.A. University of Pittsburgh May 2015

Committee Chair: Ed Mitchell, M.Arch Committee Member: Jim Postell, M.Arch ii Abstract The city hall has, for centuries, been the epicenter of local politics and stands as one of the last remaining truly public spaces in cities across America. City hall stands as a symbol and testament to the power and stability of government and many were designed to reflect the architectural styles and the political climate of the time. While many of these structures are architecturally marvelous, they have become unfit to house the local government for which they were intended. In The Great Good Place Ray Oldenberg suggested that for a healthy existence, citizens must live in a balance of three realms: home life, the workplace, and the inclusively sociable places or “third places” as Oldenberg calls them. He advocates for the immense social value that third places bring and points out their historical role. Third places include the American tavern in the American Revolution, the cafe in the French Revolution, the London coffee house during the enlightenment, and the agora in Greek democracy. City hall should function as a public amenity similar to the way public libraries, parks, and coffee shops function as a “third place” where people go to enjoy their time away from work or home. In addition, caused by the wave of neoliberalism that began in the late 1970s, public spaces are continuously being bought and privatized, inhibiting the public’s ability to assemble and express their voices on pertinent issues. It is imperative that the public’s voice is not muffled by the American capitalist system that places profits and property value ahead of public opinion and the voices of the people. This thesis aims to bridge the gap between the alienating and foreboding city hall typology and the inclusive, accessible third places, which will help mitigate political apathy while simultaneously creating a truly civic space given to the public.

iii iv Table of Contents

I. Abstract

II. Introduction

III. History of Local Government and City Hall in America

IV. Public Spaces

V. Taking Back the Public Spaces: Neoliberalism in America

VI. Bringing Back the Public Square

VII. Proposal

VIII. Conclusion

v Figures

1.0 “Plan of the Agora in the second century A.D. as given in John Camp’s book on The Athenian Agora.” 2018. http://www.civilization.org.uk/greece/roman-and-later- greece

1.1 “Tallin Town Hall” 2018. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tallinn_Town_Hall_ edit.jpg

1.2 “Palazzo Pubblico” 2018. https://hu.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palazzo_Pubblico_(Siena)#/ media/File:2000-05-17_Siena_05170009.jpg

1.3 “City Hall” 2018. http://www.eamesoffice.com/the-work/city-hall/

2.0 Illustration by author

2.1 Illustration by author

vi II.Introduction The American city hall has, for centuries, been the center of local politics and stood as a symbol for civic power. It has also stood as a symbol of the people and the city in which it sits. Designed in a variety of different styles, these structures inevitably stand as a testament to the time in which they were built and the political climate of that era. This affects the program and representative role of the building in two key ways. First, the issue with many of these older city halls is the increased size of the government over the last several decades. This has caused many cities to outgrow the walls of the city hall and take over other municipal buildings. This hinders the local government from its required and necessary functions. The increased number of government agencies is not able to interact or collaborate with one another due to the expansion of the civic program. This increasing size in government paired with the current wave of American neoliberalism is putting local governments in a dangerous position. Most city halls are not performing the functions they need to in order to sustain a healthy and publicly engaged governance. Among several important reasons is the lack of a facility by which the people can educate themselves to understand the techniques of government is cause for this.1 With political and voter apathy at historically high levels, the public should be made more aware of the people in office, when elections are being held, who is running, and should be provided with more pertinent information regarding their local officials. Better transparency also needs to be established between public officials and their constituents. Too much of government happens out of sight and out of mind of the public. City hall architecture can help to mitigate this opacity. Second, despite a vast variation in the architectural styles of American city halls, the styles merely follow the popular architectural institutional trend of the time period in which they were designed. City halls have not been responded to the needs, the spirit, or the symbols of the city in which they reside but merely reflect

1. Eames Office. (2018). City Hall | Eames Office. [online] Available at: http://www.eamesoffice.com/the-work/ city-hall/ [Accessed 19 Nov. 2018].

1 architectural trends. If each city is unique with different governmental structures and political climates, then city halls need to respond better to these factors. Cities can have different structures of government such as a strong mayor or weak mayor, or even a hybrid system of governance. This places control in different levels of the government. Cities also deal with a variety of issues ranging from income inequality to homelessness to decaying infrastructure. New York City and Sacramento are unique cities with different issues from one another. Why then do their city halls look so architecturally similar? Cincinnati’s city hall offers a ripe opportunity to redesign and re-imagine not only how the government interacts with the citizens in Cincinnati, but also how the city’s civic works can engage the public and enable transparency between government and city residents. In their proposal for a city hall for post-war America, Charles and Ray Eames stated in Architecural Forum magazine “A city government should and must be housed as the center of a mutually cooperative enterprise in which: the government talks to the people and the people talk to the government. The administration of government is the business of the people.”2 Cincinnati’s city hall currently sits on a lot several blocks outside of the main active area of downtown and generally has very little pedestrian traffic throughout the day. Few people venture into city hall unless to obtain a marriage license or to go to a city department. Cincinnati’s city hall is too small to fit all necessary government agencies causing them to be scattered throughout the city. This inhibits interaction and collaboration amongst agencies that could otherwise benefit from more collaboration. What if the city’s water works were placed within close proximity to the parks and metro departments? This could allow better communication on deciding the best way to treat and divert storm and sewage water that doesn’t adversely affect a city’s green and transportation infrastructures. How might the Board of Elections be able to more effectively communicate with the department of economic inclusion to formulate

2. Eames Office. (2018). City Hall | Eames Office. [online] Available at: http://www.eamesoffice.com/the-work/ city-hall/ [Accessed 19 Nov. 2018].

2 questions on the ballots to get more accurate statistics about the economic situation of the city’s residents? Again in their post-war city hall proposal, the Eames’ stated “It should be impossible to think in terms of the juvenile court without thinking in terms of the children’s clinic, without thinking in terms of a Board of Education. Such a Board of Education can best function through activities within the house of government itself by presenting in active cooperation with all departments: exhibitions, motion pictures, study and lecture groups, open forums.”3 In addition to the consolidating the current city hall program with the other governmental department in the city, the new city hall program will also include spaces for retail, food services, and apartments above these programs. These additional programs will ensure that the two-block site in downtown Cincinnati will remain alive and active through all hours of the day and not simply during operating hours of city hall. It is time to open up the doors and walls of city hall to engage the public. Cincinnati’s city hall has been where mayoral and city council dealings have been happening behind closed doors for over a century. This thesis will form a solution and design proposal for doing just that, reinterpreting city hall into a publicly engaging civic structure that aims to mitigate voter apathy and engage the city’s residents in their local government. The site for this thesis is in downtown Cincinnati, adjacent to the library, along Piatt Park. This will become something of a “government square” where the entire two-block park will become home to the new city hall of Cincinnati.

3. Eames Office. (2018). City Hall | Eames Office. [online] Available at: http://www.eamesoffice.com/the-work/ city-hall/ [Accessed 19 Nov. 2018].

3 III. History of Local Government and City Hall in America On the pyramid of American government, local government is at the bottom while the federal government sits at the top. Local governments can loosely be defined as the elected public officials and institutions chosen to decide and administer the policies deemed necessary to form a just society.1 Since the federal or national government doesn’t have the capacity to maintain authority over every different person, town, or city in a country, the federal government relinquishes some of this rule to local governmental bodies. The governmental model of democracy that eventually evolved into the model seen in American cities today can be traced back to the 17th century when North America was colonized by Britain.2 Most of the colonies first emerged as companies of shareholders granted charters by the King. Initially there was very little governance or oversight from the Crown as full governmental authority was granted to the company itself.3 Nevertheless, the companies were still inhabitants of England and thus the King retained the authority to dictate governance when seen fit. This ruling governance however, was rarely seen. The colonies never thought of themselves as independent entities, having only loose association with the authorities in London. For the most part the colonists were left to govern themselves. This then lead to the colonists developing their own methods of governing. This time has been described as a time of “pure democracy” as a representative form of democracy had not yet been established.4 White, property owning males would meet in a town meeting several times a year to discuss taxes, local laws, and to elect officials. Throughout most of the colonies the notion of “self-government” was accepted.5 Voting was established early on as a way to democratically elect

1 Encyclopedia.com. (2019). Local Government | Encyclopedia.com. [online] Available at: https://www. encyclopedia.com/social-sciences-and-law/political-science-and-government/political-science-terms-and- concepts/local-government [Accessed 7 Mar. 2019]. 2 Countrystudies.us. (n.d.). United States History - Emergence of Colonial Government. [on- line] Available at: http://countrystudies.us/united-states/history-17.htm [Accessed 6 Mar.2019]. 3 Ibid. 4 Elson, H. (2019). American Colonial Government. [online] Usahistory.info. Available at: http://www.usahistory. info/colonial/government.html [Accessed 6 Mar. 2019]. 5 Ibid.

4 Fig. 1.0

Fig. 1.2 Fig. 1.1

Fig. 1.3

5 officials and make policy decisions.6 One of the first things the settlers of Jamestown did was to conduct an election. Although suffrage wasn’t universal amongst the colonies, most towns limited voting rights to white, property-owning males. As towns and settlements grew, representative governments began to appear sporadically amongst the colonies. But these colonial assemblies dealt with a narrow range of issues, passed few bills, and did not conduct much business.7 Campaigning done by candidates differed greatly from how campaigning is run today.8 The lack of mass media meant that candidates needed to communicate face to face with voters. Candidates up for election were expected to be at the polls on Election Day to greet all voters including opposing candidates. Taxes were generally solely based on real estate since it was plainly visible, fixed in place, and could easily be determined in which government unit the property was located.9 Following the American Revolution, state governments began to take on more authority over their towns and municipalities. The state granted charters to many municipalities officially recognizing then as governed cities. As the country, cities, and towns grew, so did the size and complexity of local governments. These institutions then began to include more departments and officials to handle a widening range of issues. Official town meeting spaces in America can be traced back to the early 1600s in the New England states.10 Town meetings were held in colonial meeting houses which, except for Rhode Island, were built at tax payers’ expense. These meeting houses were used for both religious and town business purposes.11 Similar to New England town meeting houses serving multiple functions, town halls commonly served other civic functions such as markets, fire and police stations, and centers of entertainment.12

6 History.org. (2019). Voting in Early America. [online] Available at: https://www.history.org/foundation/journal/ spring07/elections.cfm [Accessed 6 Mar. 2019]. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 Fisher, G. (2019). History of Property Taxes in the United States. [online] Eh.net. Available at: https://eh.net/ encyclopedia/history-of-property-taxes-in-the-united-states/ [Accessed 6 Mar. 2019]. 10 Participedia.net. (2019). New England Town Meetings | Participedia. [online] Available at: https://participedia. net/en/methods/new-england-town-meetings [Accessed 7 Mar. 2019]. 11 Ibid. 12 Smith, A. Hassell. “Architecture and Power: the Town Hall and the English Urban Community c. 1500– 6 As the size, complexity, and architectural style of city halls evolved throughout the centuries, the notion of civic duty and responsibility has remained in many of today’s city halls. Successful city halls such as Philadelphia City Hall and San Francisco City Hall often incorporate public plazas and lawns for civic assembly reiterating the fact that the land is to be shared by all residents. There are many contrasts to be drawn between American city halls and many European city halls such as Sienna City Hall (Fig. 1.1). In this model the city hall is built around the public square as opposed to the public space being around the City Hall. This notion of the public square occupying the central space indicates the hierarchy that older European governments placed on the public space. In the Estonian city of Tallinn, the town hall (Fig. 1.2) was placed at the edge of the city square and incorporated a fish market on the ground floor activating the space and creating a public amenity. This was replicated in Charles and Ray Eames’s proposal for a city hall (Fig. 1.3). In this example the geometry of the building defines two public courtyards and wraps the office program around it. This was intended to activate the spaces and engage officials with their constituents and vice versa. The architectural style of city halls, for the most part, have followed architectural trends of their respective eras. These styles range from the Greek Revival style of America’s oldest City Hall, New York City Hall, constructed from 1803-1811, to the Art Deco styling of Buffalo City Hall, to the Brutalist architectural stylings of Boston and Dallas city halls. As the complexity of local government and architectural styles continue to evolve, architects and designers will find new ways to construct and interpret the seat of local government around the world.

1640. By Robert Tittler. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991. Pp. Xviii 2II. £30.” The Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (1993): 753–54. doi:10.1017/S0018246X00014436.

7 IV. Public Spaces Our public spaces such as parks, plazas, malls, and squares have played an essential yet underappreciated role in American History. From the women’s suffrage movement to the Anti Vietnam War protests, activism has been monumental in moving and changing policy decisions. These movements, however, needed a space and platform for their stories to be heard. That is where the role of public spaces insert themselves into the text of American history. In order for people to further express their voices and opinions to continue to move and shape policy in America, it is imperative that our public spaces are upheld and protected just as human rights are continually fought for and protected. As promised in the first amendment of the United States Constitution, all citizens have the right to assemble and to express their voice. As previously suggested, the significance of public assembly throughout American history cannot be understated. From the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom to the Occupy Wall Street Movement, public protests and activism have helped spark action that moves policy decisions. Living in this digital age, it may appear that these protests and demonstrations are being staged on social medium platforms such as Facebook, or Twitter. While the adoption of these apps has been profound for giving a voice to the otherwise voiceless members of the global public, these are not replacements for the power of physical assembly by the general public. These websites and apps work merely as mobilizers for people and dialogues. The most successful and groundbreaking demonstrations have always occurred in physical spaces that are free and open to any resident of the United States. Public spaces are inherently political. From the streets and sidewalks to parks and squares, public spaces represent the hallways and living rooms of our towns and cities. They are crucial social resources and are vital to the social and economic life of communities. As the fight over the ecological, economic, and spatial health of society rages on, public spaces consistently operate as the stage for these fights. Public parks provide a breath of fresh air to crowded and busy cities. Parks and city squares provide a boost to property value surrounding them as well as give

8 attractive space for storefront retail space. Additionally, public spaces provide space which has now become a commodity in cities that are growing faster now than ever before. Given the fact that public spaces are favorable not only for private developers and landowners but also for the general public it is necessary to continually state the importance of keeping our public spaces free, open, and democratic for people of all backgrounds to be able to enjoy them. From simply walking through a park or square, or holding a performance, public spaces are the stages upon which the drama of cities and politics has been played out.

9 V. Taking Back the Public Spaces: Neoliberalism in America A wave of neoliberalism took over America and most of the western world starting in the latter part of the 20th century. Neoliberalism is defined as a modified form of liberalism tending to favor free market capitalism, minimal government intervention, and reduced federal spending on social services.1 Neoliberal theory maintains that a free market will allow efficiency, economic growth, income distribution, and technological progress to occur. Any state intervention meant to drive these trends forward will inevitably worsen economic performance.2 An early use of the term was first coined in 1898 by Charles Gide to describe these economic beliefs.3 It wasn’t until the middle of the 20th century that these beliefs began to appear in economic and social policy. Neoliberalism reached a more explicit peak with the election of President Ronald Reagan. This trend in politics and the free market has lead to decreased spending in government programs and government owned spaces and institutions. This is evident in the decline of the number of publicly owned parks and squares in our cities. This is not to say that public parks and squares don’t exist anymore, they are simply owned by private groups or developers. Take, for example, Washington Park in Cincinnati or Bryant Park in New York City. Both are wonderfully maintained parks that are open to a most residents and host events that are open to the public. But private groups made up of property owners surrounding the parks own these spaces for the purpose of maintaining property value. This allows these groups to restrict activities of people who would otherwise utilize the park for reasons that might threaten to decline property value. Surely if Bryant Park were filled with homeless people, or a place of constant activism, property values surrounding the park would decline. Prohibiting certain people and activities in these spaces, inhibits public free speech. Public space has the potential to facilitate interaction between strangers

1 Smith, N. (2018). neoliberalism | Definition, Ideology, & Examples. [online] Encyclopedia Britannica. Available at: https://www.britannica.com/topic/neoliberalism [Accessed 21 Nov. 2018]. 2 Kotz, David (2015). The Rise and Fall of Neoliberal Capitalism. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Univer sity Press. p. 12. 3 Gide, Charles (1898-01-01). “Has Co-operation Introduced a New Principle into Economics?”. The Eco nomic Journal. 8 (32): 490–511

10 and acquaintances4. Free speech is crucial as it facilitates exposure to a wide range of arguments and makes it possible for citizens to reach informed decisions about public policy5. It is imperative that a city’s public spaces remain just that, public. “Charles Eames has made the point that...the civilizing process is the giving up by individuals something in order for the public realm to be enhanced. In the city, this occurs when something is given over by people to the public.”6 Seen in Figure 1.3, the Eames’s themselves designed a proposal for a city hall that aimed to enhance the public realm surrounding the civic structure. Their design was a deliberate attempt to activate this space and facilitate a dialogue between residents of the city and their elected officials in hopes to mitigate America’s political apathy problem. A major goal of this thesis is to create a truly public place for all people to encourage free speech and to express their voices as allowed by the First Amendment. This will be a space for celebration when a city hall wedding is held, or when a much-loved public official wins a major seat or nomination, or, more likely, when FC Cincinnati wins the MLS Cup. It will be a space for activism and protest when a less loved public official wins a major seat or nomination, when unfavorable policy decisions have been made, or when an event sparks social unrest. When the space is not being used for celebrations or activism it will act as a third place similar to Washington or Bryant Park where the public is allowed to relax or partake in another activity they so desire to. Examples of such places are the Vienna city hall in which cafes surround the central square activate the space and make the civic square an area where residents congregate for matters that may not be political. Locals are known to spend hours in this square hopping from cafe to cafe following the sun as the shadows move around the square. Squares such as this are seen all around Europe and tend to be the social epicenters of European cities. Another example is the Greek agora and Roman forum where copious amounts of public activity occurred. Such activities ranged from public speeches and debates,

4. Kohn, M. (2010). Brave New Neighborhoods. New York: Routledge. 5. Ibid. 6. Moore, C. and Keim, K. (2004). You have to pay for the public life. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT.

11 theatrical performances, to markets where residents would trade goods. These places included theaters, churches, markets, baths, and recreational fields. These were large spaces and played a significant role in the conservation of the Greek and Roman democratic system of government. These were amongst the most truly public places in history as both civilizations held individual freedoms of citizens in the highest regard. A more contemporary example is a proposal done by Bjarke Ingels Group for a new city hall in Tallinn Estonia. Although never built, this proposal represents a similar approach to the one the Eames took in their proposal to facilitate a better relationship between officials and residents. The BIG proposal included a market on the ground floor, library, and observation decks on the roof of the building allowing the public to circulate under, within, and above the city hall building. The design also incorporates a unique mirrored ceiling in the city council chambers allowing meetings to be viewed from the square outside. This allows a direct line of sight between officials and residents. This allows residents to watch their officials and keep them accountable and ensures that the public is never out of sight and out of mind for the elected officials of the city. These examples embody what this thesis proposes to do in creating a city hall that also acts as a public space that is free from private hands and allows freedom of speech and assembly while facilitating a more meaningful relationship between residents of Cincinnati and their elected officials.

12 VI. Bringing Back the City Square The original Greek agora was thirty acres in size, contained several marketplaces, three stoa, several theatres, a courthouse, prison, gymnasium, multiple temples, and a plethora of sculptures of the Greek gods and goddesses. In terms of the city, it was the core of Greek society. The agora, along with the Roman forums was the epicenter of education, politics, religion, oratory, philosophy, art, and athletics. It was the location in the city where all of these matters were openly discussed and put on display. Thus, it functioned as an integrative center for the activities that were paramount in Greek society and to its democracy. In the Middle Ages, with the ascension of Catholicism, commercial and religious spaces in Europe became separated. The Industrial Revolution brought along other reasons such as industrialization and the evolution of public markets to commercial stores. This caused the agora and forum to fade out of importance. Today, our cities public spaces have cultural significance but lack the religious or political significance that such ancient squares had. With the wave of neoliberalism in America, more and more privately owned parks are not allowing or encouraging any form of religious or political activity to occur within the parks to maintain property values for surrounding residents. However, with public ownership and politics being in the forefront of contemporary society and engaging more people in the national and local political dialogues, these city halls and government squares can regain their political significance. It comes as no surprise that civilization has changed and evolved over the centuries since the Greek and Roman Empires, and the role of public spaces like the agora and forum have devolved into parks with the occasional market, concert, or gathering. Still important to the culture and sustainability of cities, but nowhere near as important to democracy and civilization as the agora and forum once were. There may never be another public space at the scale and importance of the agora (the closest thing today might be Central Park in New York City) but how can this ancient model be reinterpreted to give much needed life and significance to our otherwise lifeless city halls and government squares?

13 VII. Proposal Using all the information aforementioned in this text regarding civic, political engagement and the need for a free and democratic public space, it is hopefully easy to analyze and conclude that Cincinnati’s city hall is ripe for a reinterpretation. Cincinnati’s current city hall is an architecturally marvelous building designed by the Cincinnati architect Samuel Hannford in 1893. Designed in the prevailing Richardsonian institutional architectural style of the time, it is constructed out of large masonry blocks as the main construction material. The city hall currently contains offices for the mayor, city council, city manager, and other departments such as the finance office, Citicable, and the treasurer’s office. The city hall also contains the city council chambers where weekly meetings are held to discuss legislation, plans for the city, and budget issues. These weekly meetings are open to anyone from the public to attend and anyone who would like to speak is given three minutes of time prior to the meeting’s commencement. The issues with the current city hall, however, begin with its location. The building in general is out of touch with the rest of the city. As it stands today, the building is on the edge of downtown, in an area populated by parking lots with few public transit lines near it. Few people have reason to walk by city hall let alone enter through its doors. In addition to its poor location, the building also lacks transparency from the outside in. Constructed with large masonry blocks, the city hall is structurally sound but it lacks visibility of its internal workings. In typical Richardsonian fashion, the main programmatic elements of the building are lifted off the ground level leaving pedestrians walking past staring at a solid masonry plinth. There is no engagement with the street level. The entrances to the city hall are up about eight feet of steps making the main entry sequence inaccessible to those in wheelchairs or who can’t walk up steps. Cincinnati, along with Ohio in general, has always turned out above average voting numbers1. But few are actually engaged or understand how the local political process unfolds. Through a reinterpretation of city hall, it is more than possible to have a more informed and engaged population in Cincinnati.

1 Communications, S. (2019). Hamilton County Board Of Elections | Election Results. [online] Boe.hamilton- co.org. Available at: https://boe.hamilton-co.org/elections/election-results.aspx [Accessed 12 Mar. 2019]. 14 Fig. 2.0 78 14x, 15x, 23x, 25x,

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6, 49 Paul Brown Stadium Brown Paul The first aspect of this new proposal for Cincinnati’s city hall will be to address its location. The location needs to be in close proximity to public transit and the busier, more heavily trafficked areas of the city. For this reason, Piatt Park has been chosen as the new site. This location represents great opportunity as several bus stops, much food and retail services, several arts institutions, and the Cincinnati Public Library, one of the best public resources in Cincinnati, surround it. Much more of the essence of Cincinnati is experienced at this location than the current city hall site. The site also includes several under-utilized and abandoned buildings, which will be demolished to make room for the new city hall providing ample space for the offices and departments currently within the city hall building. The site, being located directly adjacent to the Cincinnati Public Library, it is easy to imagine the educational role the square could play having educational and library hosted events in the square. Hosting musical or other art events (which already occur in Piatt Park) would allow more artistic cultural significance. The new location of city hall inherently comes with political significance and the potential to host political rallies, celebrations, or protests. Athletically, the location is just several blocks away from the new location of FC Cincinnati Stadium, which is sure to be a major significant site in Cincinnati upon completion. The chosen site for this thesis possesses inherent cultural, athletic, political, and educational potential similar to the agora and forum. The second issue this proposal addresses is converting the city hall from a governmental office building into a public amenity. This will be achieved in a number of ways. The first way is to include a public park on the site. The intent of the park will be to provide a free and open democratic space for the general public to use as they wish. This could range from things as simple as enjoying a cup of coffee or meeting up with friends. It could also be as engaging as a public site for demonstrations or protests. Regardless of the activities taking place in the park, it is imperative for city hall to extend its reach and allow for these types of activities to happen. The city hall should function, like our parks and libraries, as a living room for the city. The third issue this proposal will address is the engagement between the general public and elected officials and governmental employees. This will be

16 addressed by deliberately mixing public and governmental circulation. For example, to get to the occupiable roof, the city council chambers, or to walk through the building to get across the site, the general public will be engaged with the elected officials and government employees. Engagement might be as simple as seeing the mayor work in his office or as intense as a public demonstration taking place while the mayor walks towards his or her office. Regardless of the level of interaction, it is imperative that the public is never out of sight or out of mind. Also, a more innovative aspect of this proposal is proposed by the lay out of the offices for the mayor, city council, and city manager. These offices will be scattered about the site and building so that officials will be forced to step out of their offices and interact with people working in different departments and with the general public who will walk through city hall as they enjoy the park. This programming is meant to reiterate the idea that government officials should always interact with their constituents and remain in touch with problems and issues facing the city’s residents. Public awareness is the fourth issue that this new city hall proposal will address. Too many citizens, especially younger citizens, are blissfully ignorant to the operations and dealings of local government. How can city hall convey important messages such as when the next election is taking place, which candidates will be on the ballot, or what will city council be discussing at the next meeting? By turning city hall into a public amenity where the general public will be encouraged to travel to and spend time, it inherently solves the issue of grabbing the public’s attention. Once city hall has the public’s attention with groups of people hanging out on its roof and within its hallways, it will be free to communicate certain information to the public. This will be done by ways of projecting information on walls and screens for everyone to see. Cincinnati has a very rich history of murals painted on the side of buildings. Why can’t a new, digital mural be utilized to convey information to residents? When introducing the concept of a third place into a City Hall program, speech a key element and the type of speech that occurs in each space. City Hall is generally a place for formal speech regarding legislation, budget, and policy. In fact, it is written into Cincinnati’s charter that Cincinnati’s mayor, city council members,

17 and city manager are not allowed to discuss public matters outside of the public realm2. All public related matters need to occur a city council meeting or on record in some way. However, the power and importance of unnofficial speech cannot be understated especially in the instances mentioned earlier such as the Tavern in the American Revolution, the cafe in the French Revolution, and the London coffee house during he Enlightenment. City Hall needs to have places for both official speech held in the council chambers and unofficial speech held in these third places. The challenge comes in deciding which spatial qualities fit best and what type of environment will foster the type of discourse conducive to the effective governing of a city. Does City Hall have a bar where officials hash out disputes over a few drinks? Does it have a coffee shop where officials hold office hours to meet with residents or community leaders outside of their offices? Or is there a venue to listen to live music and watch sporting events where officials and residents can come together under shared interests? Cincinnati has no shortage of breweries such as Rhinegeist, coffee places like Coffee Emporium, or performance venues for these encounters to occur in So the intent is to bring these encounters closer to city hall, as a political institution, to act as a stage for which these encounters can be choreographed upon. A park is perfectly ambiguous enough that it doesn’t inhibit anyone from any age or background from utilizing its space. Parks, when designed correctly, provide enjoyable and welcoming space for any variety of users. They act as a blank canvas that allows for any number of atmospheres to be created and as previously mentioned can be platforms for protests and demonstration. The chosen site is large enough that all of these spaces can easily be accommodated and allow for a wide array of users from different ages, classes, interests, and backgrounds. The desire to activate Cincinnati City Hall and transform it into a civic amenity lies at the heart of this thesis proposal. Any city has a wide range of needs and desires by both the general public and government officials. City Halls need to break away from the mold of being palaces to bureaucracy and instead be designed

2 Library.municode.com. (2019). Municode Library. [online] Available at: https://library.municode.com/oh/cin cinnati/codes/code_of_ordinances [Accessed 12 Mar. 2019].

18 as civic spaces for the public. In order to foster and facilitate a more proactive relationship between residents of a city and their elected officials, a civic space is needed to engage and choreograph different relationships amongst the two groups. City Hall needs to act a s the living room of the city as well as the boardroom where decisions are made. Ideally these are the same space.

19 VIII. Conclusion Since the infamous 2016 United States presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton political discourse in America has experienced levels of polarization not seen since the Vietnam War. It is increasingly important in these times for the American people to shift their focus, if ever briefly, to local politics and help generate changes at the local level. Change seldom happens from the top down; it often occurs from the ground up. State and local governments are most easily accessible to the wants and need of the people. The midterm elections in which Senators and Representatives are elected are just as important as these people take the interests of their local constituents and give them a voice in the federal government. At these crucial, polarized times, political apathy and ignorance towards political efforts is detrimental to American democracy. It is imperative that voters of all age are able to cast an educated, informed vote during election times. Simultaneously, it is key that politicians and candidates running for office are able to get their message to their voters and constituents. Through a more transparent and engaging city hall, it is possible for these relationships to be fostered. Through the methods discussed in this document, producing a truly public space, creating an icon in downtown Cincinnati, making politics relevant in popular discourse, taking elements from the agora and reinterpreting them to contemporary civilization, and by making the political process and discussions more open and engaging, city halls can evolve beyond the lifeless bureaucratic monuments of which they have become. Through these methods city hall can facilitate a more meaningful relationship between elected government officials and residents of a city while helping to mitigate political apathy amongst city residents. Cincinnati presents a ripe opportunity for a reinterpretation of the city hall as the current city hall does not engage the public, encourage open political discourse, or play a role in the significance of the city of Cincinnati.

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