CHAPTER-1 THE NIPATANAS 20 a
THE W IPATANAS
When we study p 's grammar, we are struck by the
technical sk ill in it. P has used the technique of it-
sawtlna* anuvrtti, adhikara « nipatana* type-token etc,
profusely in his grammar. It is because of this jungle of
technicalities and the technical term s like gha# ghi# fhu, t^# bha etc., that the person who starts newly the study of
his grairanar is frightened and takenaback. It is therefore,
necessary to study the techniques of lin gu istic descriptive
analysis employed by P in h is grammar. It would also be
interesting to see« howfar the post-paninian gram m arians have
follow ed P in this respect.
It is very necessary at the outset to distinguish
between the different types of techniques used by P. We
have the techniques like anuvrtti, adhlkara* etc. on the
one hand. This type of technique works on the level of
sutra system only. It does not work on the level of
gram m atical analysis and procedure d irectly.
we have another type of technique like it~s«njna
which works neither on the level of sutra system nor on the
level of graiw natical analysis. It works only on the level
of the gram m atical procedure, where the different types
of m orphologicPl# phonological and or m orpho-phonem ic 204
and accentual chenqes like g^ma, vrddhl etc. are required.
Thus If the letter is n or q it brings about vrddhl.
- " 355 Cf. the sutra acmnltl (vfddhl) P.7.2.115. Besides these two types of techniques mentioned above we have still the third type of technique like aqama» lopa, adesa
and nlpatana. The speciality of these techniques Is that they work purely on the level of descriptive qranmatlcal
an aly sis •
1) agama
^aroa ln-41cates addition,
"t" Is added by the rule hrasvasva pltl krtl tuk.
P.6.1.71 and this technique corresponds to the Mathematical
technique of addition.
I f in Kathe.Tiatics we are given the fo llo w in g
equation like 5 a 8 and since they can not equal
mathematically. We have to supply 3 and write as
5^3 a 8, to make it equal.
m the same way, in P*s grammar what P g iv es us
is stu + 3^ » stutya.
But the left hand side is not equal to right hand side and
therefore,p has to add one t called tuk agama. (cf. the
355. For detail discussion cf. pand^ M.D., "pacinian i t aawlna - a symbolic Zero** BDCRI s i lv e r Ju bilee 205
autra hrasv^eya pltl krtl tuX P,6.1.71). And after this addition* the two sides become id en tical . We can s s fe ly compare this technique of agana to the mathematical technique of addition or yoga. i i ) lo p a
As in Mathematics subtraction, which Is opposite to addition, so also we have in P*s grPtnmar a technique which is opposite to the technique of agama is lopa» This technique of subtraction goes by the name of lopa (lit. 356 zero) defined by p as adarsgnam lopah P.1.1.60. To represent mathematically corresponding to the following mathematical operation of subtraction in 8 “ 5, which being imposif^ible requires the subtr^^ction o f 3 from 8, as 8 - 3 «5.
we have the paninian procedure of 1 opa as in bhav
-a;*^ » atti, which being impossible on the level of deep structure must be corrected by subtracting the i.e. sap from atti as
ad ♦ sap + tip
« ad -f o -f ti 3 57 « a t t i
356, Cf. Pandit M.D., "iero in Panini " JMSUB (Humanities) Vol .XZ, N o .l, p p .53-66, 1961. 3 57. bhavati and atti are on the level of surface structure w h ile R+S1 +S2 for bhavati and R+f?2 ^or atti are the examples of deep structure. 201)
So it can be seen that the technique of aqama and lopa are opposite to each other and correspond to the mathematical technique? of addition and subtraction.
I l l ) adesa
The next technique which workp p u rely on the le v e l of descriptive grfflnraaticai procedure and this technique goes by the name of adeaa, which literally means order but techniqally means substitution or replacenient. we have many ex««nples of this technique In Mathematics and this technique Is used for the sake of convenience, similarly th ere are many exaR^les in P 's grammar o f the use o f the technique %mich is resorted to in order to avoid lengthy and complicated grammatical procedure of formal analysis, we illustrate in the following from Mathematics.
i f in the fo llo w in g mathematical Qjqpjresslon
(a+b)^ - (a - b)^, we are asked to factorise the
simple and s tra ig h t forw ard method i s f i r s t to
solve the brackets as
(a + b)2 - (a - b )^
- (a^+ b^ +2ab) - (a^+ b^ - 2ab) 5 2 2 2 s a b +2 ab — a — b 2ab.
Which a ft e r c an ce llin g the apposite signs comer
to 4 ab only. 207
But, one, this Is not factorisation. It is a simple solution. For findingout the factorisation,we adopt the method o f su b rtitu tio n in Mathematics.
Thus, we put X for the whole bracket a+b, and y, for the second whole bracket a-b.
The expx«85ion thejn turns out to be very simple as 2 2 X -y , which when f<»ctorised gives us the factor as
(x-fy) (x-Y)
Then we again substitute the original sums of x and y and we get the factors as (a+bfa-b) (a+b-a-+b)
« (2 a) (2b)
This method of substitution is though complicated simpler than the original is simple and straightforward method.
Now, i f and when tHe turn to P*s gremfnar, we get the example of adesa in the case of the substitution of the dhatu bhu for m in forming the past passive participial.
Thus# the procedure is for the word bhuta at as kte (by tne rule nistha P 3.2.102)
» as ^ (K elides by the rule 1 ^akvataddiUt^ P. 1.3.8)
• bhu ^ ^ (Cf. the rule aster bhu P.2.4.52}
« bhuta 2 o a
The method of substitution avoids the cumbersome
procedure of accounting for the change of as in to bhu.
P could have made the rule like the following to account
for the change.
i ) a becomes bh .
il) s becomes u
But this procedure is not only unnatural but also entails
qaurava as against laghava. P. therefore, adopted the
technique of adesa in such c a s e by sta tin g a s te r bhu
P.2.4.52, which seems very natural and preci ed one.
/ V'as in i- corresponds to the (a+b), and (a-b) which
are being substituted by x and y respectively. ibhu
corresponds to the substituting entities as x and y in
lath eraatics. \/as is c a lle d gthanin , in P*s grammar and
\/bhu is celled adesa . Similarly we can say that (a+b) and
(»-b) are sthanins in Mathematics and x and y are adesas
in Mathematics.
The difference between adesa and aqama is that
adesa completely dethrones or delves out the
incombant i.e. the sth^in and occupies it*s place, agama on the oth er hend does not elim inate the o r ig in a l inccwibant
but adju sts i t s e l f in the paroper p lace by allow ing the
incombant also to stay. In other woirds adesa acts as an
enemg' agama acts as a friend, of. *adesah satgvat 9rifu:j
pravertate, aqamah mltravat pravatat^**. Also Cf.
**s^rvat adeaa m itravat aqamab "•
If we stud/ the different adesa In P's grammar# we find that there are mainly two levels on which the technique adeaa predaninately works. They are i) Phonologicsl substitution
11) Morphological substitution.
I ) PHQN01X)3ICAL SU.sSTITUTION
The substitution of one phoneme for another phenenne i s phonological su b stitu tio n , Th*? f»x«TipleF f o r th is type o f adesB ere provided by the different soimdr ch?*nging in to o th er typefs o f sounds, e .g . ^ ch?ngcr to c# u changes to o etc. in gttpedesa» or e changes to gjr# iz » 2. changes to av, ^ in the avadesa.
I I ) M0RPH03X)3ICAL SUIJSTITUTION
The substitution of one morpheme for another morpheme is morphological substitution. We have the different types of categories in the case of the substitution on morphological l e v e l . They are a) pratipadlkadeaa (b) pratvavadesa c) dhatvadesa a) pratipadlkadeaa
Vhen a pratipadlka is substituted for other pratipadika/ that is called pratipadlkadeaa. The example is provided by 2 0}
the pratipadiXa lara sobatitutad by iaras. (cf. the
rule laravah iarasanyataraavam P.7.2.101) . The
pratipadiXa jara is substituted by iaras In this rule.
b) Pratyavadeaa -
When a pratvava Is substituted for other pratyaya^
that Is called pratyayadeaa».is provided by the substitution
of t by n. as in mas la magna* las la 1 aqna or by 1^ as
In phulla or by v in pakva or by K in suska etc.
c) Dhatvadesa
When a dhatu is substituted by other dhatu is known
as dhatvadesa* The example of substitution of a dhatu
by another dhatu is provided by the examples of m
and bhu stated above, in the past passive participial
form bhuta# as is changed to bhu.
In all these substitutions i.e. the adesas act as
or fully take the place of sthanins . (Cf. the sutra
gthanivad^e»o*nalvidhau P.1.1.56) and a lot of discussion
is also flndout In paribha8<«du8ekhara« There are also
many rules in where the technical terms sthanl#
adesa occour. (Cf. the rule nicca P.1.1.53» anekalsit
sarvasva P.1.1.55# alo*ntaava P.1,1.52 etc.) 2.1 I
Iv ) MIPATANA
Besides the above techniques vi*. aq«ma« adesa
and lopa> P has also used on^^more technique called
nlpatana. Dti the sul>-section of kttya suffix a many
nlpatana sutras are found. So this technique require?
a little greater discussion for this laqportant technical texro. The w e ll framed ^ t . In which the su tras are placed
in a scientific order and used for the different formations
available In the vedlc and classical lar^uages. Also
sometimes fails to justify the grammatical justification
In case of some words. This nlpatana technique Is applied* when other techniques of regular formative rules fa il,
fhus the form vahyam, from the V^mah cannot be e a s ily
esqplalned with the help of normal formative rules. It vould require some special rule or rules to describe it.
C£. the famous maxim. * si st rsnt g> rap rapt a sya mukhatah
uccaraoaro nipatanew •# in which aastrantara means the
regular fozmative rules. To frame new rule or rules
for the description of such Individual forms would be
a qaurava as against laqhava, which latter was keenly
aimed at by the ancient Indian gramraarians. In order to
avoid qaurava# therefore, this technique of nlpatana was enqployed by the Sanskrit gramntarlans.
In pre-pan in lan period# the only method o f composing
the grammar of a language was to c o lle c t d iffe re n t words#
lis*^thera and re c ite them by h earts. k 21;;!
It was this method, that was followed in pre-paninlan 358 times by Brhaspati to teach mdra for vrlttlng the gramnar.
This le^gend c le a r ly shows that, one o f the simple ways to compose graiwnar in p r»-p a n ln la n times was enumeration of the forms. So according to Dr. M.D.Pand^, "The technique of nip^ana basically resembles the technique of simple enumeration,So now It is vary well infere<^ that, the technique of nipatana has its roots, not in paninian sicill but in pre-paninian pedestrian way of enumeration, which was perhaps, the only descriptive technique adopted for the description of a language in prepaninian times . Yet, there is another point to support our view, that the method of enumeration (technically called nipatana, lateron) has its own exslstence from the time of pre>paninian period. In
Niqhan^u, 9 nuirber o f vedic vroirds are found, whose meaning
358. Cf. athaitasminaabdopadese satl IcitR sabdan^ pratipattau pratipadapathah kartavyah- qaurasvah puruao hastl aaXunimnsro brahmana itvevawadavab
a a b d ^ p a th ita w a h netyaha • anubhyupjya es^, sabdanam pratipattau pratipadapathah evan hi aruvate • brhaspati« rindrava divvaift varsssahasran provaca nanta 1 aqwa. ** ^ ^ ^ * a r V, (Ed.) Vyakaraoa Mahabhasya, pt.I,p.l2.1938.
359. Pand^ M.D., A comparative study of all Sanskrit grammars* O p .c it . p . 164. had becane mostly unintelligible and whose etymology was
beyond any type of gratwnatlcal explanation. L^teron,
Yaska# t r ie d h is somewhat s c ie n t ific hand at the e7 of Niqhanlpu words that fairly scientific method and outlook became d is c re n ib le . There are some internal evidences also which would point out to the ncm-panlnian character of the nipatana sutras. For this* if one go^?s deeply into Aft# one finds that, the work Hetrays a lot of complicated technique and much of interdepondance of the sutras» No sutra is < find out, which falls in the category of formative ru le s are depen sutras are inter related and without this character i.e. inter-relation, a single form in Sanskrit can not be esqjlained. For an example, take a simple aandhi sutra which enjoins aandhi viz. akab savarqe dirgha. P.6.1.101. or iko yanoci P.6.1.77, In the rule iko yanocl , only three padas are available viz. Ik ah - the genetive singular of ik, van- the ncminative singular of van and aci - the locative singular of ac. All these three padas are basicU-ly known as the pratyaharas. For understanding the technical term pratvahara, one would require to knowi the sut ras like adi rant vena saheta P.1.1.71 and halantyaw P.1.3.3. Even then, for understanding the significance of the different case terminations of 211 genetlve singular, nominative singular and locstive singular one would be ejqpected to have full knowledge of the sutrag aaathl sthane»yocia P. 1.1.49 (for genetive singular ik ^ ) and tasroinniti nirdiate purvasva P.1.1.66 (for the locative singular aci) . Apart from thPt again one ha« to know the autra athine*ntaratamah P. 1.1.SO for determining as to which adeaa out v,rand ^ takes place in the place of i*u,f and ^ . Thus a simple aandhi autra like the above requires a previous knowledge of at least five sutras. Such is the case of the sUtra akah savame dlrcrhab P.6.1.131. In a nutshell, to know this simple samdhi rule, one requires to know the pratyahara ak. To know the pratvahara, one should know the pratvahara sutra mentioned above. Again for the word aavama* one should know the savama vidhavaka sutra, for the third and last pada of the sutra dirqha# one should know the technical term d irq h a . So to know a simple samdhi autra# one has to know many a sutras# which is no doubil complicated. Such is notthe case of the nipatana sutras. Even if these sutras read by themselves# they give th^^lr meaning fully and clearly. One can know the nipatana rule or nipatita word without having any previous knowledge of any sort of grammatical rule. Thus# when it is stated that pusvasiddhau naksatre P.3.1.116# we understand without j the previous knowledge of any sutras in the whole As^># 2113 that the words puava and alddhva are irregularly £omed as (puiy^kyaP) and (gldh *■ kyaP) respectively, when used as the name;:; of asterlsms or when they making the sense of the name of the naksatra. The sane is the case with the other nipatana sutras; they do not require any more previous knowledge of other ^utras or any technique of P. so it is obvious that, the nipatana sutras ere independent, they do not require iny more inter-relationship. According to Dr. M.D.PPnd^, "The nipatana sutras do not seera to have wh^^t may be called an organic relationship with the rest of the Astadhyjyl . They seem to be extraneous and to have been a(inltted Into the Panlnian 360 fold out of sheer practical necessity.** The word nipatana is derived from » -Vy^at (causal) "to f a l l down“, "to cause f a l l down" with the k rt s u ff ix ana (Panlnian yuc according to rule nvasasrantho vuc P.3.3.107/ ana according to the rule yuvoranakau P.7.1.1. and literally means "laying down" or even which is laid down." PtJ. has nowhere defined the technique nipatana. 361 L.Renou eiqplalns it as "the way of fallin g upon by chance", 360. p a n d i t , M.D. A Com parPtlvf? Study of a ll Sanskrit grammars O p.clt. p. 166. 361. Renou L, JStudeg vadlque at ppnineenaes, I.p.l03« P a r i S k , 1955i le fa it de tom ber par h?sard. 21G / (obviously from lU v'pat '•to fall") in the grammatical process instead of treating under general formative rules. In Balaraenorama, the contaentary of Skau. the definition of nipatana is nentioned as# "pratisvikam vidhlm vina / - 362 siddhaprakriyasva nirdesab nipatanam **. The meaning is a/statement o f a form whose grammatical procedure is s e lf~ established. Kaaika on the rule p.3.1.123 remarks i *yadiha 1 aksanenanupapannam tatsPtvain ntpatanat siddham**. somebody also defines the nipatana as "tighavarthara nipatanamiti, nipatanam hi yatra laqhavaya kalpate tatra V • w •» 364 nipatanam asrayati acaryeh* In Pradlpa commentary of MBh on the sutra P . 1.1.114« . _ 36^ a verse i s found which remarks rudhyarthatn ca nlp&tanam**. 362. Catu^e^ 3 and PaMsne^aMnandagama vaiyakaraoa Siddh a n ^ Kaumudl» P t. I^p.79 # M o tila l B svarasi Dass, 1st Edn,1961. 363. SannS a Op.cit. p.203. 364. Rishl R.M.f The nipatana sutras in the Astadhyayi# Unpublished doctoral dissertation submitted to the university of Poona, p.4,1975. 365. Cf. the verse, dhatu sadhana kalanam praptyartham niyemasya ca, anuvandha vikaranam rudhyartham ca nipatanam. Vedavrata (Ed.) vyakarana Mahabhaiyya (with Predlpa conmentary^ Pub - Haryana sahitya samsthan, Gurukula, J h a jja r , (Rohtak), p .68, 1963. 217 Kalvata defines nlpatana at the time of giving the ■tatement regarding the difference betwe Dr, R.M.Riehl has stated th^ definition of nipatana a« "prakrti pratvaya vibhaqaaunywn yatra eavdarupaw - - - - ^ - - 3®^ aadhutva pratipadanartham aakyat nirdisyate t?*nnipatanagutriMn*f If, however, we study the nipatana sutraa of P and other post-paninian graT^tnarians from thf» section of krtya suffixes, we find that, vhen a whole or finished form is l a i d down, without the an a ly sis in to it s components y i » . praXrti or nucleus and pretygya or satellite, it is called nipatana. Thus when instead of lying of the form vahyam ( vah), in terms of analysis in to the components and / o r interms o f the change of in vahywn in to va in vahvam. m this case, as per the rule WyaT suffix, have been operated, instead of using WyaT s u ffix , using of yaT s u f f ix is la y in g down. I f HyaT would have been oper«»ted, ve would have arrived at the form vahyam, but giving the form as vahyaa, which is attested «nd desired. 366. lbid,p.47. 367. Rlshi R,ll. Op.clt. p.15. 218 yaT suffix Is in operation, vahyatn word Is laid down Instead of the form vahvam * As a whole. It Is sure that the word vahyan Is laid down on the whole word vahvw . NIP AT ANA AND - A CONTRAST. More clearly saying that the technique of nlpatana Is provided by the examples like the krtya derivative vahyarn from \/vah in the cense of instrum ent* Actually according to P, the real form should have been vahya» but there is no rule p*s grainmar which prohibits the vrddhl of in to And framing an independent rule for the sake of only for th is would have been craurava and would have been created some other d ifficu ltie s. P therefore, thought it w iser to esqjlain the form vahvan by means of the technique of nlpatana, which is sim ple and much at the same tim e laghava, the m ost desire of the grm vnarians* This is the case, w ith all other post-paninian gram m arians. They also for the same reeson i.e . for brevity and ease adopted the technique of nlpatana after P. Speaking super ficlally/ this technique appears to be very sim ple and totally different from other types of technique used by P. But really speaking it is not so. If we examine the technique carefully we can compere it w ith the other techniques discussed above. We find that the technique of nlpatana has not only a great sim ilarity with 21!) but le identical with the technique of adeaa discussed above. In nipatana# the nipatlta form (vahvam in present case) is the adeaa or substitution for the form vahyafft which would have been arrived by the regular formative procedure, we therefore, can say that nipatana of vahvaw ^ahvaro is basically a regular technique of substitution. Yet there is a subtle difference in the techniquejFi of adeaa and n ipatan a. m the technique adeaa, the sthanin as well as the adeaa are both explicitly mentioned in the autras. (cf. the autra asteibhuh P.2.4.52), in which the adeaa bhu and the sthimin as are expressly mentioned, such is not the case in the technique of nipatana. m th is technique, only the adeaa is given in the sutra and the ath^in is left to be imagined or inferred by the reader. Zn the example mentioned above vahvam is only given, the sthanin vahyan is not mentioned in the sutra. It Is left to the Imagination of the reader. ") The technique of adeaa works on the level of phenology and morphology, on the other hand the technique of nipatana does not work, on these levels. There is no nipatana of a single sound or pratipadika or pratyaya or dhatu only. The technique of nipatana works on the level either of a finished form or of a unfinished 220 368 form. The example of babhutha which is a nipatana f o r the re9 ular form babhuvitha (cf. the sutra babhSthatatanthaiaOrthmavavertheti niqrame P.7,2.64) provides us the example of the nipatana of a fully finished foxm viz* babhutha» iii) Generally adeaas are directed by the vidhi sutras in £^t. but for the nipatana a special rule is mr>de, by which some specific formations ax« given* These special rules can not be useful for any other instances* These only mede for the special cases. 368, Finished form means a fully declined pratipadiXa or dhatu* Thus ramasva or qacchati are fully finished form. Unifinished form refers to that part which is devoid of the declensional terminations. Thus rwa or craccha are unfinished forms. For the detail discussion. C f . pandit M .D., “ P ^ i n i - A study in Non-crxnpounded word-structures"# VIJ * vol. I, p art 2, Sept. 1963. pp.324-334; also* •* Panini - A study in compound word-structures", JMSUB ^Humanities), Vol. XII, No. I, 1963, pp.81-99. 221 iv) Oenerally sdesa are of two types i a) phonological substitution or varnadesa b) morphological substitution* which is having two sub-divisions (i) for prakrti- morpheme and (ii) for pratyaya-morpheme. But nipatana is a morphemic substitution for the whole form which may be referred as rupadesa. In a nutshell« prakrti can be an adeaa and pratyava can be an adesa but the form which is coming out of prakrti and pratyava is called nipatana. Speaking truely any nipatita foxm has one corresponding non-nipatita form* which latter can be ari^ed at by the regular formative procedure. In other words« a nipatita form is a conditional ( the conditions may be semantic, phonological or accentual) substitute for a corresponding finished focm. This means t h P t the techniques of both* the nipatana and ^desa involve fundamentally the same principle viy. that of substitution of »«n«thing by some other thing. So we find that the technique of nipatana is not a new or different kind of technique but is an extention of the technique of adesa employed by P profusely, P adopted it and raised it to the status of a technique as an extention of adeaa technique. The technique of nip^ana thereafter ceased to be simple enumeration or enlisting the forms. In this sense c9 9'> the nipatena as a technique seems to be P*s own innovation^ As a sinqple enumeration of forms, it might be non-Pa^inian or pre-paninian. P has developed 8ome sorts of characteristics in nipatana for which it differs from adesa. Other wise nipatana is an adesa with some charactAcal extentlon. After stating these preliminary statements# we may begin by pointing out that the study of all the nipatana sutras laying down the krtva formations fall in to three categories. 1> FORMAL NIP^ANA These sutras# which laydown with the help of nipatana only the form of the krtya dorivatlves# no other categories such as meaning, accent etc. being taken in to consideration, is known as formal nipatana. The study of purely morphological conditions can also be included in this category. In a nutshell, when the forms are different but the meaning and accent is same, that is called formal n ipatan a. i i ) . SEMANTIC NIPATANA Those sutras^ which 1 ay down the form of the krtva derivatlvesfor bringing out the senantic difference also. The semantic difference is without any exception accompanied by formal difference. We may call this type semantic nipatana* since the nipatana is intended more sp e cifically for sem antic purpose. When the form s are different and if the difference Is because of the difference In m eaning, that Is called sem antic nlpatane. ill) ACCEOTUAL NIPATANA we may call those sutras as the exam ples of accentual nipatana w hich lay down form for the sake of esqplainlng its accent w hich deviates from the gc;neral pattern of accent ? hence cannot be la id down by the general form ative rules. The accentual nipatana may or may not be accom panied by foxm al or sem antic nipatana. The third category of nipatana i.e. accentual nipatana, however, is not found so far as the krtya suffixes are c o n c e r n e d . It would be better to take exam ple from the krtya section itse lf for the different types of nipatana categorised a b o v e . The exam ple of the form al nipatana i) When the forms are gLven as the nipatttoa without any m eaning adding to it that is called form al nipatana. The form s like ra1a suya> surya# mr sodya # rucya, kupya, krstapacya and avypthya are the exam ples of form al nipatana# 224 which can be Illustrated as formal nlpatana*s focas. Because^ here In these foxnts no meaning Is added In the sutra as In the other cases like vahvam karanam# upasaryakalva pralane, alarvam samqatara etc. No other condition is given in these cases for the nlpatita forms# without giving any cause simply these foims are given, m the rule rajasuya suryamrsodyarucvakupydcrstapacya- vyathy^ P.3.1.114* it is described only that the KyaP suffix is added for these irregular :oxms* As without any standing cause these forms are nlpatana. It is called formal nipatana. 11) The exanple of semantic nipatana The second and the most important type o f nipatana is semantic nipatana. As it is already discussed that when the forms are different because of the difference in me?>ning» is called semantic nipatana. We find a great number o f nipatana coming under th is category. As in vahyam karanam . I f there is the sense o f instrument, we w ill get the form irregularly vahya which means, by which some-thing is cerried e.g. cart, otherwise the regular form would be vahya* who carries i.e. an OiLj Likewise aiaryetn samqatam arya svamlvaisayoh etc. 225 A» most of the sutrr g of the ki~tva section are of nlpatana by nature, it voald be b-etter analysed » these in detail. In the rule p.3,1.101, there nipatita forms are available i.e. avadya, panya and varya» The derivation of these forms are given below. aivadya - Bvsdyapanvavarya qarhyapanitavya nirodhesu~P.3.1.101, nan + vad + vaT the nlpatana) ■ Si * ♦ ya (n# n and t are elided by the rules naloponanyh P .6.3.73, h&lantyam P . 1.3.3 end tasya lopah P . 1 .3 .9 ). tmudya is the regular form derived by the KvaP suffix by the rule vadab supi )cyaP ca P.3.1.106. This rule gives the scope for the application of both kyaP and yaT suffix, where as in this rule yaT is only applied. The nipatana is introduced to debar the kyaP suffix from the application, which brings samprasarana and with the avadya, the form anudya also would haveh been available. The rule is the apavada sutra of. P.3.1.106. panya - P.3.1.101 From the root paiy , the form panya Is formed by the nlpatana , when it means salable i.e. panitavya 22() ♦ yaT (by the nlpatana) £an + ( t •lldes by the rules P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) ES9Za If we go for the regular foimatlve procedure , we will not get the fomation par>va. Because pan is a consonant ending root and according to the sutra r haloroyat P.3.1,124, the NVai^ suffix will be applied. By the NyaT suffix, there will be vrddhi and the form will be paovan# which means stuti. To cease the vrddhi and for the different accent, the nipatana is used he ire. By the NyaT suffix there ig vrddhi in the upadha by the rule ata upadhayah P.7.2.116 and the accent is antawvarita. By the nipatana, the vaT suffix is applied by which the vrddhi is ceased and by the n ile y a to *nav«h P .6.1.213, the form panya becomes adyudatta. The panva i s found in both and Sb in the ^ 369 sense of vikrava. varya - avadyapgnyavarya qarhyapanitavyanirodhesu P.3.1.101 varya - The word varya is formed by the procedure nipatana from the root vf (to choose) when it is having these sense of anirodha i«e, unobstructable. 369. ga me s^tyasirdenanqamyaj fustajusustatara p any at panvatara. (WS 1.4 .1) . taamadidaw sakrtasarvam panyain (^B 3-3-1.4). 227 The foiwation is vr -f yaT (by the nlpatan j) ■ Vr ^ ( t elides by the rules halantvara P.1.3.3. and P . 1,3.9) » v a r ■¥ va ( ajaja by the rule servadhitukerdhadhntukayn^ -P .7.3.84.) =» Varya -fa* (by the rule aladyetest^p P.4.1.4) There Is the scope for the application of P.3.1.124 rnd P.3.J.109 . If P.3.1.124 will be applied, there w ill be the vrddhl by the NyaT suffix and if the rule P.3.1.109 will be applied there will be the prohibition of gun a and tulc aqaroa w ill be prevailed In the form by the KyaP suffix. And the form vary a v ill not be avall«h3e. The root is having three typer of forms varya# _ OLOc* . varyah ^. Out of these three varya is in feminine gender which is fonned by the vaT suffix in nlpatana> varv»>?. is In masculine gender which is formed by the SVaT suffix and vrtya which is in neuter gender and formed by the XyaP s u f f ix . The form varya means anirodha, varyah is rt v l j . The corresponding sutras of this sutra from all the post-pan ln ian grammars are given and compared In the previous chapter. The rules ore - S .4 .2 .1 5 C .1.1.112 D.2.1.88 22H S.4.3.72 Sh. 1.3.143 H. 5.1.32 V . 980 J . 180 Like p« all of the post panlnlan granmarians have discussed these three forms as the nipptite foxms except S and J.ln ^ and Jtev respectively. According to them these three forms are also the regul ar forms. Both the grammarians ha^e the different principles altogether, which is different from the paninian principles for arriving at the foxms. According to S and j, these forms are in Jmv, only the form papyam is available and other two forms are absent. in th is case, S and J h a v ttrie d to go away from P and s t rik e a new point a lto g e th e r. In SV, the corresponding autra is not available. Vahvan — vahvam karanain P . 3.1.10 3 vah yaT (by the nipatana) " 22. elides by the rules hel ant yew P.1.3.3 and tasyalopa\> P.1.3.9.) * vahva. 22!) In r%gal«r procsdare «s per th« nil* rhelornvRt P .3 .1.124, th® RyaT ftu£flx would hnva applied h er*, as vah is a consonant ending root and by thi*t the form %rould b« vahya» (vr Becajse of the nipatana , tha form i« available without V rddhi, which Iff d esired in th® form vwhvam. The corresponding sutraa of all other poet<-p«ninian granmars are t S. 4.2.16 c. 1.1.113 D. 2.1.88 Bh. 1.3.144 H. 5.1.34 V. 980 J. 180 The corresp'Midin? roles ute not available in ^ and SV. All Other autraa have followed the paninian principle except jm v, J has derived the foxm v^yh/aa in regular foxmative procedure, i^art from this in all other granniars the forn vghvaro is derived by the nicatana procedure. arva - arvaavginivaiBvayob P.3.1.103. r 4- vaT (by the nir^<»na) • F ♦ 22. rulmp P .1 .3 .3 and P . 1 .3 .9 .) 2 :w ■ ar + 2S. (guna by the rule aarvadhatukardhadhatukavoh P .7.3.84 and (ar by t h e ru le P . 1.1.51 uraoraparah ) The regular formation would be ar1r» by the rule P.3.1.124. But to get the form arya» the yaT suffix applied by the nipatana. The meaning of the form arva is of two types as it is clearly known from the sutra P.3.1.103 quoted above. The word arya is differently accented for the difference in meaning. By the varttika ' gvaminyantodattatvaro c« vaktavyan the word arya when accented as antodatta means gvami, and when this word accented as adyudatta means v a ia v a . To make i t c le a r e r arva i s svami (antodatta) arya is vaiaya (adyudatta) But none of the post paninian grammarians has discussed the accent. So in their grammars it is difficult to know when arva means svami and when i t mean? v a ia v a . In this sutra* except ^ and J, all other gremmarlans have followed the paninian principle for the derivation of the form arya i.e. the nipatana procedure is adopted by them But 6 and J have derived the form by the regular formative procedure. So they differ from the paninian procedure in this case. The corresponding rule? are * 231 S. 4.2 .1 7 . c. 1.1.114 D. 2.1.88 fi. 4.3.77 Bh« 1.3.145. H. 5.1.33 V. 980 J. 181 Upaaarya - Upasarya kelya prajane P.3.1.104 ar * vaT (by nipatana) ■ upa ♦ £f + ya (t elides by the rules P.1.3.3. P . 1 .3 .9 } sa r ■¥ ya (7U0« by the rule sarvadhatuka< rdhadhatukayoh P.7.3.84) • + aof * X5 ajadyatastap P .4 .1 .4 ) « upa * sar ^ -f £ { ^ and £ slide by the xides cutu P.1.3.7, halanty«n*** P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9 ) ■ Y« ( akaaavaroedirqhah P.6.1.101) " upaaarya In the regular formative procedure the form would have been upaaarya . Because the root af is a consonant ending root and by the rule p .3.1.124. The tifyaT suffix 232 would have applied and the form would be upa8arva« which means approachable. By the nlpatana* the fozra upagarva Is possible. The corresponding ru les o f oth er grammars are the following t S. 4.2.18 c. 1.1.115 D. 2.1.&8 L 4.3.72 Bh. 1.3.146 H. 5.1.32 V. 980 In sv and jmv, the corresponding sutrabn o t available . All other grammarians have followed p . i.e. they have also derived the form upasarya In the procedure called nlpetana except Like the previous rules S has derived the form upasarya In the refular formative procedure, so he has not followed p In this rule. alary an - alaryam samqatam P.3.1.105 nan ♦ Jlrr + yaT (by the nlpatana) « a + j_rr + ^ nelldes by the rule nalopo nanah P.6.3.73 and P.1.3.9 and n elides by P.1.3.3) a -f lar jra (juna by P.7.3.84) ■ a j a r y a m 23:^ The word aiarvan is derived in the sense of Xartari which means imperishable. . The krtya formations are formed only in the sense o f b h w e and Xaimani * The kartari sense is irregular here for which the nipatana is given. The word aln^am is derived from the root which is a ricaranta dhatu. By the rule p.3.1.124, the HvaT suffix should have been applied. But by the nipatana, the vaT s u ff ix i s ap p lied . From the sutra P.3.1.101 to this rule all are included under the semantic nipatana. Because, in each sutra meaning condition is given. The corresponding su tras o f oth er grammars are i S.4.2.19 C .1.1.116 D. 2.1.88 4.4.3.47 Bh. 1.3.147 Svaradvah - A. H .5 .1 .5 . V . 980. In jmv, the corresponding rule is not available, in SV,we do not get the corresponding sutra but in the vrtti of the sutra svaradvah ^ the form alarygn is given. All the grammarians except have followed P. The nipatana 234 procedure Is, followed by them for the form alarvam. But has derived the form in regular procedure. According to him, vaT suffix will be applied for the form alaryam in regular formative procedure, but not by the procedure called nipatana* ralasuva - ra 1 aauyasurvamrsodvarucyaKupvakfiyta- pacvavyathy^ P.3,1.114. ralan + sup + gu + kyaP (nipatana) * rSlan + j|U -f kyaP (sup elides by the rule ) (supo dhatupratipadikayoh P.2.4.71). ■ ra 1 a * S!i XS. Qtand P elides by the rules P.1.3.8, P«1(B.Br and P.1.3*9) * J^alan + gu ♦ ( of su becomes dlrjha by nipatana) « raja + su j;a (nelides by the rule lopah pra^adikantasya P.8.2.7) ralasu va The root ^ is a vowel ending root, so by the rule aco vat P.3.1.97, yaT suffix weald have applied. But by the nipatana , the suffix vaT is debared and the kyaP suffix is applied. Much at the same time in this form the dirrihatva of su and the prohibition of quna is possible due to nipatana. So for these three reasons mentioned above, the nipatana is taken place. 23r Burva - P.3.1.114. Th« form surya can be derived from both of the root and su. •r + kvaP (by the nipatana) » 8r + jtS Ql L by the rules P.1.3.8, P.J.3.3, and P.1.3.9). ■ + £a Ot>y uraoaraparah P.1.1.51) " (dlrqha by hallea P.8.2.77) o r fu -f IcvaP (by nipatana) ^ (k and P elide by the rules P.1.3.8, P . 1.3.3 and P .1 .3 .9 ) * Hipa~tana) - ffurya From the root su# yaT suffix should have been applied and from the root ^r* WyaT suffix should have been applied by the rule P.3.1.97 and p.3.1.124 respectively. But in nipatana kyaP suffix is applied in kartari sense Otherwise the form surya would not have available. mrsodya - P.3.1.114. Osy the nipatana) ■ ^ X® ^ li E elide by the rules P.1.3.8 P.1.3.3. snd P.1.3.9.) 23(; * SFfa ^ xs (aarapragarana by the rule vaci - gy api ya 1 adlnamklti P .6.1.15) • wfapdya By the rule P.3.1,106, ther» is the scope for the application of yaT and kyaP. But in this rule only XyaP is applied by the nipatena. rucya - P.3.1.114. ■ XyaP » auc ♦- ya (both k and P elide by the rules P.1.3.S and P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) ■ * Z£, the rule kintlca P. 1.1.5) “ ^ c y a The word rucya is foimed in kartari sense by the 370 _ nipatene, according to k ty . In the Nyasa commentary U is also said, "kartrpretyayantenartharaupadarsayan karttari - . , * - - - 371 nipatanam daraayati trjadau prapte kyab nipatyate ", kupya P.3.1.114. gup » kyaP (by the nipatana) B gup 4 YS. QL E elide by the rule? P.1.3.8, P.1.3.3. and P .1.3.9) ■ kup » ya ( K tva is by the nipatana) 370. For detail study cf. JRishj^ R.M. op.cit.p. 67. 371. ^aatrl D, ane ^ukla K.P., jEd.) ^^aalkavj^tit^_ p art-II,p .510, pracyabharatlprakesanain, Varanasi, 1965. 237 The word Xupvn Is derived from the root 2 jj£. There • Is the possibility of tne eppllcetlan of the suffix WyaT by the rule P.3.1.124, as it ic « conronent ending root. But the kvaP suffix ic applied in nipatana. in the sense o f karmani 2 . of the root qrup changes to K by the nipatana. krstapacva - P.3.1*114. k rs ta n i + Pac XyaP (by the nipatana) ■ o + pac 4- kyaP (ni elides by the rule P.2,4.71) « krstjt ♦ pac + ^a (K and P elide by P.1.3.8, P.1.3,3 and P. 1.3.9) » kratapacva The forni k ry tapacya Is formed from the root pac by the addition ofthe kvaP suffix in kartari sense. Otherwise in karraani sense » vaT would have applied as p e r the ru le P .3.1.124 and the form would be krytapakva.. The kartari sense is nipatana here. avyathya - P.3.1.114. nan ♦ vyath + kyaP (by the nipatana) ■ a -f vyath + kyaP (by the rule P.6.3.73) a a vyath -f yS. ru les P .1 .3 .8 * P . 1 .3 .3 ., and P .1.3.9) • m ^ + vyath + j[a - avyathya 238 In the case of the form avyathya» the suffix kyaP Is applied In the karatarl sense. As It Is said in Kaalkavrttl, c f. •• vyatha bhayacalanoyoh asmat karttarl - 372 * triapavadab kyab nipatyate", The corresponding rules are follows t S. 4.2.30 s. 4.2.34 s. 4.2.41 c. 1.1.126 c. 1.1.127 D. 2.1.94 k. 4,3.48 k. 4.3.64. k. 4.3.77, k. 4.3.78 Bh. 1.3.158 Bh. 1.3.159 Bh. 1.3.160 5.1.6 H. 5.1.22« H. 5.1.38, H. 5.1.39 V. 97 5 V. 984 372. Ib id . 231) J. 189 J . 190 P d«rlv«<^ all thee* forms in the nipgtona by the kvaP su tfix . The corresponding rule in gv la not available • & and J have not followed the principle adopted by P. The forma rucva «»d gvyythva In ^ la derived by the regular procedure. The author of Jmv alao derlvea the fonna ralaauya and kratapacva by the kvaP a u fflx in re<9ttlar pxoce<*ure and a ll other for:>a ere not available In hla g ra w ia r. Apart fmm theae varlationa the other poat-panlnian grammarlana have derived the form.*; in the nlpatana procedure* atlli we find name difrerencea. In kv« the forma like aurva# rucya, avyathva, kratapacya and kupva are derived In the nlpatana by the kvaP aufflx but the fora ra 1 awva • la formed In the nlpatwia by the jHvaM au fflx . m cv. all the foma are available in the nlpatana by the kveP aufflx like Aat. In all the forma are available In the nlpetana by the kvaP aufflx like and • In we have already mentioned that rucva and avyathva are derived In the regular procedure. The forma lik e mraodva and kupva are derived by the kvaP aufflx In the nlpatana procedure and the form ra1aauya la derived In the nlpatana by the 3HvaW a u fflx . In gK, a ll the forma are' available In the nlpatana by the kvaP aufflx like CV, ^ and Aat. 20) In the forms like rucya, ai T s dva are derived in the nipatana by the kvap suffix and the form ra 1 aauva is derived in the nipatana by the <3HvaN (paninian WyaT) suffix. In MV, the forms like surya, rucya # evyathva* kratapacya# and kupya are derived in the nipatana by the kyap suffix and the form rajasuya is formed by the OHyaW (» This rule comes under the category of formal nipatana , because in the sutra# the meaning condition of the forms are not given and only the fibtmal v a ria tio n i s given . bhidya - bhidyoddhyau nade P.3.1.115 bhid kvaP (by the nipatana) bh id -k va (K and p e lid e by the ru le s P .1 .3 .8 , P . 1 .3 .3 . and P .1.3.9) • bhidya ( no quna and vrddhi by the rule P.l«1.5). As bhid is a consonant ending root, there is the scope for the application of WyaT suffix^ But by the nipatana kvaP suffix is applied in the kartari sense, and it is also apavada to trladi suffixes# as it is stated in nyasa vrtti. 373. iS2— K.P., Op.cit. p.511. 211 bhldya is the name of a river. It may be Identified with a river named Bal, rising in Jairenu about 15 K.M. from the west of Ulh, and flowing in to 374 Ravi, uddhva - P . 3.1.115 udjh + kyaP (by the n ip atan a) « udih + 22. Qc and £ go by the rtxles P.1.3.8, P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9). ” ^ (by nipatana jh becomes ) ■ uddhva According V.S.Agrawal, uddhva ig also a river and its modem name is ujh and it is flowing through Jammu 375 and falling into Ravi. The kyaP suffix is applied here in the kartari sense. There is the scope for the application of tTyaT suffix. But by nipatana kyaP is applied. The corresponding ru le s o f oth er grammar as are t S .4.2.31 C .1.1.127 D .2.1.95 S .4.3.78 374. ^^aw ^ V.S., India as known to panini, pp.44-45 Lucknow. 1953. 375. Ib id . 24:j Bh. 1.3.161 H .5.1.39 bhldyoddhyau nade nlpatvate . A. V.984 In j my , the corresponding rule Is not avAllable. In all other gresnraars the sutraa are available. Where the procetftire of P is followed for the derivation of the forms bhidya and uddhva. This rule comes under the category of semantic nlpatana. pusva - pusvasiddhyau naks>»tre «- P.3.1.116 pue + kyaP (by the nipatana) • Eiif + YS ( rules P. 1.3.8, P. 1.3.3 and P.1.3.9 both k and £ elide respectively) - SUfYJL. As guj is a consonant ending root, there is the scope for the application of NvaT suffix. But by nipatsna the kyaP suffix is applied in adhikarana sense, as it is stated in nyasa. Cf. the statement 376 "adhikarape kyab nipatyata iti lyuto*pavadah •* siddhva - P.3.1,116 s id h * kyaP (by the nipatana) 376, ^astrl D and i^ukla K.P.r Op.cit.p.511 2^[\ sldh ^ va (k and £ «llde by the rules P. 1.3.8, P.1.3.3. »nd P.1,3.9) » s ld d h v a There is also th<» scope for the application of the NyaT suffix asltlsa consonant endincr root. But by the nlpatana kyaP Is added here In adhlkarana 377 sense. The corresponding sutras in other post- panlnian ^ramnsars are t S .4.2.32 C . I . 1.127 D .2.1.96 fi. 4.3.78 Bh. 1.3.162 H .S.1.39 V . 984 In SV and Jmv» the corresponding rules are not available. All other grammarians have derived these two forms in then nipatana procedure i.e. they have followed P, in this sutra. vii^uya « vipuyavinlya j itya munia kalkahalisu P . 3.1.117. 377. Ibid. ?A\ v l + gu ♦ kyaP (by the nipatana) * v l ^ ^ }L L ali<5« by the rules P.1.3.8* P . 1.3.3 and P 1 .3 .9 ) - vlpuva (due to P.1.1.6# there is no quna because o f k i t ) . There is the scope for the application of vaT suffix as the root ^ vowel ending root. But by the nipatana# kyaP is applied in kapnani sense. vinlva P.3.1.117 vi -f nl -f kyaP (by the nipatana ) ■ vi ♦ ni > va { S, and p go away by the rules P.1.3.8» P.1.3.3. and P.1.3.9) * V inly a ( no quna by the rule P. 1.1.5) As is a alanta dhatu • there is the scope for the application of yaT suffix. But by the nipatana kyap is applied* litya - P.3.1.117. lit ♦ kvaP (by the nipatana) - JJL ♦ Z* (both K and P go away by the rules P.1.3.8« P.1.3.3. and P.1.3.9 ) * l i . 3CS. ttuk aqama by the ru le P .6.1.71) s 1i ♦ t > xa (u and k elide by the rules P.1.3.2.« P.1.3.3. and P. 1.3.9) 2 '11) ■ li. ♦ t + ^ (by the rule P.1.1.46) - llt x a There Is the pos5sibllity of the j^pllcation of yaT 8Uffix« as the root is a vowel ending root. But by the nipetana the kyaP suffix Is applied. The rules comes under the category of semantic nipatana . Because the meaning of the forms are given in the sutra itself. The corresponding sutras of the post-paninian grammarians are the following j S. 4.2.28 c. 1.1.128 o. 2.1.97 k. 4.3.80 Bh. 1.3.166 and Bh.1.3.167 H. 5.1.43 V. 984. The corresponding rules of SV and Jtnv are not available S, fi and H have derived these forms in the regular formative procedure, in SK, the form litya is derived in the nipatana by the kyaP s u ffix and the other two forms v i z . v in ly a and vipuya are derived by the kyaP suffix in the regular formative procedure. Apart from these three grammarians# all other grammarians Including P have derived these forms in the nipatana by the kvaP suffix. vugyata > yuctvam ca pat re P .3 .1 .1 2 1 , yu1 ♦ IcvaP (by the nipatana) • QC and P elide by the rules P.1.3.3# P.1.3.8 and P.1.3.9) ■ + ]tS. nipatana ^ ch?»nges to ) « vuqya (no gun a becausa o f the ru le P . 1 .1 .5 as kyaP is a kit suffix). The 3cyaP suffix is applied to the root yul by the nipatana. As it is a consonant ending root# there is the scope for the application of the UyaT suffix. The changing of to nipatana. The corresponding rules in other poet-paninian gramnars are tha following i 5 . 4.2.33 C. 1.1.127 C. 2.1.100 6. 4.3.78 Bh. 1.3.163 H. 5.1.39 V . 984 In ^ and jtnv ^ the corresponding sutras are not available. All the post paninian grammarinas have followed 247 P in this autra i.e. all of them have derived the form in the nlpatana* The ca Kara of the gutra Indicates the nipatana of two things* (i) kutva « and (ii) the suffix kyaP# as it is stated in the awavasva ( - araavasva )» araavasyadanyatarasvaw P .3.1.122. The suffix WyaT is applied to the root vaa having ana upapada. Optionally there is no vrddhi by the n ipatan a. awavasya vaa * »v«T (by the rule rhalorpyat P.3.1.124) ■ ana + vas ♦ WyaT (vrddhi by the rule ata upadhay^ P.7,2.116) . ama vas ♦ va (9 and t e lid e by the ru les P . 1.3.7, P . 1.3.3 and P . 1.3.9) « amavasya + tap (by the rule aladyataetap P.4*l*4). « awSvasya * s. B rules P.l*3«7 P.1.3,3 and P.1.3.9 respectively) “ (dirghadeaa by the rule akah aavame dirqhah P . 6 .1.101) m anavasya ( one side there is the prohibition of vrddhi by the nipatana by the rule P.3.1.122) In the lit e r a t u r e both the forms areavaaya and amavasya are available. The form anavasya is not a 218 nlpatlta form but on the other side, there is the prohibition of vrddhi in the form affavasya. The rule P.3,1.122 is available in kyaP praXarapa But this word is a nipatita form of SvaT suffix. If IcyaP suffix would have been applied, there would have been samprasarana in the form becasue of kitva. So far the prohibition of a amp rasa ran ov. arising out of kitva of kvaP suffix, the nlpatana is made here. Otherwise as vaa is a consonant ending root by the regular procedure SyaT is applied by the mle P,3.1.124 . The corresponding ru le in oth er grammars are the fo llo w in g * S .4.2 .4 5 C .1,1.134 D .2.1.103 £.4 .3 ,6 3 Bh. 1.3.174 H .5.1.21 V . 975 J . 174. The corresponding rules is not available in SV. In CV, SK and jm v, the authors have not followed the paninian procedure. According CV, these two forms i.e. aBiavasya and amavasya are two o p tio n a lly forms and they 241) are derived by the iryaT and vaT suffix respectively. This principle is followed by ac. According to Bh, these two forms are optional foxms* Both . and Bh have derived the forms optionally but P has derived the form amavasva by the nipatana. J# the author of Jnav has derived these said forms in a different way altogether. According to hiro both ^a (NVaT) and yaN (yaT) will be applied to the root for which the forms i.e . anavasva and amavasva are available respectively. These three grffia^arians have followed the different way for the derivation and others have followed P's principle. nistarkva > P.3.1.123 *“ • • " * n is k^ft it MyaT (by the nipatana) « nis ♦ krt YS (*} t elide bjK the rules P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) » nis ♦ trk + (by nipatana, s, changes to 9 and k rt becomes tfk ) ■ S i f ( quna by the rule P.7.3.84) ■ nistarkva (t becomes \ by the rule stuna P .a .4.41) There is also the scope for the application of kvaP suffix by P.3.1.110. But by the nipatana gyaT is applied. Because of nipatana « nis becomes nis and kft becomes trk. 2hiJ devahuya > P* 3.1.123 dava + hu -► XtiaP (by the nipatana) dava -f- ^ ^ by the rulea P.1.3.8* P . 1.3.3 and P . l , 3 . f ) " + iH + 2 S. nli»atana) ■ davehuya or day a + hve + kyaP (by the nljgatana) ■ dev a -► hve » y ^ and P elide by the rulea P. 1.3,8 , P . 1.3.3 and P . 1 .3 .9 ) ■ hva + ya ( by the rule P.6.1.145) ■ dev a + hu + ru le ya juayurab P.6.1.115 and naalnas«sce P.6.1.108) ■ + hu + X£ (dirqrha by the rule halah P. 6 .4 .2 ) In this word as the root hu is a vowel ending root, there is the scope for the application of the yaT suffix but by the nipatana, the XyaP suffix is applied. The dirghatva from hu to hu and the absense of tuk is due to nipatana also. pranlva - p,3.1-»123 ■ Pr» •t' nl + kyaP (by the nipatana) * pra + nl + Z« (by the rules P.1.3.8 # P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9 K and P e lid e ) » pra + nl + xSL ^be rule upasarqadasamase* pipopadesa - sya P.8.4.14, n becomes Q ) 2T)l . “ p raniv a The root n l i s a vowel endini root, ao there Is the scope for the application of yaT suffix and also there is the scope for the qana • But bv the nipatana the IcyaP suffix is applied and quna is prohibited by the rule p.1.1.5, as the kvaP is a kit suffix, unniva - P.3.1.123 jid + n l + XyaP (by the nipatana) « ud+nI+X2.f£ £ elide by the rules P. 1.3.8, P .1.3.3 and p .1.3.9) » changes to n by the rule yaro'nunasike*nunaaike va P.8.4.46) « unnlya As n£ is an a 1anta dhatu there is the scope tor the a p p lic a tio n o f yaT s u ff ix and guna# But by the nipatpna the kyaP suffix is applied and the cruna is prohibited. ucchisya “ ud + sis + kyaP (by the nij^atana) ■ ud ♦ sis. + £a (K and P elide by the niles P. 1.3.6 « P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) - uJL + sis changes to by the rule stoh scuna scah P.8.4.40) “ li£. + s i? ^ Y3. ^JL changes to c by the rule kharica P .8.4.55) pr-/) (C1; - uc -f chle + )ta changes to ch by the rule saschotl P .8.4.63) “ ucchisya There Is the scope for the application of the Nyal? suffix, as als is a halanta root but by the nipatana the kyaP suffix is applied. marya - P.3.1.123 « ®f + yaT (by the nipatana ) • ®lid®s by the rules P. 1.3.3 and P. 1.3.9) " *■ ZS. (cruoa by the rule P.7.3.64) » marya There is the scope for the application of SyaT suffix« as it is a ending root , but by the nipatana the yaT suffix is applied. starva - P.3.1.123 « str vaT ( by the nipatana) “ li.f ZS rules P.1.3,3 and P.1.3.9 t elides) « star + ]fa (guna by the rule p.7.3.84) - starya + tap (by the rule P.4.1.4) ■ g^arya + a (-t and P elide by the rulek P. 1.3.7 and P .1.3.3 respectively) » starya 253 As the root atr is a r ending root, there Is the scope for the application of NVaT suffix but by the nipgtana yaT is applied , dhvarva - P.3.1.123. ■ dhvr ^ yaT (by the nlpatena) “ dhvf + t t elides by the niles P.1.3.3 and P. 1,3.9} ■ dhvar ^£L5?S. P.7,3,84) ■ dhvarva By the rule P.3.1.124 there is the scope for the application of NyaT suffix, as dhvr is a r ending root, by the nipatana the yaT suffix is applied. Xhaivj^^ P.3.1.123 » khan + yaT (by the nipatana) - khan ♦ ya (t elides by the rules P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) « khanya There is the scope for the application of NyaT suffix, but by the nipatana the yaT suffix is applied. khanya P .3.1.123 khan N^aT (by the nipatana) * Z2. ^ ^}»nd t eli^e by the rules P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P . 1 .3 .9 ) “ ^^han + ]ra (vrfldhi by the rule P.7.2.116) 2f)4 khanva and khanya are given as nlpatana . They are respectively from khan w ith yaT and t?yaT suffixes. In tnat sense they look regular form s. But in the paninian procedure th*^ regular form Is kheya according to the sutra I, ca khanah P .3.1.111 . Therefore, the p o ssib ility that khanya and khanya are regular iforme is ruled out. The nipstana indic;»tes that only kheya is the regular form in paninian procedure. From the root khan,three form s ore available kheya, khanya and khanya. Out of these three form s only kheya ia available in the classical literature. The other two f o r m s i . e . khanya and khanya are found in pre- paninian literature. khwya » khwyabhyah svaha TS~ 7.3.13.1. khanya - khanitrepa livanani yattatara khany^ syat tena iivet - latyayana srauta sutra 8.2.4.5 devayajya - P.3.1.123 deva -f yel yaT (by the nipatana) - devayal xa (t elides by the rules P.1.3.3* and P.1.3.9} — devayajya + Ta^ (by the rule P.4.1.4) ■ devayajya (t and P elide by the rule P. 1.3.7 a n d P . 1.3.3 and P . 1 .3 .9 ). As yaj is a consonent ending root, there is the scope for the application of WvaT suffix, but by the njpatana the yaT s u ff ix is a p p lie d . aprechva * P .3.1.123 « a + prach ♦ kyeP (by the nipatanaT * £ + tu k + ch 4- kyap (tuk is added by the rule P .6.1.73) Pra + t + ch + kyaP (u and k elide by the rule P.1.3.2,p.1.3.3. and P.1.3.9) » a ♦ pracch -f kyap (t becomes c by therule P .8 .4.40) • a + pracch + ;£a << k and £ elide by the rules P . 1.3.8 B.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) “ S. * Prccb -f ya ( by the rule P. 6.1*16) » a + prcchya « aprcchya There is the scope for the application of WyaT suffix but by the nlpatana the kyaP suffix is applied for which there is the ggniprasarana in the form aprcchya. pratisivya - P.3.1.123 prati -f siv + kyaP "(by the nlpatana) prati + siv Qc and £ efilde by the rules P. 1.3.8, P . 1.3.3 and P . 1 .3 .9 ) =* prati + siv + XS ^2. becomes f by the rule adeiSaprotya- ~yayoh P.8.3.59) a p r a t i siv + (dlrqhadesa by the nile halica P .8.2.77) 2r)V) Aa the root aiv is a halanta root, there is the scope for the application of NvaT suffix. But by the nipatana kyaP Is applied. brahmavadyetn •> P .3 .1.123 brahman + nas -f vad + WyaT (by the nipatana) = brahman + o + vad 4- i^aT (by the rule supo dhatupratlpadlkavoh P.2.4.7l«) nas goes away). - brahma + vad + KfyaT (n elides by thf* rule nalopab pratlpadlKantasya P.8 .2 .7 ) « brahma + vad > ya (n and t go away be the ru le s P .1 .3 .7 , P . 1.3.3 and P . 1 .3 .9 ) » brahma + + 3^ (vrddhl by the rule P.7.2.116) » brahmavadya. By the rule P.3.1.106, there is the scope for the application o f both yaT and XyaP s u ff ix to the root vad . But by the nipatana, NyaT suffix is applied. bhavya ~ P.3.1.123 bhu ♦ WyaT (by the nipatana) ■ bhu » ya (n and t allde by the rules P.1.3.7, P .1.3.3 ^nd P .1.3.9) ■ bh»u + Y£. (vrddhl by the rule P.7.2.115) « bhav + (avadawe hy th»» rule P. 6 .1.79) » bhavya 2r>7 The word bhavya Is available in vedic literature i . e . in Jaimineya Samaveda - 2 .3.8 w ith adyudatta accent. But the formation bhavya with NyaT suffix gives the antasvarita as the accent. No suffix is prescribed by Pv-which can g iv e us at a time v rddhi and adyudatta accent. So fer the accent adyudatta it is a nipattta form. Otherwise bhavya with antasvarita accent can be derived by the regular formative procedure. stavya -- P.3,1.123 - stu + NyaT (by the nlpatane) = stu + ya (n and t elide by the rules P.1.3.7, p.1.3.3 and P .1.3.9) * (vrddhi , by the rule P.7,2.115) “ stay + ^ (avadesa by the rule p.6.1,79) = stavya By the rule P.3.1.109, there is the scope for the application of XyaP suffix* But by the nipatana NyaT i s added and the d esired form is a v a ila b le . upacayyaprda - P .3.1.123 up a + ^^ci + ^ a T + 2.F?^ nipatana) = upa + cai + NyaT + £rda (vrddhi by the rule P.7.2.115) = upa + cai + + £fda (n and t el id® by the rules P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9). upacay + jra. + (ayadeaa by the nipatana) = upacayyaprda« 2n8 As the root cl is an alanta dh^tu, th«re Is the scope for the application of v«T suffix* Bat by the nlpatana* WvaT suffix Is applied fc.> vrddhl ayadesa taken place . Otherwise the regular form would be upaceyaprda* As these are all vedlc formations no corresponding sutras are available In any of the post p?>nlnLan gratnmar* anayya - anayyo*nltyg P,3«1.127 a ♦ nl ♦ WyaT (by the nlpatana) - ^ nal NyaT (vrddhl by the rule P.7.2.115) - a <*• nal » va (q and t go away by the rules P. 1,3.7, P . 1.3.3 and p . 1 .3 .9 ) ■ a nay ♦ ^ (ayadesa by the nlpatana) * gnavve This rule comes under the c?»tegory of semaotic nlpatana. As nl Is an alanta rfhatu^ there is the scope for th£» application of ywT suffix. But by the nlpatana the WyaT suffix is applied and ayadesa taken place. The corresponding rules of the other graranfiars are the following. S . 4.2.39 C. 1.1.136 O. 2.1.104 k, 4.3.«S Bh. 1.3.181 H. 5.1.2 5 V. 975 25!) In SV and Jmv« the corresponding rules are not available. In IW# the author S has not followed th® penlnian way of derivation. He has derived the form anayya by the regular formative prt)cedure. But P has derived this form In nlpatana and the remained other grwnmarlans have followed him. pranayya - pran»yyo*sammi»ttau P.3.1.128 pra -»• nl_ + NyaT (by the nlpatana) * pra nal + WyaT (vrddhl by the rule P.7.2.115) * EE2. Z5. 5. «li^e by the rules P.1.3.7, P . 1.3.3 and P .1 .3 .9 ) * pra nay -f j;a (ayadeaa by nlpatana) * pra nay + YjI ( o tva by the rule upagarqadasamase*pl nopadeaasya - P.8.4.14) " preneyya As the root nl^ Is a vowel endlnq root, there Is the scope for the application of yaT suffix, but by the nlpatana MyaT suffix is ^»pplled and ayadeaa Is taken p la c e . The corresponding sutras o f other grammars are the following. S. 4.2.39 C. 1.1.135 D. 2.1.104 I . 4.3.65 2G0 Bh. 1.3.176 H« 5.1.23 V . 975 In SV and Jtnv, the corresponding rule? are not a v a ila b le . In this sutra except s# all other post paninian grammarians have followed the paninian way of derivation i.e. they have all derived the form pranayya In the nipatana. But only S has derived this form In regular procedure, it also comes under the category of the semantic nipatana. pawa - payyasaHinnavvaniXayyadhayya inanahavi mivasa» samidhenlsu P .3.1.129 taa ♦ IhraT (by the nipatana) ■ ina + ^ (O and t elide by the rules P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) » pa ♦ va 6na changes to ^a by the nipatana) « £a + yuX 3^ (by the rule atoyukciokrtob. P.7.3.33) “ £a + X ♦ va (u and k elide by the rulesp 1.3.2, P.1.3.3 and p . 1.3.9) - EgYXa The root ma is an ajanta dhatu, so by the rule p.3.1.97, yaT suffix should be applied but by the nipatana RvaT suffix is applied and m ( ma)becomes P. But S and C in ^ and CV respectively have derived the foon 2GI pgjyya from th® root £a but not from \j'm» • Apart from these two gr«wnarl«ns *11 oth«m h?ve follow«f^ P !••• they h«vo derived th« to m frcwa tho root gannayva - P,3»1.12S> eani ♦ ni, ♦ »v«T (t>y the plpatfina) m gam ♦ ni, ♦ X£. ^0 i. rule* P«l*3*7, P*l«3*3 flnd P«l*3«9) • aam *■ n»l •*■ ^ (vrddhi by the rui e p.7.2.115) gatn ♦ nev ♦ jra (yyadega by th« nlpatana) ■ ♦ nay 3^ fvrddhl by th® nlpatana) • ♦ nay ^ ^ (m become anaav^ra by the ru le mo*nugv?rah P.8.3.23) “ ♦ nay ♦ (anuav^r*^ change* to n which ia aevama here by the rui e padantaaya P .3 .4 .5 9 ). • iffPriyY.? There is the acope for the appl ici>tion of yaT auffix aa nl la an ajanta dhatu. But by the nlpatana the- auffix BVaT is applied, ayadega haa taken place and th<*re is d irjh a tv a In upaaarja i . e . sam becomes a a «» nikayya - P.3.1.129 • ni > ♦ SvaT (by the nlpatana) • SJL £i ’*■ Z& ^9 i elide by the rulej» p 1.3.7, P.1.3.3 ant^ P.1.3.9). 2t;:^ » + k i + ^ (c becomes k by the nlpstnna) ** si + Z* (vrddhi by the rule P.7.2.115) * lU + )cay + jTfi (Wadeaa by nipatana ) « nllcayva There is the scope for the application of yaT suffix, but by the nlpat<^na» the HyaT suffix is applied, C in (\/ci ) becomes k and aywdeaa has taken place. # dhayya - P.3.1.129 ■ + NyaT (by the nipatana) » dha •» ya (q and t go away by the ru le s P. 1.3.7 and P . 1.3.3 and P . 1.3 .9 ) « dha + yak -► (yuk i s added by the ru le p . 7,3.33) dha yuk ♦ va ( ^ is added at the ent? by the rule P. 1.1.46) " Z£ ^14. iL «li<3e by the rules P.1.3.2, P .1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) » dhayya i ai^ (by the rule ajadyatastap P.4.1.4) » dhyawa -f a (by the rules P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) t and £ JO away re sp e c tiv e ly ) » dhayya ( by the P.6.1.101). There is the scope for the applic»tion of yaT suffix but by the nipatana t?yaT suffix is applied. 2Ga The correspondin:? rules of the other ^ranuners are the following. S. 4.2.3S, S. 4.2.42 O. 1.1.136 D, 2.1.104 £ 4.3.65 Bh. 1.3.177 Bh. 1.3.179 H. 5.1.24 V. 975 Tha corresponding ru le s in g/ and Jmv are not available. S, the author of has ^j*»en two rules for P.3.1.129. The rule s.4.2.38 describes payya and dhayya and the rule s.4.2.42 describes sannayya and nikayya . The author has derived the forms payya and dhayya in regular procedure. The forms sannayya and nikayya are derived by the nipatana like P. Apart from him, all other granmarlens hfive derived these four forms in the nipatana procedure like p. kundapayya - kratau kundapayyasemcayyau P . 3.1.130 kunda ta + £a + HyaT (by the nipatana) => kunda o + £a + N^aT (by the rule P.2.4.71 is e lid e d ; 2B4 * kwmda £a + iS. (n and t eiide by the rules P.l*3*7 P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) “ ^tunda -f ga -f yuk + 3^ (vuk I s added by the ru le P . 7.3.33) ■ 2 2 . becomes antvavayava by the rule P .1.1.46) * l^da ♦ ga + 2 , + ^a (u and k are elided by the rules P.1.3.2, P .I.3.3 and P.1.3.9) - kundapSyya A« the root ga is a1?nta root, there Is the scope for the application of yaT suffix, by the rule P.3.1.97 . But by the nipatana, the »yaT suffix Is applied. samcayya - P . 3.1.130 saw + cl ♦ MyaT (by the nipatana) ■ sam ^ + Y2. ^ t elided by the rules P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) ■ sant c a i ♦ 3^ (vrddhi by the rule P.7.2.115) sam + cay (ayadesa by the nipatana) san + cay ♦ jra (by the rulesP.8.4.58 and P.3.4.59) “ sancayya. There is the scope for the application of yaT suffix, as ^ is a vowel ending root. But by nipatana, the SyaT suffix is applied and ayadesa is taken place. 2iro The correspondlnI ru le s In oth er grammars are the following t S. 4.2.40 C. 1.1.137 D. 2.1.105 k, 4.3.64 Bh. 1.3.180 H. 5.1.22 V. 975 In SV and Jrav, the corresponding rules are not available. In k¥ , the forms kundapayya end aancayya are derived by the regular formative procedure. But P has derived by the nlpatana. All other ^ramnarians except S have followed P. Thip rule comes undor the group of semantic nlpatana. parlcayya - eqaau parlcayyopacavyasamuhyah P.3.1.131 pari + HyaT (by the nlpatana) » pari + cl 3ra (n and t are elided by the rules P.1.3.7« P.1.3.3 and p.1.3.9) pari -f cay + yS (ayadeaa by the nlpatana ) ■ parlcayya There is th* scope for the application of yaT suffix but by the nlpatana* the MyaT suffix is applled and ayadeaa is taken place. 2B(] upacayya - P.3.1.131. upa + cl WyaT (by the nlpatana) upa ♦ £i + ZS. ^9 ^ elided by the rulei P.1.3.7, P.1.3.3 and P.l.3.9) - ttpa cay -¥ ^ (ayadeaa by the nlpatana) ■ ttpacawa There Is the scope for the application of the yaT suffix but by the nlpatana « the NyaT suffix Is applied and ayadesa Is taken place. samuhya • P , 3.1.131 san vah + UyaT (by the nlpatsna) « sam + vah + X2. ^9 £. elided by the rules P.1.3.7 P .1,3.3 and P .l.3 .9 ) sam + ♦ SJl (saraprasnrana by the nlpatana) “ + E*. il Za Aaslnasosca P.6.1.108) * gam » u > hya (vrddhi by the nlpatana ) “ aawuhya The suffix tryeT Is applied here. But samprasarana ?»nd dlrqhatva are taken place for the nlpatana. According to vartlkakara and bha^yakara « this form should not be In nlpatana. But the word sanuhya Is only available In the accent antagvarlta In TS 2BV 378 and l«. There is no suffix which can bring samprasarana and the accent antasvarita at a time, for which the HvaT suffix is applied (for the accent antasvarita) and samprasarana is made by nipatana. The corresponding rules of the other grammar* are the following i S* 4«2«43 C. 1.1.137 D. 2.1.105 4.3.66 Bh. 1.3.181 H. 5.1.25 V. 975 In SV and Jmv , the corresponding sutras are not a v a ila b le . A ll other granwi?>ri»ns have follow ed the paninian derivation in this rule. The rule comes under the category of semantic nipatana. citya - cityaqnicitye ca P.3.1.132. « ci, + kyaP Oby the nipatana) 378. a) . . samuhyam cin v lta paaukama . . . TS 5 .4.11.2. b ) samuhyo’ s i viavaveda . . . . ^ 5 .8 .5 . 208 » c l + away by the ru le s P. 1.3.8, P . 1.3.3 and P . 1.3 .9 ) c l >f tuk + YS ru le P .6.1.71) a cl + t + ^ (u and k are elided by the rules P. 1.3.2 P . 1.3.3 and P .1.3.9) * There is the scope for the application of vaT suffix but by the nlpatana,kyaP suffix is applied. Because the form requires prohibition of guna and vrddhi end there should be tuk aqama, for which the kyaP suffix is required, P has derived this form in the nipatana by the kyaP suffix. All of the post paninlan grammarians have also derived the foam in the nipatana. Still some differences are found, C and Bh have derived the form citya in nipatana by the kyaP suffix like P, D, s, H and V have derived the form by the yyaT suffix in the nipatana. S has not mentioned any suffix in KV. But he has mentioned the sutra in OHyaN prakarana. aqnicitva P.3.1.132 aqni >f nas__+ c l + y ®. nipatana) * O + £i. Z« (nas is aero by the rule p,2.4.7l), 2G!3 * ci + tak + ya (tuk aqama by the nlpatana) “ aqnl + cl + t + ya (u and k are elided by the xiaea P . 1 .3 .2 , P-.1.3.3 and P . 1 .3 .9 ) • £i + t + TIe. » agnlcltya + a and £ ere elided by the rules P.1.3.7« P.1.3.3 and P.1.3.9) - agnlcltya (by the rule P.6.1.101, dirqhadesa) The s u ffix IB Is used In the form sqnlcltva* which Is not at all available In P’s grammar. There is no single suffix in the krtva section, which can derive the above form, with its proper accent. Because, the form agnlcltya requires, the prohibition of ^una and vrddhi and the tuk aqama. Its accent i s antodatta. The suffix is applied here according to Nyasa • 380 and kaaikakara. The tuk-agams is made here by the nipatana. The corresponding ru le s o f other grammars are the following. S.4.2.44 C .1.1.138 D .2 .1.105 379, aqnicityaift yaha ca anaqrnlcityayara «. S B»6.6*l«l 380. a) cf. the Nyasa, **tasmat prakrtam ty^ktva yapratvavo nipatyata iti bhavah *• Sastrl D and S^aa K.P., Opcit. p.525 b) cf. the kaa. "bhave yakarapratyayab tuk ca * 27U 4.3.66 k. 4.3.76 Bh. 1.3.182 H. 5.1.25 H. 5.1.37 V . 975 In ^ and Jmv,the corresponding gutras are not available. All of the post-panlnian grammarians have followed p. i.e. they hpve all derived the form in the nipatana process still some differences are found. Because aTOordinj to C, D, k, Bh and H# the form is formed by the KyaP suffix in the nipatana. According to V, the above form is formed by OHvaH (« NvaT) in the nipatana. S in iW has not mentioned any suffix by which this form is formed in the nipatant. But he mentioned this rule in 3Hvatt prakaraoa. It is clear from a detailed study of the nipatana in the Xrtva section o f a ll the grammars that the main aim of using nipatana technique, is to attain brevity in the description of foms. If# instead of nipatana technique, the sanskrit grammarians had adoptee^ the regular grammatical procesf^ to generate the krtya formations# they would have required at le a s t double the sutras which ^rlve nipatana. Secondly, it would have unnecessarily 27i created ^otneniore techniques as excertlonp to the present techniques. The technique of nipatana therefore, was necessiated by the need of convenance of brevity* Moreover, as we have seen above, the technique of nipatana is an extention of the technique of adesa. This technique seems to have a long history going back to primary stage of collecting word data# in pre-p^inian days^ as the legend of Indra and Brhaspatl quoted by PtJ . in his MBH shows.