Occidentalism, Orientalism and National Identity an Epistemological Survey
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East on West in the Arabic Press of the Nahḍa Period1
Studia Islamica 106 (2011) 124-143 brill.com/si “Under Eastern Eyes”: East on West in the Arabic Press of the Nahḍa Period1 Fruma Zachs Haifa University, Israel How many branches of the tree of tamaddun/civilization do we see, that die when their trunk/source is unable to nourish them. There is no real future for Syria or for its civilization unless it is interwoven with the threads of tamaddun and can integrate aspects of European cul- ture, sowing them in the ground, and watering them with the sweat of its toilers.2 (Yaʿqūb Ṣarrūf, 1884) Introduction: From Orientalism to Occidentalism Edward Said’s Orientalism3 (1978) introduced the important historical debate about the crystallization of Western identity/culture versus the Other-the East. One of his main arguments was that ‘in order to know who I am, I must know what I am not’. This concept created an imbalance in which the West predominates in the interaction between the two cultures. 1 * Earlier version of this study was presented at the workshop in the Mediterra- nean Programme: 9th Mediterranean Research Meeting, Florence and Montecatini Term, 2008. The workshop was conducted in the European University Institute- Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. Participants in this workshop made signifijicant comments, and I would like to thank them all. I am also grateful to Pro- fessor Ami Ayalon who read earlier versions of this paper. 2 Yaʿqūb Ṣarrūf, “Al-Naẓr fī Ḥāḍirinā wa-Mustaqbalinā,” al-Muqtaṭaf, vol. 8 (1884), p. 196. The fijirst sentence was taken by Ṣarrūf from a poem which I could not trace. -
Directorate of Distance Learning, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan
Directorate of Distance Learning, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. SYLLABUS AND STUDY SCHEME FOR M.A. PAK-STUDIES Part-I (Session 2009-2011) PROPOSED SYLLABUS FOR M.A. PAK-STUDIES Part-I Paper-I (Compulsory) GEOGRAPHY OF PAKISTAN (100 Marks)=(20% Assignments + 80% Theory) The course on the Geography of Pakistan is meant to educate the students in the areal dimensions and natural contents of their homeland. The course has been developed under two broad headings. (a) The Natural Environment. (b) Man and Environment: (a) Firstly the Natural Environment. It covers hypsography, hydrology, climate, soil and their development and classification. (b) Secondly, Man in relation to Environment. The themes are suggestive and cover man’s relation to agriculture, forestry, fishing, mining and industry as well as communication, trade, population and settlements. 1-: Importance of Geo-political factors & Views of some Geo-political thinkers: (a) Mahaan (b) Mackinder (c) Harshome (d) Hauschoffer. 2-: Physical characteristics or the Natural Environment of Pakistan: Mountains; Plains, Plateaus and Deserts. 3-: Hydrology: The Indus System, Drainage Pattern of Baluchistan; Natural and 4-: Climate and Weather: Climatic Elements; Temperature, Rainfall, Air Pressure and Winds-Climatic Divisions. 5-: Soils: Factors of soil formation in Pakistan: Soil classification in Pakistan. 6-: Natural vegetation: Types of forests. 7-: Resources: Mineral and Power Resources. 8-: Agriculture: Livestock-agricultural performance and problems of principal crops, Live-stock. 9-: Industries: Industrial Policy: Industrial Development Factory Industries-Cottage Industries. 10-: Transport and Foreign Trade: Transport-Trade and Commerce-Export and Import. 11-: Population: Growth of Population Urban and Rural Population-Important urban centers. List of Readings: 1. -
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Confrontationist Power Politics in Pakistan : JRSP, Vol
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Confrontationist Power Politics in Pakistan : JRSP, Vol. 58, No 2 (April-June 2021) Ulfat Zahra Javed Iqbal Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and the Beginning of Confrontationist Power Politics in Pakistan 1971-1977 Abstract: This paper mainly explores the genesis of power politics in Pakistan during 1971-1977. The era witnessed political disorders that the country had experienced after the tragic event of the separation of East Pakistan. Bhutto’s desire for absolute power and his efforts to introduce a system that would make him the main force in power alienated both, the opposition and his colleagues and supporters. Instead of a democratic stance on competitive policies, he adopted an authoritarian style and confronted the National People's Party, leading to an era characterized by power politics and personality clashes between the stalwarts of the time. This mutual distrust between Bhutto and the opposition - led to a coalition of diverse political groups in the opposition, forming alliances such as the United Democratic Front and the Pakistan National Alliance to counter Bhutto's attempts of establishing a sort of civilian dictatorship. This study attempts to highlight the main theoretical and political implications of power politics between the ruling PPP and the opposition parties which left behind deep imprints on the history of Pakistan leading to the imposition of martial law in 1977. If the political parties tackle the situation with harmony, a firm democracy can establish in Pakistan. Keywords: Pakhtun Students Federation, Dehi Mohafiz, Shahbaz (Newspaper), Federal Security Force. Introduction The loss of East Pakistan had caused great demoralization in the country. -
Two Nation Theory: Its Importance and Perspectives by Muslims Leaders
Two Nation Theory: Its Importance and Perspectives by Muslims Leaders Nation The word “NATION” is derived from Latin route “NATUS” of “NATIO” which means “Birth” of “Born”. Therefore, Nation implies homogeneous population of the people who are organized and blood-related. Today the word NATION is used in a wider sense. A Nation is a body of people who see part at least of their identity in terms of a single communal identity with some considerable historical continuity of union, with major elements of common culture, and with a sense of geographical location at least for a good part of those who make up the nation. We can define nation as a people who have some common attributes of race, language, religion or culture and united and organized by the state and by common sentiments and aspiration. A nation becomes so only when it has a spirit or feeling of nationality. A nation is a culturally homogeneous social group, and a politically free unit of the people, fully conscious of its psychic life and expression in a tenacious way. Nationality Mazzini said: “Every people has its special mission and that mission constitutes its nationality”. Nation and Nationality differ in their meaning although they were used interchangeably. A nation is a people having a sense of oneness among them and who are politically independent. In the case of nationality it implies a psychological feeling of unity among a people, but also sense of oneness among them. The sense of unity might be an account, of the people having common history and culture. -
The Dialectics of Decolonization: Nationalism and Labor Movements in Postwar . Africa"
"The Dialectics of Decolonization: Nationalism and Labor Movements in Postwar . Africa" Fred Cooper CSST Working CRSO .\~orki!lg Paper 884 Paper $480 May 1992 The Dialectics of Decolonization: Nationalism and Labor Movements in Post-War Africa Frederick Cooper University of Michigan January, 1992 Draft Please do not cite or quote without permission of the author The Dialectics of Decolonization: Nationalism and Labor Movements in Post-War Africa Frederick Cooper University of Michigan The triumph of independence movements over colonial rule in Asia and Africa is another one of those metanarratives that needs to be rethought.1 But questioning the metanarrative does not mean that there are an infinite number of narratives of independence jumping around. In the world as it exists today, there are only so many ways to imagine what a state might look like, and that number appears smaller in 1992 than it did in the heady days thirty years go when British and French flags were coming down in one colony after another. Indeed, the narrowing began earlier: as the very question of taking over the state became a realistic possibility, nationalist leaders often began to channel the variety of struggles against colonial authority on which they had drawn--embracing peasants, workers, and intellectuals--into a focus on the apparatus of the state itself and into an ideological framework with a singular focus on the "nation." In the process, many of the possible readings of what an anticolonial movement might be were lost. This paper, focusing on Africa from the end of World War I1 to the early 1960s. -
Occidentalism As a Strategy for Self-Exclusion and Recognition In
Occidentalism as a Strategy for Self-exclusion and Recognition in Mohja Kahf’s The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf Mohja Kahf’ın The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf adlı Eserinde Kendini-dışlama ve Tanınma Stratejisi Olarak Oksidentalizm Ishak Berrebbah Coventry University, UK Abstract Arab American women’s literature has emerged noticeably in the early years of the 21st century. The social and political atmosphere of post 9/11 America encouraged the growth of such literature and brought it to international attention. This diasporic literature is imbued with the discourse of Occidentalism; this not only creates a set of counter-stereotypes and representations to challenge Orientalism and write back to Orientalists, but it also works as a strategy for self-exclusion—by which Arab Americans exclude themselves from wider US society—and paves the way to self- realization. Taking Mohja Kahf’s novel The Girl in the Tangerine Scarf (2006) as a sample of Arab American literature, this paper examines the extent to which Arab American characters including Téta, Wajdy, and Khadra represent and identify white Americans from an Occidentalist point of view to exclude themselves from wider American society, and promote their self-realization and recognition. The arguments and analysis in this paper are outlined within a social identity theoretical framework. Keywords: Diaspora , exclusion , recognition, representation, stereotypes. Öz 21. yüzyılın ilk yıllarında Arap Amerikalı kadın yazını büyük önem kazanmaya başlamıştır. 11 Eylül sonrası Amerika’daki toplumsal ve siyasi atmosfer bu edebiyatın büyümesini beraberinde getirmiş, uluslararası bir önem kazanmasının yolunu açmıştır. Bu diaspora edebiyatı Oksidentalist bir söylemle doludur; bu durum sadece Oryantalizme meydan okuyan ve Oryantalistlere cevap veren bir dizi karşıt- stereotipi ve temsili oluşturmakla kalmaz, aynı zamanda Arap Amerikalıların kendilerini Amerikan toplumunun genelinin dışında tuttukları bir kendini-dışlama stratejisi olarak da işlev görür; böylelikle kendini gerçekleştirmenin de yolu açılmış olur. -
The Imagined West: Exploring Occidentalism
Jukka Jouhki & Henna-Riikka Pennanen THE IMAGINED WEST: EXPLORING OCCIDENTALISM IntrodUction Christianity, the Enlightenment, the industrial revolution and colonialism. Sometimes, on the After the publication of Edward Said’s other hand, ‘a Westerner’ is simply a euphemism Orientalism (1995 [1978]), generalizing for a ‘white’ person, which means that a discourses about the cultures, societies, and Westerner can be anything from a reindeer peoples of the ‘East’ were not taken for granted herder in Northern Lapland to a stockbroker as much as they used to be. In his revered but in Manhattan. Considering the actual socio- also criticized book, Said described exhaustively cultural heterogeneity of the West, it is the traditional distorted European view of the surprising how unproblematically and vaguely East as the polar opposite of the West, or ‘the the term has been used both inside and outside Other’. The Orient was the object of the West’s of academia (see, e.g., Korhonen 2013; Péteri ed. colonization, and of fantasies and generalizations 2010; Makdisi 2002: 772–773; Bozatzis 2014: that had little to do with reality. While there has 130–134). been examination and abundant criticism of The concept of the West has always been Orientalist worldviews for several decades now, dynamic. A major shift in its meaning occurred scholars have only recently begun to examine when Europe lost its colonies in the course of the concept and the shifting meanings of the the 20th century, the United States became the Occident—the ‘West’ (Bavaj 2011: 4). new hegemonic world power, and at the same The Oxford English dictionary tells us time the Americans took a central role in the that ‘the West’ with a capital W—as opposed imagined West. -
Anti-Americanism and the Transatlantic Relationship
| | ⅜ Review Essay Anti-Americanism and the Transatlantic Relationship Jeffrey S. Kopstein The End of the West? Crisis and Change in the Atlantic Order. Edited by Jeffrey Anderson, G. John Ikenberry, and Thomas Risse. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008. 298p. $21.00. Anti-Americanisms in World Politics. Edited by Peter J. Katzenstein and Robert Keohane. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2007. 352p. $24.95. Uncouth Nation: Why Europe Dislikes America. By Andrei S. Markovits. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007. 302p. $24.95. The big idea in the study of the transatlantic region for the United States and Europe, based not only on Amer- the past five decades has been that of a “security commu- ican power but on the idea that in some important sense nity.” First articulated by Karl Deutsch in the 1950s (Deut- we had become (or at least were becoming) more alike sch et al. 1957), elaborated upon by a subsequent than not, was new. It was widely recognized as a phenom- generation of scholars, and then updated and revised by enon that deserved to be studied. After all, for the previ- Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett in 1998 and Adler ous century and a half, Europeans and Americans had ⅜ in 2005, a security community can be said to exist when come to the opposite conclusion—that they were essen- a group of people believe that social problems can be tially different—and either celebrated or, less frequently, resolved through “peaceful change.” Above all, war is lamented this fact. The new notion of a security commu- unthinkable. -
The Politics of Congregational Prayer Trust, Public Health, and Religious Authority in Pakistan
journal of law, religion and state 8 (2020) 251-271 brill.com/jlrs The Politics of Congregational Prayer Trust, Public Health, and Religious Authority in Pakistan Imran Ahmed School of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences Faculty of Humanities, Arts, Social Sciences and Education University of New England, New South Wales, Australia [email protected] Abstract Religious authorities in many Muslim-majority countries have argued that the suspen- sion of communal prayers during an epidemic does not contravene Islamic law. In Pakistan, such measures have proven difficult to enforce, in part because many reli- gious leaders in the country have opposed the closure of places of worship and the limits placed on public religious gatherings. The question is why? This paper suggests that the distrust of the state in matters of religion in Pakistan can be traced back to the colonial era, and that the political developments following independence have ampli- fied frustration and mistrust between political and religious authorities in the country. Significant sources of contention in matters of religion and state remain unresolved under the prime ministership of Imran Khan. At the same time, the pandemic has thrust earlier conflicts into the spotlight and exposed contests over opinion, expertise, and authority in matters of religion and public health. Keywords Pakistan – coronavirus – Islamic law – religious authority – constitutional politics – public health – colonization – modernization 1 Introduction The spread of the novel coronavirus (sars-CoV-2) has posed considerable gov- ernance challenges for nation states around the world striving to manage a © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2020 | doi:10.1163/22124810-2020015Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 04:44:22AM via free access <UN> 252 Ahmed fragile balance between a potential public health disaster, growing societal un- rest, and dramatic economic collapse. -
Picture of Muslim Politics in India Before Wavell's
Muhammad Iqbal Chawala PICTURE OF MUSLIM POLITICS IN INDIA BEFORE WAVELL’S VICEROYALTY The Hindu-Muslim conflict in India had entered its final phase in the 1940’s. The Muslim League, on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory, had been demanding a separate homeland for the Muslims of India. The movement for Pakistan was getting into full steam at the time of Wavell’s arrival to India in October 1943 although it was opposed by an influential section of the Muslims. This paper examines the Muslim politics in India and also highlights the background of their demand for a separate homeland. It analyzes the nature, programme and leadership of the leading Muslim political parties in India. It also highlights their aims and objectives for gaining an understanding of their future behaviour. Additionally, it discusses the origin and evolution of the British policy in India, with special reference to the Muslim problem. Moreover, it tries to understand whether Wavell’s experiences in India, first as a soldier and then as the Commander-in-Chief, proved helpful to him in understanding the mood of the Muslim political scene in India. British Policy in India Wavell was appointed as the Viceroy of India upon the retirement of Lord Linlithgow in October 1943. He was no stranger to India having served here on two previous occasions. His first-ever posting in India was at Ambala in 1903 and his unit moved to the NWFP in 1904 as fears mounted of a war with 75 76 [J.R.S.P., Vol. 45, No. 1, 2008] Russia.1 His stay in the Frontier province left deep and lasting impressions on him. -
Sayyids and Shiʽi Islam in Pakistan
Legalised Pedigrees: Sayyids and Shiʽi Islam in Pakistan SIMON WOLFGANG FUCHS Abstract This article draws on a wide range of Shiʽi periodicals and monographs from the s until the pre- sent day to investigate debates on the status of Sayyids in Pakistan. I argue that the discussion by reform- ist and traditionalist Shiʽi scholars (ʽulama) and popular preachers has remained remarkably stable over this time period. Both ‘camps’ have avoided talking about any theological or miracle-working role of the Prophet’s kin. This phenomenon is remarkable, given the fact that Sayyids share their pedigree with the Shiʽi Imams, who are credited with superhuman qualities. Instead, Shiʽi reformists and traditionalists have discussed Sayyids predominantly as a specific legal category. They are merely entitled to a distinct treatment as far as their claims to charity, patterns of marriage, and deference in daily life is concerned. I hold that this reductionist and largely legalising reading of Sayyids has to do with the intense competition over religious authority in post-Partition Pakistan. For both traditionalist and reformist Shiʽi authors, ʽulama, and preachers, there was no room to acknowledge Sayyids as potential further competitors in their efforts to convince the Shiʽi public about the proper ‘orthodoxy’ of their specific views. Keywords: status of Sayyids; religious authority in post-Partition Pakistan; ahl al-bait; Shiʻi Islam Bashir Husain Najafi is an oddity. Today’s most prominent Pakistani Shiʽi scholar is counted among Najaf’s four leading Grand Ayatollahs.1 Yet, when he left Pakistan for Iraq in in order to pursue higher religious education, the deck was heavily stacked against him. -
Syllabus for MA History (Previous)
Syllabus for M.A History (Previous) Compulsory Paper I: Muslim Freedom Movement in India 1857-1947 Events: The War of Independence and its Aftermath – the Indian National Congress and the Muslims of India – The Aligarh Movement, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan: Political, Educational and Literary Services, the Deoband Movement and its role in the socio-political and educational progress of Indian Muslims, the partition of Bengal – the Simla Deputation – the creation of All India Muslim League – Nawab Mohsin ul Mulk and Nawab Waqar ul Mulk: their services to the cause of Indian Muslims, Syed Ameer Ali: Political and literary achievements and services, the Indian Councils Act of 1909, Hindu Muslim Unity and the Lucknow Pact – the Khilafat and Hijrat Movements – Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar: Services and Achievements, the Government of India Act 1919, the Simon Commission and the Nehru Report – Political Philosophy of Allama Mohammad Iqbal, Iqbal’s Allahabad Address – Round Table Conference 1930-1932 (First Session, Gandhi Irwin Pact and the Second Session, The Communal Award of 1932 and the Third Session) – Government of India Act 1935 – the Elections of 1937 and the Congress Rule in the provinces – the Lahore Resolution – Cripps Mission – Cabinet Mission – June 3rd Plan – the Controversy about the Governor- Generalship of Pakistan – Mohammad Ali Jinnah: Leadership and Achievements, the Radcliffe Boundary Commission Award Recommended Readings: Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi, Struggle for Pakistan. Karachi: University of Karachi, 1969. Dr. Waheed-uz- Zaman, Towards Pakistan. Lahore: Publishers United Ltd., nd. Adbul Hamid, Muslim Separtism in India. Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1971. Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan: The Formative Phase 1857-1948.