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Home , Allahabad Address, Daud Rahbar, Garam Dal, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Lala Lajpat Rai

M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326

Effect of Divergent Ideologies of and Iqbal on Political Events in British (1917-38)

M. L. Sehgal (Fmrly: D. A. V. College, Jalandhar, (India)) Abstract: By 1917, Gandhi had become a front rung leader of I.N.C. Thereafter, the ‘Freedom Movement’ continued to swirl around him till 1947. During these years, there happened quite a number of political events which brought Gandhi and Iqbal on the opposite sides of the table. Our stress would , primarily, be discussing as to how Gandhi and Iqbal reacted on these political events which changed the psych of ‘British Indians’, in general, and the of the Indian Subcontinent in particular.Nevertheless, a brief references would, also, be made to all these political events for the sake of continuity. Again, it would be in the fitness of the things to bear in mind that Iqbal entered national politics quite late and, sadly, left this world quite early(21 April 1938), i.e. over 9 years before the creation of . In between, especially in the last two years, Iqbal had been keeping indifferent health. So, he might not have reacted on some political happenings where we would be fully entitled to give reactions of A.I.M.L. and I.N.C. KeyWords: South Africa, Eghbale Lahori, Minto-Morley Reform Act, , Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, Ottoman Empire, Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movements, , , Communal Award, Round Table Conferences,. Act

I. INTRODUCTION Mohandas Karmchand Gandhi was born on 2 October 1869 in Porbandar (Gujarat, India) to an illiterate but deeply religious mother having a sharp common sense who made a lasting impact on Gandhi’s character. At school, he was a shy boy who was average at studies. He showed no signs of leadership; an antithesis of his becoming one of the tallest leaders of all times who shook the Great Britain; never being pushed down by the mighty Empire. Gandhi returned to India, after having qualified for Bar-at-law (1891) from the University College, London (England) but was, soon, sent to South Africa (1893) by a Muslim merchant of Kathiawar named Dada Abdullah, having a flourishing shipping business in South Africa, to practice law for his firm. During his stay, he was deeply shocked by the racial discrimination and injustice, often, experienced by Indians in South Africa. So it was in South Africa where Gandhi, first, experimented with civil disobedience and non-violent protests and ‘’ (insistence upon truth). He was imprisoned for short periods of time, yet he supported the British under certain conditions and was decorated by the British for his efforts during the Boer War and Zulu rebellion. [1] 1.1. Gandhi: Indian Ideologue Enters National Scene After spending 21 years in South Africa, Gandhi,finally , made India his permanent abode(1915) to become the leader of the Indian nationalist movement campaigning for home- rule(‘’ )and organized a series of non-violent protests which included national strikes. The British sought to ban him, but the non- violent nature of his protests and strikes made it difficult to counter. Gandhi would advise his followers to practice inner discipline to prove they deserve independence though the leaders like Aurobindo Ghose and Subhas Chander Bose differed. The former argued that Indian independence was not about whether India would offer better or worse government, but that it was our right to have self-government while the latter advocated direct- action to overthrow the British. But Gandhi stood his ground firmly. 1.2. : The Other Ideologue Born in Multan (Punjab, Pakistan) on 9November 1877, Iqbal got a religious atmosphere at home as both his parents were practicing Muslims. They employed an eminent scholar Maulana Mir Hassan to teach him the basics of . This left a lasting impression on young Iqbal which, later, proved decisive in shaping his entire personality. He studied and Persian in his early years. In 1905, when Iqbal was a lecturer at the Government College, , he was invited by a student Lala to preside over a function. Instead of delivering a speech, 27 year old Iqbal sang ‘Saare Jahan Se Achcha’ [2].The song, which has remained popular in India for over a century, expressed his yearning and attachment to the land of Hindustan; its ‘cultural heritage’- having an elegiac quality. This showed his mindset, i.e. the love for his motherland -Hindustan. He saw everything through a secular broad prism and continued with his poetry expressing his exalted ideas of ardent . http://indusedu.org Page 315 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326

On the advice of Sir Thomas Arnold, his teacher of philosophy at the Government College of Lahore, he went to Cambridge for higher studies and returned after three years of stay in Europe (First September1905- 27 July1908). He was awarded the Ph.D. degree from the Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, Italy (1908). 1.3. Iqbal: Basically a Laureate Iqbal belonged to the vast world of literature. He was a nationalist till he went to Europe in 1905, but became a staunch believer of the philosophy of Quran and a follower of Islam whose revitalization became his life-long mission. He wrote both Persian and poetry; rather, wrote more in Persian than in Urdu. Among his 12,000 verses of poetry, about 7,000 verses are in Persian. [3] He commanded love and respect in where he was referred to as "Eghbale Lahori (Iqbal of Lahore) while the British Crown-King George Knighted him in 1922. His literary works discussed Persian ideology and Islamic Sufism to awaken soul to superior idea of life, God, meaning of prayer, human spirit, Muslim culture and its political, social and religious problems. In 1928, he delivered a series of lectures in various universities of British India which were later published under the title “The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam”; a work that provides significant context and guidelines for his ideas expressed in his poetry. [4] The central theme of his poetry was “Khudi” (self).He published his first collection of poetry, the “Asrar-e-Khudi” (Secrets of the Self) in 1915-16 in Persian. It is considered to be Iqbal's finest poetic work where he explained his philosophy of ‘Khudi’ or ‘Self’ which included several attributes like self-assertion, self-realization, spirit of independence, sense of honor, noble idealism and action in a human; not materialistic but spiritual adornment and elevation and is synonymous with the word "Rooh" mentioned in Quran. Sir Muhammad Iqbal, the poet- laureate, who, single handedly, ingrained the Islamic feeling in the brains and hearts of the Muslims of the ‘British India’, primarily, with his forceful poems, writings and speeches laden with Islamic thoughts. A large part of Muhammad Iqbal’s poetry is dedicated to the youth. He wished to see the Muslim youth vibrant in its ideals, determined in its actions and high-aiming in its approach to life. He said: “I have love for those youngsters who pull the stars down”. [5] The picture of a ‘Shaheen’ (Eagle), in his writings would mean a message to youth to foster an “Eagle- like” quality. Thus, it was Iqbal who influenced Islamic thought and educated Muslims the most.

II. METHODOLOGY The research material was collected both from the official and non-official agencies. An historical and analytical approach was taken into consideration while using primary and secondary sources. The primary sources are available at National Archives of India, Delhi, Punjab State Archives, Chandigarh, Punjab State Archives, Patiala, Dwarka Das Library, Chandigarh and The Museum Library, Delhi. Among the important official documents, mention was made of some, such as, Proceedings of the Government of India (Home Dept.), (Political Dept.), Proceedings of Indian Historical Record Commission, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Punjab History Conference Proceedings, Fortnightly reports, Reports on the Census of India, Punjab Government Gazetteers, The Modern Review and Asiatic Review. The secondary sources such as the relevant Journals, newspapers, magazines, articles, books, updated literature available at Iqbal Acaemy Lahore (Pakistan) and Mahatma Gandhi Antarrashtriya Hindi Vishwavidyalaya (MGAHV), Wardha, (India) as well as unpublished theses were assessed to present an objective work.

III. DISCUSSION Mahatma Gandhi and Sir Muhammad Iqbal were born in two different religions and practiced different religious faiths which shaped the future political ideologies of the two celebrated ideologues of their times. Right from the times at South Africa, the public life of Gandhi had peculiar differences and his exclusive techniques of resistance had amazing effects. After returning to India (1915),he thorougly studied the Indian political situation for long two years before taking a plunge into the troubled waters of the ‘British Indian’ politics. Thereafter, there was no looking back as he became more dynamic and active; each time with new methods and techniques to ‘fight’ the colonial oppressors. The I.N.C. had become a strong political force during the second decade of 20th century; especially with Mohan Das Karm Chand Gandhi (hereafter Mahatma Gandhi or Gandhi) becoming its front rung leader. Many Muslim leaders had, also, joined Congress. In order to counter this influx of the Muslims into the Congress, the leaders like Nawab Salimullah Khan, , Maulana Muhammad Ali Johr, , Syed Nabiullah, Syed Zahur Ahmad and several others assembled in Dhaka (now Bangla Desh) to announce the formation of a party with Islamic leaning; the A.I.M.L on 30 December 1906 with Nawab Nawab becoming its founder president. [6] 3.1. Iqbal and Jinnah: Make a Good Team Before extending this discussion further, we would, first, take up the cordiality of relationship between the, then, two promising Islamic giants: Muhammad Iqbal and (leader of A.I.M.L:1913- http://indusedu.org Page 316 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326

1947) [7] as this duo had a strong bearing on the ideological politics of Muslims of Indian Subcontinent spearheaded by AI.M.L versus I.N.C. (led by Gandhi) which claimed to be sole representative of all the British Indians. Jinnah and Iqbal belonged to different schools of thought and learning as Jinnah neither had a religious orientation nor he was a practicing Muslim. He, rather, avoided the company of ‘Ulama’. Jinnah came back to India after becoming a Barrister in 1906 as a secular, liberal nationalist and a follower of .So he started with the Congress and joined the A.I. M. L. about 7 years (1913) after its formation. Despite many political differences between Jinnah and Gandhi in their political views, Jinnah, with his emancipated liberal outlook and statesman like qualities, was looked upon as ‘an ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity’. [8] Iqbal met Iqbal for the first time in England during the Second Round Table Conference (hereafter II- R. T. C.) in 1932. With the initial inhibition, Iqbal, with his high intellectual calibre, convinced Jinnah about his objectives and two made a beautiful team together thereafter. Iqbal had an unflinching faith in the leadership of Jinnah and said: “There is only one way out. Muslim should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the and the English”. …..“And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims”. [9] Though Iqbal was not a skillful politician, but he provided ideological leadership articulating the Muslims' demand for a separate Muslim state. But see the quirk of luck. This man- laureate, Muhammad Iqbal was destined to become an ideologue for Pakistan to be seen as a political mentor of Jinnah as regard to the creation of Pakistan. [10] Jinnah, on the other hand, was inspired by the Iqbalian thought and would say: “The ideology of the League is based on the fundamental principle that Muslim India is an independent nationality…We are determined, and let there be no mistake about it, to establish the status of an independent nation and an independent State in this subcontinent”.[11] Jinnah, frequently, borrowed ideas from Iqbal: including his thoughts on Muslim unity; Islamic ideals of liberty; justice and equality; on economics, and even on practices such as prayers. In short, Iqbal saw the vision and Jinnah gave it a concrete shape. Thus goes the popular story about the creation of Pakistan which, perhaps, the only modern nation other than Israel that owes its existence to nationalism inspired by religion.

3.2. Iqbal: A Late Starter at National Politics Iqbal joined politics quite late because academics, being his first love ,would keept him occupied in the pursuit of writing poetry, articles and delivering speeches; his basic concern being the revival of the lost glory of Islam viz.-a-viz. the advancement of modern civilization and European knowledge. Iqbal entered politics by getting elected as a member of Punjab Legislative Council (1926-1930). By the time, his excellence and authority as an Islamic Scholar had, already, reached far flung across the British India, Europe and Islamic countries. He worked for the Muslim Resurgence and issued statements pertaining to various aspects of social, religious, cultural and political problems of India, Europe and the world of Islam. He believed that in future, it was only the Islamic polity which would be capable of conducting the affairs of state and the government to the satisfaction of humanity as per the conditions laid down in the Islamic ‘Sharia’.

3.3. Iqbal: Turns ‘Pan- Islamic’ from Pan- Nationalist’ As Iqbal was immensely influenced by Sir Sayed Ahmad ( Movement), he would oppose the Muslims joining the I. N. C. as he considered it a Hindu-dominated party. “He was not ready to reconcile with the fact that Indian nationalism does not mean domination of over other religion”. [12] He used his Islamic background that overweighed his versatility as a poet, philosopher and jurist to oppose I.N.C. which propagated a democratic system of governance in the Hindu-majority country like India. So it was imperative for Iqbal to get inclined towards A. I. M. L.; a party with Islamic orientation. He joined the British Committee of the A. I. M. L. in 1908. But this change in his ideas did not dawn upon him suddenly; rather the churning had been going on all through his stay in Europe and became more intense after his return to India. In his own words:

“In my college days, I was a zealous nationalist which I am not now. The change is due to mature thinking”. [13] Thus Iqbal shed his ‘Pan- Nationalist’ outlook and became a ‘Pan- Islamic’ to follow the foot- prints his Political Guru- Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan. Being, the best exponent in the art of preaching , Iqbal extrapolated Sir Ahmad’s ‘Two Nation Theory’ for creating a new country for the Muslims of Indian Subcontinent. http://indusedu.org Page 317 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326

Conversely, Gandhi, being a staunch secular and a protagonist of democracy devoid of any discrimination on the basis of religion and would vouch for the ‘United Independent India’. Thus started the difference in the ‘Political Thought’ of Gandhi and Iqbal who, later, became the ‘Two Ideologues’ of the two different countries: Pakistan and India to be created after the partition of ‘The British India’.

3.4. Iqbal: No Hero –worship for Gandhi Gandhi and Iqbal came in direct contact on quite a few occasions as Iqbal’s practical politics were largely confined to Punjab and, thus, paid each other little attention. Due to Iqbal’s poetic and philosophic aspects, his first priority was revitalization of Islam which overshadowed his political involvements. It was quite different for Gandhi as ‘India’s freedom struggle’ was a whole- time job for him. He respected Iqbal’s love of India and would, often, quote a line of Iqbal’s ghazal: ‘Religion does not teach us to bear ill will toward one another’. Gandhi is said to have sung it over a hundred times when he was imprisoned at Yerawada Jail in in the 1930s.[14]. Iqbal did recognize Gandhi’s special role as ‘the apostle’ of Indian nationhood; although he did not appreciate the ‘hero-worship’ attached to it. Muhammad Daud Rahbar points out how Iqbal, once, refused to rise for Gandhi at a meeting presided over by the Viceroy on the grounds that such veneration was inappropriate in Islam. [15]. So much so, Iqbal’s poetic intellect never bothered him to react even against the abusive observation against Mahatma Gandhi by his friend - Mawlana Mohammad Ali, who publicly held that “ a fallen Muslim was better than Gandhi". [16]

3.5. Minto-Morley Reform Act: 25 May 1909 Prince Aga Khan and Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk presented demands of the Indian Muslims to the then Viceroy, Lord Minto, at in 1905 inter alia demanded the ‘separate electorates’ with the genesis of the separate representation of the Muslims at all levels of Government working and called for elections for Muslims in these tiers should be held separately and exclusively by them where only Muslim candidates were to be elected only by the Muslim voters; thereby shrinking the chasm between Hindus and Muslims. As a result, the numerical strength of legislature councils was increased.The 27 out of total 60 members were to be elected and 5 seats were reserved for the Muslims. In provincial government, Muslims were to be represented by separate electorates. They would have not only elected their own representatives, but also had the right to vote in general constituencies. Although the Morley-Minto Reforms marked an important step in the introduction of representative government without any parliamentary government in India, yet it created a constitution about which conservative opinion would crystallize and affect substantial opposition to any further change. [17] It was a watershed event in the history of Indian legislature and proved to a land mark in the political history of Indian Muslims with far- reaching ramifications. Since both Gandhi and Iqbal had not appeared on the Indian political scene till 1909, the views of the two main stream parties regarding the Minto-Morley Reform Act are given as under:

3.5.1. A.I.M.L: Welcomes the Act As the Act had consented to the long standing demand of giving ‘a separate electorate for Muslims’, the A. I. M. L., in its Delhi session of 1910, welcomed the Act and passed a resolution to offer cooperation with the government for the success of the reforms.

3.5.2. I.N.C.: Blows Hot and Cold Since I. N. C. was divided into two factions; the ‘moderate’ (led by G.K. Gokhale) and the ‘extremist’ (led by B.G. Tilak), the former welcomed the Act. In the Imperial Legislative Council, Gokhale said, “My Lord, I sincerely believe that you and Lord Morley have saved the country from anarchy and chaos” [18] while the other group rejected the Act.

3.6. Congress-League Pact or Lucknow Pact: 31 December 1916 In 1916, Lucknow Pact was passed with the collaboration of Congress and Muslim League. Congress conceded to the rights of Muslims. In this pact, the right of separate electorate for Muslims-the most basic Muslim demand since 1906 was recognized. It was declared that Muslims would be given one third central legislature seats. Going a step further, the minorities were to have more seats than their numerical strength in provinces on the basis of system known as the Weightage System. According to this system, Muslims got more representation than their population in minority provinces. In and Punjab their representation was reduced to 50% and 40% from 56% and 55% respectively. [19] Under the terms of the pact, both A.I.M.L. and I.N.C. put their seal to a scheme of constitutional reform that became their joint demand vis-à-vis the British government. Gopal Krishan Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had, once, said of Jinnah, “He has the true stuff and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice http://indusedu.org Page 318 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326 which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity”.[8 ] And, to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity. He was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916, known popularly as Lucknow Pact: the only pact ever signed between the two political organizations.

3.6.1. A.I.M.L.: Satisfied There was a good deal of give and take, but the Muslims obtained one important concession in the shape of separate electorate; already conceded to them by the government in 1909, but hitherto resisted by Congress.

3.6.2. Gandhi: Emerges stronger A new force in Indian politics appeared in the person of Mohandas Karmchand Gandhi, the Mahatma Gandhi .Lucknow Pact paved the way for Hindu-Muslim cooperation in the and Non- Cooperation Movements from 1920. [20]

3.7. Montagu-Chelmsford (Mont-Ford) Reforms or Government of India Act: 23 December 1919 These were the constitutional reforms recommended by the Montagu-Chelmsford Report (1918).They were incorporated in the Government of India Act-1919 with two main features: Central Legislative Council would consist of two houses- ‘Imperial Legislative’ and ‘Council of States; while the Provinces would follow ‘Diarchy’(Dual Government System).

3.7.1. Iqbal: Had Nothing to Add Since Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were an extention of the separate electorate for other communities including the Muslims, Iqbal did not react.

3.7.2. Gandhi: Crestfallen The same old communal electorate system was extended for the , Europeans and Anglo Indians though the Mont-ford Report had declared that the separate electorate was a very serious hindrance to the development of the self-governing principle. It hurt the sentiments of Gandhi. The Franchise (Right of voting) was granted to the limit which appeared to Gandhi as ‘Satanic’. The introduction of the ‘Diarchy’ system in the provinces created complicated situation in the sphere of administration in the provinces. ‘Diarchy’ was termed to be a ‘Cumbrous, Complex and Confused System’ having no legal basis. So, it could not attract the members of Congress.

3.8. Fall of Ottoman Empire; Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movements The fall of Ottoman ‘Caliph’ of after its defeat in W W-I, agitated the minds of the Muslims, particularly the Muslims leaders of A.I.M.L of the ‘British India’. The leaders, especially the two Ali Brothers, sought Gandhi’s help to strengthen a movement to be called the ‘Khilafat Movement’ for pressuring the British Government to influence the Turkish nationalist Mustafa Kemal not to depose the Sultan of Turkey. [21]Both Hindus and Muslims continued to protest together when the Congress Party co-opted the ‘Khilafat Movement’’ with the ‘Non- Cooperation Movement’ on first August, 1920.[22] But the inborn mutual distrust between the two major communities ; catalyzed by the old dissensions based upon the complaints like cow-slaughter , music before mosques , the tragic incidents of ‘Chauri Chaura’and ‘Moplah Riots’(1921-22)[ 23]failed the Mahatma. He had to withdraw the movement on 12 February 1922 with Muhammad Ali Jinnah deciding to leave the Congress during its session (28 December 1920) and left no hope of reconciliation between the two communities thereafter.

3.8.1. Iqbal: Talks Secularism but Says no to Khilafat

The learned Islamic scholar Mohammad Iqbal welcomed the declaration of Turkey to become a secular republic; a contradiction to his views that secularism is coffin for Muslims. [24, 25] But Iqbal chose not to participate in the Khilafat Movement; though some historians differ regarding his participation in this movement.

3.8.2. Gandhi: Unites Both Communities Gandhi led the Khilafat Movement from the front that drew together a vast number of prominent Muslim leaders who, willingly, worked under his leadership by constituting a ‘Khilafat Committee’ (1919) for the protection of Ottoman Caliphate. With all the limitations, Khilafat Movement would be cherished to be the first important historical event after the First War of Independence (1857) [26] when Hindus and Muslims unitedly agitated under the leadership one leader: Mahatma Gandhi.

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3.9. Nehru Report: 28- 30August 1928 The Nehru Report , given by a committee headed by Pt. with his son acting as secretary, was created by Lord Birkenhead, Secretary of State of India when he asked the Indian leaders to draft a constitution for the country. As there were differences in opinion among the 11 member committee on complete Swaraj, the majority agreed on the following points: (i)India would be given Dominion status, i.e. independence within the British common wealth.(ii) India will be a federation which shall have a bicameral legislature at the center and Ministry would be responsible to the legislature.(iii) Governor- General of India would be the constitutional head of India and will have the same powers as that of British Crown.(iv) It recommended the reservation of seats for Muslims only in provinces where they were in a minority.(v) The report proposed to abolish separate electorates; to discard reservation of seats for Muslim majorities in the Punjab and Bengal and to reject the principle of weightage for Muslim minorities.(vi) It asked for a similar reservation for Hindus in NWFP.(vii) The provinces of and Karnataka shall be separate for any further reorganization.

3.9.1. Iqbal: Opposes but A.I.M.L. Splits The Nehru report was taken up for discussion in a meeting of the council of the A.I.M.L (9 March 1929).The Muslim leaders were divided into three groups which had widely divergent opinions. The group consisting of Sir Muhammad Safi, Aga Khan and Muhammad Iqbal considered Nehru report to be a death warrant because it recommended joint electoral rolls for Hindus and Muslims which was against the Lucknow Pact (1916). Iqbal, further, argued that if Nehru Report was accepted, then: “Hindu majority in the Central Assembly reaches a unitary form of government because such an institution secures Hindu dominance throughout India”. [27] The trio wanted it to be rejected completely. But no concuss could be reached. So this dissenting group of the three left the main stream A. I.M.L. and formed a splinter group “Shafi League”; with Sir Muhammad Safi becoming the president while Muhammad Iqbal was made the secretary.[28]

3.9.2. Gandhi: Wants Independence but Follows Party Diktate Jawaharlal felt that the idea of Dominion Status adopted by Nehru Report was a betrayal of the Congress. He, along-with , organized the ‘Independence for India League’. Since the conflict was more theoretical than practical, they evolved a new formula which satisfied both the wings of the Congress. After the skillful compromise, Gandhi, loudly, gave a warning that he- would not compromise on the question of India’s freedom. He further said “It must declare myself an Independence—Walla. [29] The Nehru Report marked an end of any future cooperation between I.N.C. and A.I.M.L. and the leaders like Jinnah and the Ali brothers severed their links with the Congress.

3.10. Simon Commission: 3 February-30 October A seven member group consisting of four Conservatives, two Laborites and one Liberal under the joint chairmanship of Sir John and Clement Attlee, [30] was appointed in November 1927 by the British Conservative government under Stanley Baldwin to report on the working of the Indian constitution established by the Government of India Act of 1919.The Commission landed in Bombay on 3 February 1928 and reached Lahore on 30 October 1928. Both the main stream parties like I.N.C. and A.I.M.L. boycotted the Commission because it did not have any representation of Indians. The publication of the Simon report did nothing to pacify the Indians. It, rather, intensified the campaign of violence instigated by Congress agitators [31] which was strongly condemned. In the views of Keith, “It was probably foolish of Indian opinion to repudiate the report out and out”. The view was based on two assumptions: it would have accelerated responsible government in the provinces and that ‘the pressure of such governments on the center would, doubtlessly, have operated strongly in the direction of federation’. [32] But Keith’s evaluation was not impartial. Despite opposition, Simon Commission managed to produce a two- volume report in 1930. It made an important decision about the future of the Subcontinent when, for the first time, it came out in favor of complete independence.

3.10.1. Iqbal: Sings Commission but Main-stream A.I.M.L. Opposes The (Punjab), the Justice Party (South) and the ‘Shafi League’; a splinter group of A.I. M. L. with Iqbal as secretary decided not to boycott Simon Commission. While committee formed by ‘Shafi League’ was busy drafting the representation, Iqbal, suddenly, fell ill and had to remain at Delhi for treatment. Much to his annoyance with regards to the omission of some vital points, the representation was reformatted. [33] Iqbal wrote a small poem in praise of Simon Commission conveying that it might prove to be a harbinger of hope and happiness. He expressed his views in as:

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“The Simon Report does great injustice to the Muslims in not recommending a statutory majority for the Punjab and Bengal. It would make the Muslims either stick to the Lucknow Pact or agree to a scheme of joint electorates. The despatch of the Government of India on the Simon Report admits at since the publication of that document the Muslim community has not expressed its willingness to accept any of the alternatives proposed by the Report. The despatch recognizes that it may be a legitimate grievance to deprive the Muslims in the Punjab and Bengal of representation in the councils in proportion to their population merely because of weightage allowed to Muslim minorities elsewhere. But the despatch of the Government of India fails to correct the injustice of the Simon Report. In so far as the Punjab is concerned – and this is the most crucial point – it endorses the so-called "carefully balanced scheme" worked out by the official members of the Punjab Government which gives the Punjab Muslims a majority of two over Hindus and Sikhs combined, and a proportion of 49 percent of the House as a whole. It is obvious that the Punjab Muslims cannot be satisfied with less than a clear majority in the total House. However, Lord Irwin and his Government do recognize that the justification for communal electorates for majority communities would not cease unless and until by the extension of franchise their voting strength more correctly reflects their population; and further unless a two- thirds majority of the Muslim members in a provincial Council unanimously agree to surrender the right of separate representation. I cannot, however, understand why the Government of India, having recognized the legitimacy of the Muslim grievances, has not had the courage to recommend a statutory majority for the Muslims in the Punjab and Bengal”. [27]

3.10.2. I.N.C.: Boycotts Simon Commission Congress having boycotted the Simon commission, the Commission had to face countrywide strikes, rallies and slogans like ’Simon Go Back’. The Lahore protest was led by Indian nationalist . In order to make way for the Commission, the local police force began beating protestors with sticks. The police were particularly brutal towards Lala Lajpat Rai who was hit on his chest. Despite being extremely injured (30October1928), Rai, subsequently, addressed the crowd and said, "I declare that the blows struck at me today will be the last nails in the coffin of British rule in India".[34]He later, died on 17November 1928. Note: Simon Commission was, generally, boycott by the political parties. But in the Punjab, due to acute communal distrust and the widely divergent claims of the communities, the boycott of the Commission could not be much effective. A separate meeting of the Muslim League was convened at Lahore. Iit was decided that the Muslims in Punjab should not boycott the Commission, keeping in view their own interests. [35] Similarly, the in Punjab led by Raja Narendra Nath , decided to cooperate with the Commission.[36]

3.11. Jinnah's Fourteen Points: 28 March 1929 Jinnah refused to accept the Nehru-report. In order to protect the Muslim's point of view on the political issues, he prepared a draft of guiding principles consisting of 14 points, popularly known as "Jinnah's Fourteen Points (28March1929). [28] “These points covered all of the interests of the Muslims and became their demands which greatly influenced their thinking till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. Jinnah stated that it was the "parting of ways and that he did not want and would not have anything to do with the I. N. C. in the future”. These 14points were regarding: (i). The Federal System(ii) Provincial Autonomy(iii) Representation of Minorities (iv)Muslims to be given one- third seats(v) Separate Electorates (vi)Territorial Re-distribution of Muslim Majority Provinces(vii) Full religious liberty (viii) Need three-fourth of the members of any community for any bill or resolution to be passed; (ix)Separation of Sind from (x) Introduction of Reforms in N.W.F.P.and Baluchistan(xi) Adequate share of Muslims in the services of State (xii)Protection of Muslim's culture and language (xiii) One-third Muslim Ministers in central and provincial Governments (xiv) No change be made in the constitution of state except with the concurrence of State constituting the Indian Federation. Jinnah's 14 points were highly disregarded among Hindus and were rejected by the Congress Party. Jawaharlal Nehru referred to them as "Jinnah's ridiculous 14 points". [37]

3.12. Allama Iqbal's Address: 29-30December1930 In 1930, in his presidential address at annual session of A.I.M.L held at Allahabad on 29-30 December 1930, Iqbal proposed the formation of a separate Muslim State by combining Northern and South Western Muslim majority region of the Sub Continent. [27] This session of A.I. M.L. proved to be an end of an era when I.N.C., under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, made sincere efforts for Hindu-Muslim unity but Iqbal's interpretation of nationalism set aside the Hindu-Muslim unity effort on the part of the Congress party.

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The Communal Award [38] was announced by the British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald who considered himself a friend of the Indians and wanted to resolve the issues in India. On 16 August1932, he granted a separate electorate in India for the Forward Caste, Scheduled Caste, Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Indian Christians Anglo- Indians, Europeans and Depressed Classes. [39] The Scheduled Castes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which only scheduled castes could vote. The principle of weightage was also applied. [40] The 'Communal Award' was needed after the failure of the II- R.T.C. (India). The Award favored the minorities over the Hindus causing consternation and eliciting anger from Gandhi. [41] The Award was controversial as it was believed by some to have been brought in by the British to create social divide among Hindus. However, the Communal Award was supported by many among the minority communities; most notably, the leader of the Scheduled Castes, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. According to Ambedkar, Gandhi was ready to award separate electorates to Muslims and Sikhs, but was reluctant to give separate electorates to scheduled castes. He was afraid of division inside Congress and Hindu society due to separate scheduled caste representations. After lengthy negotiations, Poona Pact was signed between Gandhi and Ambedkar and an agreement was reached (24 September1932) to have a single Hindu electorate, with scheduled castes having seats reserved within it. But the electorates for other religions like Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans remained separate. Akali Dal, the representative body of the Sikhs, was, also, critical of the Award since only 19% was reserved to the Sikhs in Punjab. The Sikhs were opposed to the 51% reservation for the Muslims and 30% for the Hindus. [42, 43]

3.13.1. Iqbal: Favours Communal Award Iqbal gave a vent of his strong feelings about Communal award at II- R.T.C. as follows: “It was hoped that away from the actual scene of communal strife and in a changed atmosphere, better counsels would prevail and a genuine settlement of the differences between the two major communities of India would bring India's freedom within sight. Actual events, however, tell a different tale. Indeed, the discussion of the communal question in London has demonstrated more clearly than ever the essential disparity between the two great cultural units of India. Yet the Prime Minister of England apparently refuses to see that the problem of India is international and not national”. ----“The Hindu thinks that separate electorates are contrary to the spirit of true nationalism, because he understands the word nation to mean a kind of universal amalgamation in which no communal entity ought to retain its private individuality. Such a state of things, however, does not exist. Nor is it desirable that it should exist. India is a land of racial and religious variety. Add to this the general economic inferiority of the Muslims, their enormous debt, especially in the Punjab, and their insufficient majorities in some of the provinces as at present constituted, and you will begin to see clearly the meaning of our anxiety to retain separate electorates. In such a country and in such circumstances territorial electorates cannot secure adequate representation of all interests, and must inevitably lead to the creation of an oligarchy. The Muslims of India can have no objection to purely territorial electorates if provinces are demarcated so as to secure comparatively homogeneous communities possessing linguistic, racial, cultural and religious unity”. [27]

3.13.2. Iqbal: Becomes Vocal

“He (British Prime Minister) is reported to have said that "his government would find it difficult to submit to Parliament proposals for the maintenance of separate electorates, since joint electorates were much more in accordance with British democratic sentiments." Obviously he does not see that the model of British democracy cannot be of any use in a land of many nations; and that a system of separate electorates is only a poor substitute for a territorial solution of the problem. Nor is the Minorities Sub-Committee likely to reach a satisfactory settlement. The whole question will have to go before the British Parliament; and we can only hope that the keen-sighted representatives of [the] British nation, unlike most of our Indian politicians, will be able to pierce through the surface of things and see clearly the true fundamentals of peace and security in a country like India. To base a constitution on the concept of a homogeneous India, or to apply to India principles dictated by British democratic sentiments, is unwittingly to prepare her for a civil war. As far as I can see, there will be no peace in the country until the various peoples that constitute India are given opportunities of free self- development on modern lines without abruptly breaking with their past”. [27]

3.13.3. Iqbal: Keeps Issue Alive Iqbal would not let the discussion to die here and continued as: “While appreciating the desire of the Sikhs to join the Minorities Pact and while welcoming their conversations with certain Muslims at Simla (this meeting) is strongly of the opinion that such conversation may be used for bringing about postponement of the announcement by the British Government of their decision on http://indusedu.org Page 322 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326 the Communal question, and, therefore, calls upon the Muslims at Simla taking part in those conversations, to postpone the same till the decision is announced by the Government. The Working Committee is emphatically of the opinion that, in view of the acuteness of the present situation and the possibilities of further complications, it is the duty of the British Government to announce their decision on the communal question without further delay”. [44]

3.13.4. Gandhi: Unhappy Gandhi feared that granting separate electorate to Scheduled Castes would disintegrate the Hindu society. He made contact with the Cabinet in London declaring on 4 January 1933 to go on fast until death though he was, already, fasting in Yeravda Jail .[14]

3.14. Round Table Conferences (R.T.Cs.) The three R.T.Cs were a series of peace conferences organized by the British Government and I.N.C. to discuss constitutional reforms in India .[45] They were conducted as per the recommendation of Jinnah to Viceroy Lord Irwin and Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald,[46,47] and by the report submitted by the Simon Commission in May 1930 since ,by the time, many British politicians started believing that India needed to move towards dominion status. So the key topic of discussion in the conferences centered on the .Moreover, demand for Swaraj (self-rule) in India had been growing increasingly strong. The R.T.Cs. started on 12 November 1930 and ended on 24 December 1932. Both Gandhi and Iqbal did not participate in the I-R.T.C. while in the III-R.T.C., none from I.N.C. attended. So it was only the II-R.T.C. where both Gandhi and Iqbal were present and struck horns with each other.

3.14.1. .Ist Round Table Conference (I-R.T.C.): 12 November 1930- 19 January 1931 The three British political parties were represented by 16 delegates while 74 delegates from British India; consisting of 16 delegates from princely states and 58 political leaders of different parties and groups attended this conference. The conference was inaugurated by His Majesty George-V (12November 1930 in Royal Gallery, House of Lords, London) and was chaired by the Prime Minister Ramsay Mac Donald. The I.N.C. and many Indian business leaders did not attend as many of them were in jail for their participation in Civil Disobedience Movement [48] because Lord Irwin had made a controversial statement declaring that India should, eventually, be granted Dominion- ship. Gandhi refused to attend the conference in protest and was arrested which culminated in the Gandhi–Irwin Pact (1931).Iqbal was not an A.I.M.L delegate which was represented by Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar.

3.14.2. 2nd Round Table Conference (II-R.T.C.): 7 September-1 December 1931 Since a settlement between Mahatma Gandhi and Viceroy Lord Irwin had reached( Gandhi- Irwin Pact) , the Labor Government permitted Gandhi to go to London as the sole representative of Congress in II-R.T.C. (7 September1931 to first December 1931).Though MacDonald was still the Prime Minister of Britain, but now he was heading a coalition Government (National Government) with a Conservative majority. On 7 November 1931, Gandhi, secretly, met Malcom MacDonald in his rooms at Balliol College, Oxford, but could not persuade him to grant self-rule. Sir Muhammad Iqbal was also present as one of the delegates of A.I.M.L. after the death of Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar who was a representative of Muslim League in I-RTC.

3.14.2.1. Gandhi and Iqbal: Strike Horns The issue of ‘Communal Award’ in 1932 was presented for discussion. The most celebrated ideologues struck horns with each other on this very sensitive issue as follows: Iqbal opposed Gandhi’s view that the Congress represented all the people of India and that in the future Indians should vote only “as Indians.” With his view of a “higher communalism”, Iqbal could not and did not criticize Hindu self-consciousness, but rather Hindu unawareness of Muslim needs. Iqbal saw Gandhi’s opposition to the Communal Award as a demand “for safeguarding the interests of Hindus.” He declared, “If separate electorates for Untouchables means disintegration of the Hindus, the joint electorate will mean political death for the minorities. In my opinion, it has become clear from the attitude of Mahatma Gandhi that the minorities who are keen to maintain their separate identity should not abandon separate electorate.” [15] In Iqbal’s view, Gandhi should have been attacking the Hindu oppression of the Untouchables more rigorously and not the protective award. [49]

3.14.3. 3rd Round Table Conference (III-R.T.C.): 17 November-24 December 1932 Third Round Table conference started on 17 November 1932 with only 46delegates in attendance since most of the main stream political parties including I. N. C. and the Labor Party from Britain refused to attend and it ended in fiasco on 24 December 1932. http://indusedu.org Page 323 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326

3.15. Government of India Act: 1935: Assent: 24 July1935; Commenced: 1 April 1937 One of the redeeming features of the Government of India Act, 1935[50] was the beginning of the ‘Provincial Autonomy’. In the abstract theory, provincial autonomy signifies the independent status of the province. It was a system in which the provincial governments got the power to handle the provincial affairs without the interference of the central government in specified subjects. Such a system was introduced in 1937 in the eleven British Indian provinces, including the Punjab, which remained operational till the . It was an advance on the Act of 1919 where ‘Diarchy’ was replaced by ‘Provincial Autonomy’ in 1937(under the Government of India Act, 1935) by offering an independent and autonomous status to the British Indian provinces. The division of the provincial subjects was done away with under the new experiment by transferring it to the charge of Indian Ministers. The Government of India Act, 1935 provided the subjects to be divided in the center and not in the provinces and made thorough distribution of legislative powers into three lists- namely Federal, Provincial and Concurrent.[51] The Federal List contained 59 subjects including defense, external affairs, communication, currency, coinage etc. Since these subjects were of all India concern, the federal legislature alone could make laws in respect of that. There were 54 subjects in the Provincial List concerning mainly of local interest such as education, public health, law and order, land revenue and local self- government. The provincial legislatures were permitted to make laws on all subjects included in this list of 54. The Concurrent List had 36 subjects including criminal laws and procedure, civil law and procedure, newspapers, insurance, electricity etc. Both the federal and provincial legislatures could make laws on these subjects. The Indian Ministers were made responsible to the legislature for their work. The extent of the central control over the provinces was largely reduced. Though Provincial Autonomy marked an advance towards the establishment of responsible self-government and remained enforced till the partition, yet it failed to establish a full- fledged responsible governments in the provinces. The Ministers were not given absolute freedom in manning the affairs of their respective departments. The Governor, still, possessed wide discretionary powers in the executive, legislative and the financial departments and not allowing the provincial governments to work autonomously. In conclusion, the ‘Diarchy’ was abolished at the provincial level, but extended it to the central government of India. It was the lengthiest Act which consisted of 321 Sections, 14 Parts, and 10 Schedules. No doubt, this Act proposed many salient features, but it was a rigid one. It could not be amended or modified by any Indian legislature, be he was Federal or Provincial Legislature. Providing separate electorate to Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, later on, turned out to be the tools for disintegrating India. Hence, this Act, in reality, did not help in curbing out the difficulties that had arisen in the Government of India Act 1919. It only showed the dominion of the British Government over the Indians except that some of its features benefitted the Indians as it gave nearly 10% of citizens the right to vote, i.e. about double of 1909Act and the federal structure of the country enabled the princes to participate in the political affairs of India.

3.15.1. Both Parties oppose: But Contest Provincial Elections Before all-India federal scheme was enacted, there were grave doubts about its feasibility.[52] The federal scheme had to be kept in abeyance for an indefinite period owing to its non-acceptance by almost all the Indian political parties- the Congress, the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha; though not for the same reason. Even the Princes of the Indian States were reluctant to commit themselves to a system which implied loss of autocratic privileges. [53] Both I.N.C. and A.I.M.L. opposed the Act; especially its Federal Part but participated in the provincial elections of winter 1936-37, conducted under stipulations of this Act.

3.15.2. A.I.M.L: Apprehensive The Muslim League also denounced the Act as it was hostile to the federal scheme. The League, however, favored it with the hope of capturing power in the Muslim-majority provinces that the provincial scheme of the constitution should be utilized for what it was worth in spite of the most objectionable features contained therein. Its leader had remarked that the Act rendered real control, responsibility of ministry and legislature over entire field of government and administration nugatory. [54] The League was of the opinion that the All-India Federal Scheme of central government was fundamentally bad. “It is the most reactionary, retrograde, injurious and fatal to the vital interests of British India vis-à-vis the Indian States, and it is calculated to thwart and delay indefinitely the realization of India’s most cherished goal of complete responsible government and is totally unacceptable.”[55] In the views of Jinnah, the federal scheme contained only “98% of safeguards and special powers and 2% of responsibility and the provincial scheme as an advance to the then existing position and therefore, would not like to reject it altogether”. [56] He went to say ‘it was simply thoroughly rotten, fundamentally bad and totally unacceptable’. [56]

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3.15.3. Congress: Repudiates The Congress repudiated the whole scheme; both the federal and provincial scheme of the Government of India Act, 1935 because in its opinion, the Act did not represent the will of the Indian nation, i.e. immediate independence and adoption of principle of democracy and also, it was designed to facilitate and perpetuate the domination and exploitation of the Indians. [57] It declared, “No constitution which curtails the sovereignty of the people and does not recognize their right to shape and control fully their political and economic future can be accepted”. [58] It condemned the overriding powers of Governor-General and the safeguards on the ground that these would render the responsible government nugatory. It demanded complete responsibility both in the provinces and in the center. [59] According to the Congress, in the federal scheme, vital functions of the Government were excluded from the sphere of responsibility; the defense and external affairs were the reserved subjects, but due to the special responsibilities and the veto- power of the Governor-General, remained no responsibility at the center. Under the provincial scheme, the ministers would be placed between the devil and deep sea, as the Governors were vested with the extraordinary powers on the one side and the protected services on the other.[60] Jawaharlal Nehru described the Act as a “new charter of bondage” and it “all breaks, no engine’.[61] , in his presidential address to the in 1936, described provincial autonomy as virtual dictatorship.[62] But strangely, the two dominions of India and Pakistan, at the time of independence, accepted the Act of 1935 with a few amendments as their provisional constitutions respectively.

IV. CONCLUSION Starting with ‘Tarana –i- Hindi’(1904), the ‘Anthem of the People of Hindustan’ and ending with ‘Tarana-e- Milli’(1910), the ‘Song of the Community’ would sum up the total repudiation of the thoughts of Sir Muhammad Iqbal to turn him ‘Pan- Islamic’ from ‘Pan- Nationalist’.Thereafter, the Iqbalian thought inspired Jinnah, the undisputed leader of a political party with Islamic leanings namely A.I.M.L., which would, by and large , negate every thing that the secular Congress pary, led by Mahatma Gandhi, would propose. In all, the eleven important political events which took place during Iqbal’s political life span (1917-38), the two idealogues- Mahatma Gandhi and Sir Muhammad Iqbal were always found to have opposing viewpoints.

V. REFERENCES AND NOTES [1]. Mahatma Gandhi: Wikipedia [2]. Published in ‘Ittehad’ on 16 August, 1904 [3].Allama Muhammad Iqbal’s poems Publication (2012), The World's Poetry Archive [4]. An Article by Asghar Ali Engineer on “Iqbal and the Reconstruction of religious thought in Islam” [5]. “Iqbal’s Pakistan! The Country Ahead”, Asia Portal, 16January 2013 [6].All India Muslim League: Wikipedia [7].Muhammad Ali Jinnah: Wikipedia [8]. In 1916, Lucknow Pact took place between A. I.M.L., led by M.A. Jinnah, and the (extremist faction) of I.N.C led by the (trio of Lala Lajpat Rai, Bal Gangadhar and )and the moderate faction( naram dal), led by Gopal Krishan Gakhle. By this pact Muslim-Hindu political relationships were improved and the two communities were brought closer and later on Congress also accepted the separate electoral rights for Muslims. Jinnah played an important role in this whole arrangement and was an ardent supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity and thus was named as ‘An Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity’ [9].The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, 1995, Vol. 2, p. 224 [10.The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, 1995, Vol. 2, p. 222 [11]. Moin Shakir (1973), “Secularization of Muslim Behavior”, Calcutta, Minerva Associate, p.25 [12]Amer Sultan (2016), “Iqbal and Quaid-e-Azam Vision of Pakistan” [13].J.M.S., Balijon (1981) “Iqbal and the Idea of Pakistan”, p.212 in Ahmad Hasan Dani (Ed.) Quaid-i- Azam and Pakistan. Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam University [14]. Mahatma Gandhi was imprisoned in Yearwada jail on 04 January 1932 and again on 01 August 1933 [15].[Roland E Miller(2014), “Gandhi and Indian Muslims: Overlaps and Conflicts,” an excerpt from Roland E Miller’s article from “Indian Critiques of Mahatma Gandhi”, Edited by Harold Coward, Published by State University of New York Press, Albany , 2003, State University of New York [16].Manzoor H.Khatana (1992), “Iqbal and Foundation of ”, Lahore, p. 236 [17]. Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms (RICR), Calcutta, 1918.p.48 [18],” : Gandhi's Political Guru”, Pentagon Press, New Delhi, 2015 [19]. “Separate Electorate”: History Pak.com [20].Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica [21].On 5January 1919, Indian Muslims living in Britain gave the, then prime minister Lloyd George a memorandum regarding the occupation of the Ottoman Empire: World Bulletin History [22]. During the Nagpur Session of I.N.C. (26-30 December 1920: under the president-ship of C. Vijayaraghvachariar), Gandhi linked the proposal of ‘self-government’ known as ‘Swaraj’ with the Khilafat and adopted the Non-Cooperation plan [23].Khilafat-Movement in Malabar:shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in [24].Ikramullah Awan (2016) “Creation of Pakistan “Minhaj University, Lahore [25].Iqbal’s statement on rejecting invitation (28 March 1909) from a secular party "Minswa Lodge [26].Rakhahar iChatterji (2013),”Gandhi and the Ali Brothers: Biography of a Friendship”, SAGE Publications .Pvt. Ltd, Kolkata [27].Excerpt From Iqbal’s presidential address at A.I.M.L.’s 25th session held in Allahabad on 29-30 December 1930 [28].N. Jayapalan, “ (from National Movement to Present Day)”, - Google Books. google.co.uk.Retieved19 February2013 [29]. “Provisions of Nehru Constitution and Why did Jinnah Oppose it?” by S. Priyadarshini [30]. Remained Prime Minister of Britain during1945-51 http://indusedu.org Page 325 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License M.L. Sehgal, International Journal of Research in Engineering, IT and Social Sciences, ISSN 2250-0588, Impact Factor: 6.565, Volume 09 Issue 01, January 2019, Page 315-326

[31]. P.E. Roberts,“History of British India”, 3rd Edn., 1970, p. 603 [32]. A.B. Keith,“Constitutional History of India,” 1937, p. 294 [33]. S.M.Iqram (1961),“History of Muslim Civilization in India and Pakistan”, Lahore [34]. Corinne Friend (1977),": Fighter for Freedom – Writer for Justice”, Journal of South Asian Literature. 13 (1): 65–90 [35]. Azim Husain, Fazl-i-Husain,“A Political Biography,” Bombay, 1946, p. 246 [36]., 6June 1928; K.L.Tuteja, “Sikh Politics,”1920-40, Kurukshetra, 1984, pp.139-40 [37].Encyclopedia Eminent Thinkers (Vol.13): The Political Thought of Jinnah)”. Also- N. Jayapalan “History of India (from National Movement to Present Day)”, Google Books google.co.uk.Retieved19 February 2013 [38]. Communal Award: Wikipedia [39]. V.P.Menon (1998), “Transfer of Power in India,” Orient Blackswan [40]. Helen M. Nugent (1979), "The communal award: The process of decision‐making". : Journal of South Asian Studies. 2 (1– 2): 112–129 [41]. “The Bombay Chronicle,”18 August 1932 in Dhananjay Keer; Dr. Ambedkar, “Life and Mission”, Popular Prakashan, 1971, p.204 [42]. Asgharali Engineer (2006). “They too fought for India's freedom: the role of minorities”, Hope India Publications. p.177 [43].Bipan Chandra (1989) , “India's Struggle for Independence”, Penguin India, p.290 [44]. Excerpt of the resolution passed when Iqbal chaired a meeting of the working Committee of the All-India Muslim Conference held at New Delhi on7August 1932 [45]. Three Round Table Conferences (India): Wikipedia [46].Wolpert, Stanley (2013), “Jinnah of Pakistan” ,15th Edn., p. 107, , Pakistan; University Press [47].Wolpert, Stanley (2012),“Shameful Flight”,1st Edn.,p.5, Karachi, Pakistan; Oxford University Press [48]. Indian Round Table Conference Proceeding, Government of India, 1931 [49]. Masud-ul-Hasan, “Life of Iqbal: general account of his life”, Book I, 1978, Lahore: Ferozoons [50]. Government of India Act, 1935: Encyclopedia of India [51]. Government of India Act of 1935, pp. 2-3, Sec.5, Seventh Schedule. [52]. Tara Chand, “History of the Freedom Movement”, Vol. IV, p. 209. [53]. ICD, Vol. IV, p. xiii [54].IAR, 1936, Vol. I, p. 295 [55]. All India Muslim League Resolutions, 1924-36, pp. 66-67; Also see ICD, Vol. IV, p. 73 [56].Jinnah’s speech at Legislative Assembly Debates (Indian) ,1935, Vol. I, p. 522 and pp. 524-25 [57]. K.P. Bhagat, “Decade of Indo-British Relations”, 1937-47”, pp. 22-23 [58]. Resolution passed at the 49th session of the Congress held at Lucknow from 12 to 14 April, 1936. See IAR, 1936, Vol. I, 1936, p. 249 [59].IAR, 1936, Vol. I, pp. 248-49; also IAR, 1936, Vol. II, pp. 27-28 [60]. Speech of Mr. Bhulabhai Desai: The Legislative Assembly Debates (Official Report), 1935, Vol. I., p. 280 [61]. AICC Papers, File No. p-17/1936; See Kuljeet Kaur, Role of the Congress Party in the Punjab Politics, 1935-47, M.Phil. Dissertation, Panjab University, 1982, p. 16 [62].Ibid

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