Dietary Reconstruction of Medieval and Early Modern

Home , Alfonso II of Asturias, Bull of the Crusade, Fruela (usurper), Fruela I of Asturias, Lugo Cathedral, Ramiro I of Asturias

DIETARY RECONSTRUCTION OF MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN

SPANISH POPULATIONS USING STABLE ISOTOPES OF

CARBON AND NITROGEN

______

A Thesis

Presented

to the Faculty of

California State University, Chico

______

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

Anthropology

______

Spring 2015 DIETARY RECONSTRUCTION OF MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN

SPANISH POPULATIONS USING STABLE ISOTOPES OF

CARBON AND NITROGEN

A Thesis

Amy T. MacKinnon

Spring 2015

APPROVED BY THE DEAN OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND VICE PROVOST FOR RESEARCH:

______Eun K. Park, Ph.D.

APPROVED BY THE GRADUATE ADVISORY COMMITTEE:

______Guy Q. King, Ph.D. Eric J. Bartelink, Ph.D., Chair Graduate Coordinator

______Georgia L. Fox, Ph.D. PUBLICATION RIGHTS

No portion of this thesis may be reprinted or reproduced in any manner unacceptable to the usual copyright restrictions without the written permission of the author.

iii DEDICATION

This thesis is dedicated to the memory of my grandparents

Ermineo Claude Paul Seita April 21, 1921 – February 11, 2015

and

Velma Watson Seita January 28, 1923 – March 12, 2015

“Chi tard’arriva mal’alloggia”

iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge with gratitude my thesis committee Dr. Eric

Bartelink and Dr. Georgia Fox. Thank you for your support, enthusiasm, and encouragement. I would like to thank Dr. Bartelink especially for introducing me to this project and for training me in the techniques of preparing samples for stable isotope analysis. I would also like to thank Dr. Nicholas V. Passalacqua (Defense POW/MIA

Accounting Command) who had the foresight to sample the collection for stable isotope analysis. To all of you, thank you for providing me with this opportunity.

Stable isotope analysis of bone collagen was completed under the supervision of Dr. Joy Matthews at the UC Davis Stable Isotope Facility in the Department of Plant

Sciences. Stable isotope analysis of bone apatite analysis was conducted under the direction of Dr. Howard Spero at the UC Davis Stable Isotope Laboratory, Department of Geology, and by Dr. Dave Williams at the University of Wyoming Stable Isotope

Facility.

Access to the collection was graciously provided by the Museo de

Arqueológico de Asturias, under the direction of Jorge Camino Mayor. To Mr. Camino

Mayor and Ms. Sofia Diaz thank you for your support and assistance with this project. I would like to thank Dr. Char Prieto, California State University, whose translation of my proposal facilitated access to the collection. While in Asturias I had the fortunate opportunity to meet Dr. Ángel Villa Valdés. I thank you for the conversation on Asturian history, tour of historic sites, and for you and your family’s gracious hospitality. v I would also like to thank Dr. Antoinette Martinez for her guidance and support. To my lab partners Stefanie Kline, Julia Prince, and Alina Tichinin, I thank you for your camaraderie and assistance. I would like to thank Connor Buitenhuys and Julia

Prince for assisting with faunal identifications at the Zooarchaeology Lab, CSU Chico. I would like to thank Rebecca George and Daniel Burk, DDS for the discussions on teeth.

To Martha Nuño Diaz for her assistance with translation of Medieval Spanish, Gracias.

To my mentors and friends Karen Smith Gardner and Kristina Crawford I thank you for your encouragement and support.

To my parents Leona Seita Burk, who supported my dreams, and to my father

James Burk who encouraged me to travel to Asturias to sample from the collection, I thank both of you for always teaching me that, “the world is your oyster.” To my husband, Alex MacKinnon, thank you for your selfless willingness to relocate so I could pursue my degree, for the unquestioning support, and all the delicious meals. I love you.

This research was supported by the College of Behavioral and Social

Sciences, CSU Chico, Strategic Performance Funding Grant.

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

Publication Rights ...... iii

Dedication...... iv

Acknowledgments ...... v

List of Tables...... x

List of Figures...... xii

Abstract...... xv

CHAPTER

I. Introduction...... 1

Importance of this Study to Bioarchaeology...... 2 The Medieval Diet...... 2 Mortuary Practices...... 3 Reconstructing Human Diet in Medieval Spain...... 4 Hypotheses ...... 5 Thesis Organization...... 8

II. Historical Perspectives on Medieval and Early Modern Asturias, Spain...... 10

Introduction ...... 10 Iberian Prehistory ...... 13 The Decline of Roman Hispania ...... 15 The Rise of Islam in Spain ...... 18 The Reconquest ...... 20 Spain’s Centuries of Crisis ...... 22 The Golden Age of Spain...... 29 The Decline of the Spanish Empire...... 30 The Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries ...... 33 Summary...... 34 vii CHAPTER PAGE

III. Medieval and Early Modern Mortuary Practices ...... 36

Introduction ...... 36 Burial Ad Sanctos ...... 37 Origins of Ad Sanctos Burial...... 39 Last Wills and Testaments...... 41 Sacred Space...... 42 Summary...... 45

IV. Medieval and Early Modern Foodways ...... 46

Foodways...... 46 Dietetics...... 48 Geography and Climate...... 50 The Medieval and Early Modern Menu ...... 51 Meat Consumption Differences Between the Socioeconomic Classes...... 64 Fasting Practices...... 73 Hypotheses ...... 75 Summary...... 79

V. Theoretical Framework and Review of Dietary Studies in Spain ...... 81

Importance of this Study to Bioarchaeology...... 81 Stable Isotope Analysis ...... 82 Human Nutrition and Stable Isotopes...... 87 Trophic Level, Elevated Nitrogen and Manure Fertilizers...... 89 Stable Isotope Studies of Medieval Spanish Populations...... 91 Summary...... 99

VI. Materials and Methods ...... 101

Sampling Methodology ...... 112 Sample Preparation...... 113 Tests of Sample Quality ...... 116 Summary...... 119

VII. Results of Stable Isotope Analysis ...... 120

Asturian Food Web...... 121 Results from Collagen Analysis ...... 127 Results from Apatite Analysis...... 127 viii CHAPTER PAGE

1. Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín...... 130 2. Early Medieval Cemetery and Church of San Salvador de Valdediós...... 134 3. Medieval Cemetery of San Pedro de Nora...... 137 4. Medieval Church of San Miguel de Lillo...... 140 5. San Julian de Viñón...... 143 6. San Pedro de Plecín...... 147 7. Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo ...... 151 8. Church and Hospital of San Juan Bautista in Oviedo ...... 155 Summary...... 158

VIII. Results and Interpretations ...... 161

Temporal Change ...... 161 Regional Variation...... 164 Sex Differences ...... 166 Age Differences...... 168 Differences between High and Low Status Individuals ...... 171 Summary...... 176

IX. Conclusions...... 179

A Summary of the Medieval and Early Modern Menu...... 179 Limitations...... 180 Future Research...... 181

References Cited...... 183

Appendices

A. Permission Letter...... 201 B. Project Source Code ...... 203

ix LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1. Timeline of Asturian and Spanish History ...... 13

2. Summary of Faunal Values ...... 122

3. Summary of Adult Isotope Values from the Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín...... 132

4. Summary of One Subadult and Two Perinates from the Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín ...... 133

5. Summary of Adult Isotope Values from San Salvador de Valdediós ...... 135

6. Summary of Isotope Values from a Subadult from San Salvador de Valdediós ...... 135

7. Summary of Isotope Values from San Pedro de Nora...... 137

8. Summary of Adult and Subadult Isotope Values from San Miguel de Lillo ...... 140

9. Summary of Perinates from San Miguel de Lillo...... 141

10. Summary of Two Medieval Adults from San Julian de Viñón ...... 144

11. Summary of Eight Early Modern Adults from San Julian de Viñón ...... 146

12. Summary of Three Medieval Individuals from San Pedro de Plecín...... 147

13. Summary of One Subadult from San Pedro de Plecín...... 147

14. Summary of Two Early Modern Adults from San Pedro de Plecín ...... 148

15. Summary of Early Modern Subadults and Perinates from San Pedro De Plecín...... 149

x TABLE PAGE

16. Summary of Medieval Adult Values from the Cathedral of Oviedo...... 152

17. Summary of Two Early Modern Subadults from the Cathedral of Oviedo...... 152

18. Summary of Medieval Adults from San Juan Bautista ...... 152

19. Summary of Early Modern Adults and Subadults from San Juan Bautista ...... 157

20. Single Early Modern Perinate from San Juan Bautista ...... 157

21. Summary of Female and Male Stable Isotope Values from Medieval and Early Modern Asturias...... 167

22. Summary of Individuals Grouped by Age Category...... 169

23. Medieval Individuals Grouped by Age Categories (n = 34) ...... 169

24. Early Modern Individuals Grouped by Age Categories (n = 24)...... 170

25. Medieval Adults and Subadults from ad sanctos Burials ...... 172

26. Medieval Adults and Subadults from Common Burials...... 172

xi LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Map of Asturian Sites...... 11

2. Sarcophagus of Lope González de Quirós y Diego de Miranda, from the Antiguo Monasterios de San Francisco, Oviedo Asturias ...... 38

3. Bivariate Plot of Stable Carbon (x-axis) and Nitrogen Isotopes (y-axis) of Medieval and Early Modern Adults and Fauna from Asturias...... 123

4. Food Web for Medieval and Early Modern Asturias ...... 126

5. Bivariate Plot of Medieval Asturias Individuals Categorized by Site (n = 76) ...... 128

6. Bivariate Plot of Early Modern Individuals Categorized by Site (n = 34) ...... 129

7. Bivariate Plot of the Apatite-Collagen Spacing and Stable Nitrogen Isotopes of Bone Collagen of Human Remains from Asturias (n = 56)...... 130

8. Bivariate Plot of Medieval Individuals (n = 74)...... 131

9. Bivariate Plot of Early Modern Individuals (n = 28) ...... 132

10. Bivariate Plot of Stable Isotope Values from Individuals Buried at the Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín (n = 9) ...... 133

11. Bivariate Plot of Isotope Values for Individuals Buried at the Early Medieval Cemetery of San Salvador de Valdediós (n = 13) ...... 136

xii FIGURE PAGE

12. Bivariate Plot of Isotope Values from Medieval Individuals Buried at the Church of San Pedro de Nora (n = 14) ...... 138

13. Bivariate Plot of Isotope Values from Individuals Buried in the Cemetery of Medieval San Miguel de Lillo ...... 141

14. Bivariate Plot of the Male and Female from the Apse of the Church of San Julian de Viñón ...... 145

15. Bivariate Plot of Eight Early Modern Individuals Buried at The Church of San Julian de Viñón...... 146

16. Bivariate Plot of Medieval Individuals from San Pedro de Plecín, b. 22, b. 28, and b. 29 are ad sanctos Burials ...... 148

17. Bivariate Plot of Early Modern individuals from San Pedro de Plecín (n = 8)...... 150

18. Cranial Fragment of Perinate (b. 97) and Scallop Shell Fragment from San Pedro de Plecín...... 151

19. Four ad sanctos Adult Burials from the Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo ...... 153

20. Bivariate Plot of Early Modern Subadults from the Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo ...... 154

21. Bivariate Plot of Medieval Adults from San Juan Bautista...... 156

22. Bivariate Plot of Early Modern Individuals from San Juan Bautista...... 159

23. Boxplot of Medieval Asturian adult δ15N Values by Site ...... 162

24. Boxplot of Medieval Asturian adult δ13C Values by Site ...... 165

25. Bivariate Plot of Medieval and Early Modern Adults...... 166

26. Boxplots of δ15N Values for Medieval and Early Modern Males ...... 167

27. Boxplot of δ13C for Early Modern Individuals by Age Category (n = 24)...... 170

xiii FIGURE PAGE

28. Boxplot of δ15N Values for Early Modern Individuals Grouped by Age Category ...... 171

29. Plot of Medieval Adults Categorized by Burial Location...... 173

xiv ABSTRACT

DIETARY RECONSTRUCTION OF MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN

SPANISH POPULATIONS USING STABLE ISOTOPES OF

CARBON AND NITROGEN

Master of Arts in Anthropology

California State University, Chico

Spring 2015

This research involves stable isotope analysis of human skeletal remains from rural Medieval and Early Modern Christian church cemeteries located in Asturias, Spain

(10th – early 19th centuries). For this master’s thesis, 122 human and 43 faunal bone samples have been selected for study. This thesis takes a biocultural approach to the study of human populations. This technique aims to merge the empirical evidence from stable isotope analysis with historical and cultural studies to gain a deeper and more nuanced understand of the lives of individuals who lived in the past. Dietary studies provide a unique way to assess the lives of individuals through reconstruction of their diet to explore populations at the level of the individual. Diet and culture are intricately linked together. In Medieval and Early Modern Spain a connection existed between diet, social class, and regional identity.

xv This thesis seeks to explore five research questions that include assessing the differences between time periods, regions, sexes, age groups, and status. Comparison between those living in the Medieval period (pre-1500) and the Early Modern period

(post-1500) will be made to investigate changes in resource availability over time. As

Asturian communities for the most part were rather insulated, there may be regional differences between them that reflect their geographic isolation. Thus, some individuals will reflect an isotopic signature that differs from the majority of inhabitants in a certain community such that an argument for migration or pilgrimage can be made.

When data on sex are available, differences between males and females may be addressed isotopically. Significant differences between male and female diets may correspond to gender inequalities; however, women were the primary preparers of food and likely consumed what they cooked. Equal access to resources should not be interpreted as equality between genders. Moreover, I predict that differences in diet between age groups, such adults and subadults, will be negligible as most children consumed the same diet as adults.

During the Medieval period the practice of ad sanctos burial, meaning burial within the church in a prestigious location, held special social significance. Exploring differences between those individuals buried ad sanctos and those buried in common graves may be one way to explore differences in social status. Individuals buried ad sanctos during the Medieval period are more likely to have been aristocratic clergy or members of the nobility. By the Early Modern period this mortuary practice was still in place, but lacked the meaning that it once held. For this reason, only burials from the

xvi Medieval period were compared for differences in status. Individuals buried ad sanctos likely had access to the highest quality, most expensive, and rarest resources. Differences in isotope signatures between individuals of difference social status may be revealed through dietary reconstruction.

xvii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

This research involves stable isotope analysis of human skeletal remains from rural Medieval and Early Modern Christian church cemeteries located in Asturias, Spain

(10th – early 19th centuries). Archaeological study of Medieval Spain is relatively new as academics have focused on the prehistoric and Classical eras, until the 1980s (Quirós

Castillo 2009:173). However, the history of Medieval Spain has been well documented in regard to privileged individuals, although little is known about trends in diet and health for the peasant population.

This thesis aims to explore the inextricable links between diet, social class and regional identity through the analysis of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes to enhance our understanding of Asturian lifeways. Isotopic studies of individuals of both high and low statuses can reveal differences in access to dietary resources between the sexes, social groups, age groups, and between populations as they differ through time and geographic region. This project involves an international collaboration among numerous scholars from three different intuitions: CSU Chico, Michigan State University, and the

Museo Arqueológico de Asturias in Spain (see Appendix A).

For this master’s thesis, 122 human and 43 faunal bone samples have been selected for study. The original sample consisted of 66 human and 13 faunal samples that

1 2 were received in 2010. To increase the sample representation, an additional 56 human and 30 faunal samples were obtained in 2013.

Importance of this Study to Bioarchaeology

This thesis takes a social bioarchaeological approach to the study of human populations in the past. Social bioarchaeology aims to merge the empirical evidence from stable isotope analysis with historical and cultural studies to gain a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the lives of individuals who lived in the past. Dietary studies provide a unique way to assess the lives of individuals through reconstruction of their diet at the level of the individual.

This study will contribute to the body of literature on Medieval European stable isotope studies, and contribute specifically to research on Medieval and Early

Modern individuals from Spain. This dataset will expand the pool of knowledge on these populations for future research.

The Medieval Diet

Diet and culture are intricately linked together. In Medieval and early modern

Spain a connection existed between diet, social class, and regional identity. Food played a crucial role in Medieval religious life, where the simple foodstuffs of bread and wine enabled communion with the divine. Whereas overconsumption epitomized the sinful nature of the flesh, fasting, in contrast, exemplified chastity and purity. For these reasons, food choices are both complex and symbolic. Stable isotope analysis when combined with historical documentation can provide a fuller assessment of Asturian society. Social status and lifestyle determined preference for, and access to certain food types such as

3 meat and fish. Although stable isotope analysis usually cannot differentiate between individual food items (e.g., a particular fish, or pork versus beef), it can shed light on the relative importance of these different food resources to the overall diet.

Mortuary Practices

Mortuary practices reflect the status of individuals and correlations between status and access to resources can be evaluated. Social status is inferred by burial location as the mortuary practice of ad sanctos burial (meaning “near the saints”) suggests high status individuals interred within the church, whereas the general population was buried outside the church walls (Passalacqua 2012; Naji 2005). Being buried within the church building itself provides the benefit to the decedent of being remembered by the congregation. The practice of ad sanctos burial reaffirms communal remembrance of the dead. The living continually venerate the tomb while attending mass and remember the soul of decedent in their daily prayers, and in return expect the dead to intercede for them.

The practice of ad sanctos burials reflects the complex socioeconomics of commoditizing sacred space. Space inside a church is finite and, as with any limited resource, reserved for those who pay the highest price. In the Early Modern period, burial locations could simply be purchased irrespective of nobility or standing within the hierarchy of the Church. For this reason, one assumes that burials from within church buildings are those of wealthy patrons, their families, and the aristocratic clergy.

Reconstructing Human Diet in Medieval Spain

Stable isotopes are atoms of the same element with the same number of protons but different numbers of neutrons, which do not decay over time. Isotopes are identical except for the number of neutrons in the nucleus that make some isotopes

“light” (fewer neutrons) and others “heavy” (more neutrons). The heavy isotopes react slower in chemical reactions than the lighter isotopes, creating a reaction difference known as fractionation (Fry 2006:27).

The underlying principles of fractionation enable dietary reconstruction and analysis of food webs (Schoeller 1999). The processes of photosynthesis illustrate the differential routing of light and heavy isotopes through the biosphere (Fry 2006:44).

During photosynthesis, an enzyme catalyzes fixation of atmospheric CO2 into plant sugars (Fry 2006:44). Isotopes of carbon are preferentially routed through plant tissues depending on the type of photosynthetic pathway the plant uses. Most plant life found in temperate regions such as trees, shrubs and legumes, known as C3 plants, utilize Calvin-

Benson-Bassham photosynthesis that discriminates more against the heavier 13C isotope.

Thus, C3 plants contain higher levels of the lighter isotopes, because they preferentially use lighter rather than heavier isotopes of carbon.

In contrast, tropical grasses like maize, millet, sugarcane and sorghum are C4 plants that utilize Hatch-Slack photosynthesis that discriminates less against heavier 13C.

13 Due to these different ecological strategies C4 plants (e.g. maize) average a C stable isotope value of -12.5 permil, while C3 plants (e.g. wheat) average -26.5 permil

(Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991).

Furthermore, because historical documents indicated that C4 plants were not consumed in Asturias in large quantities until the seventeenth century, marine resources should be more easily differentiated from terrestrial food sources, as organisms that consume marine resources have carbon isotope values that would overlap with the values of C4 plants if present (Schoeninger et al. 1983; Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991).

Hypotheses

I propose to look specifically at five research questions that include assessing the differences between time periods, regions, sexes, age groups, and status.

1. Temporal Change

This thesis will address possible differences between time periods. The isotopic values of individuals living in later time periods may indicate greater reliance on C4 plants, such as sugarcane or maize, which may have increased in popularity or became more readily available to the general population over time. Comparison between those living in the Medieval period (pre-1500) and the Early Modern period (post-1500) will be made to investigate changes in resource availability before and after the introduction of crops from the Americas. If Early Modern individuals consumed more C4 plants in their diet than Medieval individuals, then δ13C should become less negative over time.

2. Regional Variation

As Asturian communities were for the most part geographically insulated, there may be regional differences between them reflecting their isolation. However, the popularity of pilgrimages and the numerous pilgrimage routes between Asturian communities and neighboring provinces could have facilitated the travel of outsiders who

6 may be isotopically unique outliers. I predict that some individuals will reflect an isotopic signature that differs from the majority of inhabitants in a certain community such that an argument for migration or pilgrimage can be made. Furthermore, I predict that each region will exhibit a unique isotope signature because individuals relied heavily upon resources from their local ecosystems. Factors impacting ecosystem variation include elevation and distance from the coast. If individuals consumed local resources, then both

δ13C and δ15N values of most individuals should express a local dietary signature for each of the eight sites. The majority of individuals at each site should express this dietary signature; thus, outliers should represent non-local individuals.

3. Sex Differences

When data on sex are available, differences between males and females may be addressed isotopically. Significant differences between male and female diets may correspond to gender roles and resource inequalities. However, women were the primary preparers of food and likely consumed what was cooked. Simply put, equal access to food resources is not an indicator of gender equality in Medieval and Early Modern society. I predict that further data will indicate no significant differences between males and females, despite differences in gender roles. If men and women consumed the same resources, then there should be no significant differences in the δ13C and δ15N values of males and females.

4. Age Differences

Individuals were grouped into categories determined by age. These age groups are perinates (nine months gestation to two to three months after birth), Subadults (one to 12 years of age), Adults (13 to 64), and Older Adults (over 65 years of age). Young adults

(age 13-20) were grouped with adults (age 21-64) for statistical purposes. I predict that differences in diet between these two groups will be negligible and that most individuals consumed the same diet as adults after childhood. If the diet of subadults and adults consumed the same diet, then there should be no significant differences between the δ13C and δ15N values of these two age groups.

Subadult samples obtained for this thesis may help to address weaning patterns over time. Perinatal remains (nine months gestation to two to three months after birth) reflect the dietary signature of the mother. Of particular interest are subadults who were buried ad sanctos, because of their families’ wealth and status, yet died despite having greater access to material resources. I predict that weaning signatures between subadults buried ad sanctos compared to subadults excavated from common burials will not differ significantly as this early period of life corresponds to increased stress for both high and low class individuals. However, should differences exist between subadults this may be a reflection of the quality of the maternal diet, perhaps indicative of differential access to resources between high and low status women during pregnancy.

5. Differences between High and Low Status Individuals

Exploring differences between those individuals buried ad sanctos and those buried in common graves may be one way to explore differences in social status. Individuals buried ad sanctos during the Medieval period are more likely to have been aristocratic clergy or members of the nobility. By the Early Modern period this mortuary practice was still in place, but lacked the meaning that it once held during the Middle Ages. For this reason, only ad sanctos burials from the Medieval period will be compared.

Individuals buried ad sanctos likely had access to the highest quality, most expensive,

8 and rarest resources. I predict that ad sanctos burials will have isotope values that differentiate them from common burials. If individuals buried ad sanctos consumed high trophic level food resources, then the δ15N of ad sanctos burials will be more elevated than the δ15N value of common burials.

Thesis Organization

This thesis employs a social bioarchaeological approach to explore these five hypotheses though empirical reconstructed through stable isotope analysis. The proceeding chapters are organized as follows: Chapter II provides a brief overview of

Asturian history within the larger context of Spanish history. Although human habitation in Asturias dates back to prehistoric times, this chapter will discuss the rise of the

Asturian kingdom under the rule of the Visigoth kings after the fall of the Roman Empire,

Asturias’ role in the Reconquest of Spain from the Moors, and the rise and eventual collapse of the Spanish Empire. Chapter III discusses mortuary practices, specifically the

Medieval practice of ad sanctos burial. Ad sanctos burial is the practice of burying those of elevated social status in prestigious locations within the church. Social hierarchies as they are reflected by burial location are discussed. The practice of burial ad sanctos continued into the Early Modern period, but the social significance changed over time.

Chapter IV is a broad discussion of Medieval and Early Modern Asturian foodways. Foodways are complex social and cultural attitudes toward food. This chapter explores what dietary items made up the Medieval and Early Modern “menu,” and explores changes in foodstuffs over time, specifically after the introduction of crops from the Americas in the sixteenth century.

Chapter V is a review of stable isotope studies conducted in Medieval Spain.

This chapter describes what stable isotopes are and how they are used in bioarchaeology dietary reconstruction studies. Chapter VI discusses materials and methods. This chapter lays out how this isotope study was conducted and describes each of the eight sites included in this thesis. Chapter VII presents results from stable isotope analysis for each of the eight sites studied. Chapter VIII discusses these results in the framework of the five hypotheses to explore temporal changes, regional variation, sex differences, age differences, and differences between high and low status Medieval individuals as inferred by burial location. This chapter compares the isotope results found in this thesis to other

European dietary studies. Chapter IX concludes this thesis and discusses limitations of the study as well as future research.

CHAPTER II

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON

MEDIEVAL AND EARLY

MODERN ASTURIAS,

SPAIN

Introduction

Modern Asturias is located along the Bay of Biscay and bordered by the provinces of Lugo, Léon, and Cantabria (see Figure 1). It is an isolated region and remained largely uninfluenced by Roman cultural practices during the height of the

Empire’s Iberian occupation. The geography of this region no doubt aided in protecting

Asturias from invasion as its borders are marked by the inhospitable Cantabrian

Mountains. Insulated against foreign invasion, matriarchal tribes survived in mountain villages from pre-Romans times into the Visigoth period (Hillgarth 1980:6). From this isolated and strategic vantage point Asturias became a crucible of political and social change throughout the history of the Iberian Peninsula.

There is a paucity of sources for the history of Asturias, and its formation during the crucial era of the Visigoth kings is one of the least documented. Records from this period, albeit sparse in comparison to other eras, include chronicles, genealogies, regnal lists, and a few charters (Collins 1995:223). For this reason, scholars and

10 11

Figure 1. Map of Asturian sites. From left to right: 1) Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín, 2) San Pedro de Nora, 3) San Miguel de Lillo (also spelled Liño), 4) San Juan Bautista, Oviedo, 4) Catedral de San Salvador, Oviedo, 5) San Salvador de Valdediós, 6) San Julian de Viñón; 7) San Pedro de Plecín. Source: Google Earth. 43º35’00” N, 5º84’50” E. March 9, 2013. Accessed April 1, 2013.

politicians have projected and contentiously debated their own historical theories, at times nationalistic and politically motivated, onto Asturias.

Spanish archaeological and historical scholarship was severely limited during the Franco regime (1936 – 1975), which emphasized histories that corroborated official party ideologies. In an effort to establish a Spanish cultural identity, a Hispanidad, that adhered to Francoism certain historical events were highlighted while others were downplayed (Bowes and Kulikowski 2005:4). Scholars were encouraged to study the arrival of the Indo-European Celts, the rise of the Visigoth rulers, and the Reconquest, and discouraged from discussing pre-Christian or Islamic Spain. Scholars seeking the origins of “Spanishness” studied Asturias for its political importance as the catalyst of the

Reconquest, in an effort to align Spanish identity with Catholic expansionism (Bowes and Kulikowski 2005:4).

Furthermore, international collaboration was strongly discouraged and little to no information about Spanish archaeology or history was transmitted into or out of

Spain’s borders during Franco’s dictatorship. Archaeological practices within the region were meant only to establish architectural and artistic chronologies within a culture- historical theoretical framework (Bowes and Kulikowski 2005:10). Traditional culture- historical analysis was favored over anything new, creative, or innovative that might contradict official party doctrine (Vázquez Varela and Risch 1991:25).

Under Franco’s regime archaeology transformed from a progressing discipline to an underfunded, rigidly controlled secondary activity in which unqualified party loyalists were appointed to key positions in universities, museums, and government offices (Díaz-Andreu 1993:80). It was not until the 1980s when Franco’s appointees retired, that scholars trained during the regime had the intellectual freedom to question approved history and explore areas of research once discouraged. The re-establishment of regional provinces after the death of Franco has enabled scholars of Asturias to explore this region for its own merit rather than as a piece of a political narrative. This thesis is an example of this movement toward greater international collaboration that challenges the traditional cultural-historical narrative. This chapter is a brief introduction to the history of Asturias and its influence in the development of Spain. For references, a timeline of events in Asturian and Spanish history is provided in Table 1.

Table 1. Timeline of Asturian and Spanish history.

Date Event 15,000 – 9000 BC Cave art flourishes in northwest Spain c. 1600 BC Iberians arrive in Spain, origins debated c. 1100 BC Phoenicians establish trading posts c. 800 BC Hilltop fort culture develops in Asturias c. 750 BC Celts arrived from Gaul 217 BC – AD 480 Roman Hispania 19 BC Rome conquers Asturias AD 313 Edict of Milan legalizes Christianity AD 409 Sueves invade northwest Hispania and become allies of Rome AD 476 Collapse of the Western Roman Empire AD c. 480 – 711 Rise of the Visigoth kingdoms AD 711 Moors invade Spain AD 718 Pelayo defeats Moors at Covadonga, becomes king of Asturias AD 718 – 737 Reign of Pelayo AD 718 – 1492 The Reconquest AD 739 – 757 Reign of Alfonso I AD 791 – 842 Reign of Alfonso II, Oviedo is his capital AD c. 813 Shrine of Santiago de Compostela established in Galicia AD 842 – 850 Reign of Ramiro I AD 910 Asturias expands, its capital moves from Oviedo to León AD c. 950 – 1250 Medieval Warm Period, climate is warm and dry AD c. 1300 – 1850 Little Ice Age, climate is cool and unstable AD 1315 – 1317 The Great Famine AD 1348 – 1350 The Black Death AD 1478 – 1834 Spanish Inquisition AD 1492 Granada falls to Ferdinand and Isabella, end of Islamic Spain AD 1492 – c. 1823 Spanish empire in the Americas AD 1492 – 1648 The Golden Age of Spain AD 1618 – 1648 Thirty Years’ War AD 1789 – 1799 French Revolution AD 1807 – 1814 Spanish War of Independence AD 1934 Asturian miners seize Oviedo, are defeated by Franco’s troops AD 1936 – 1939 Spanish Civil War AD 1939 – 1975 Dictatorship of General Francisco Franco AD 1981 Asturias becomes an autonomous regional territory

Iberian Prehistory

Paleolithic artists illustrated numerous caves throughout Asturias with polychrome images of bison, mammoths, and human hands. Thousands of years later,

14 stone tools were gradually replaced by implements of copper, bronze, and iron forged by new settlers. In the early eight century BC these Iron Age peoples established the first fortified villages, or castros, on strategic hilltops. The Castro of Chao Samartín was once one of these fortified villages that was abandoned after a massive earthquake in the second century AD. Asturians in the eight century re-utilized the masonry and established the necropolis (Villa Vladés et al. 2008:58). Samples in this thesis were excavated from this Medieval necropolis.

In 750 BC, the Celts, tribal groups composed of Indo-European peoples from

Central Europe, crossed the Pyrenees and diffused throughout the Iberian Peninsula

(Salisbury 1985:12). The term “Celts” is problematic as academics debate who the Celts were and where precisely they originated. Classical writers knew the diverse nomadic tribal societies of Iberia as the Celtiberi, due to their duel Celtic and Iberian heritage

(Maier 2003:75). However, Greek and Roman historians may have simply used the word

“Celt” to denote any Barbarian tribe on the periphery of the empire (Chapman 1992:1)

In the ninth century BC, Phoenicians and Greeks arrived along the

Mediterranean coast and brought with them two important agricultural crops, the vine and the olive, neither of which would thrive with any success in the climate of Asturias.

In addition to the Phoenicians and Greeks, Carthaginians from North Africa established trading posts along the coast, but these seafaring cultures rarely ventured into the interior.

Their independent coastal communities were eventually acquired by Rome who facilitated Iberian geographic unity through an extensive road system and trade network.

In the third century BC, Scipio’s Roman troops invaded Iberia during the

Second Punic War in response to the brilliant maneuvers of Hannibal, the ambitious

Carthaginian military commander. Meanwhile in northern Iberia, the geographic barriers of the Cantabrian Mountains facilitated active Asturian resistance against foreign rule until the forces of Augustus Caesar negotiated a truce to conclude the Cantabrian and

Asturian Wars (Bellum Cantabricum et Asturicum) of 29 – 19 BC.

According to the second century AD historian Florus, the Asturians descended from the “snow-clad mountains in a vast host” with a sophisticated plan of attack, but their allies betrayed them and gave the Romans advanced warning (Florus 2.33 trans

Forster 1929). Florus writes that Caesar himself ordered the Asturians to cultivate the land and work the mines to prevent them from escaping back into the mountains (Florus

2.33 trans Forster 1929). Until the mines were abandoned in the middle of the third century AD, Asturian gold was used to mint the coinage of Rome.

The Decline of Roman Hispania

Rome governed Asturias for over 400 years from the end of the Cantabrian and Asturian Wars in 19 BC to the arrival of the Sueves AD 409. Roman rule united

Hispania under a common political, economic, and linguistic heritage. In addition, religious uniformity developed as well after the Edict of Milan legalized Christianity in

AD 313. In the fourth century, Christianity gradually replaced polytheistic civic paganism as Romans and non-Romans alike were drawn to the Christian promise of an afterlife. Many Roman citizens emulated Emperor Constantine’s conversion to

Christianity and were baptized into the church.

However, the Empire in the west disintegrated, catastrophically according to some historians, from an empire of Latin-speaking, urban centers to a rural societies

16 governed by Germanic tribes. In the east, Byzantium’s well defended and politically stable capital deflected Barbarian invasion away from itself and onto the remnants of the fragmented western empire. Byzantium continued to thrive until the Ottoman Empire captured Constantinople in AD 1453.

In AD 409, a year before the Barbarian hordes sacked Rome, the Sueves in

Gaul descended into northwest Hispania and filled the void left behind by receding

Roman troops (Salisbury 1985:41). The Sueves became foederati, non-citizen allies of

Rome, who were expected to pay taxes and provide troops to the weakened and disintegrating western empire. The Sueves were a tribal society composed of a mixture of both pagans and Arian Christians who ruled Asturias in relative peace until the Visigoth

King Leovigild (AD 569 – 586) conquered them, along with the majority of the Iberian

Peninsula, in the mid-sixth century (Wickham 2009:133).

Leovigild’s successor King Recared officially converted from Arian

Christianity to Catholicism at the Third Council of Toledo in AD 589, and attempted to impose religious uniformity upon his subjects without immediate success. A struggle between Catholic and Arian Christians ensued; however, it is thought that most peasants, especially those living in remote villages, were largely unaware of such doctrinal conflict and continued to practice their traditional beliefs (Salisbury 1985:45).

The regionalism and social disunity that existed in northern Iberia during the

Roman era was even more pronounced after the collapse of the Roman Empire during the reign of the Visigoth kings. Although officially Catholic by the sixth century, some individuals clung to the ideologies of Arianism, Priscillianism, and other unorthodox forms of Christianity that Church Councils had denounced as heresies. However, the

Councils’ prohibitions against heresies and the practices of pagan cults were largely ineffective, especially in the isolated north (Hillgarth 1985:17).

Although Christians and their churches existed by c. AD 250 in the cities of

Léon and Astorga, urban centers south of the Asturian border, there is little evidence suggesting countrywide conversion of Iberia’s rural northern inhabitants (Hillgarth

1985:7). Between the fourth and sixth centuries a gradual intertwining of pagan and early

Christian beliefs were incorporated into the daily lives of the peasant classes. The admixture of Christian and pagan rituals, such as the dedication of Christian altars to polytheistic gods and feasting in cemeteries, continued in the north despite the edicts of the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius (d. AD 395) that specifically outlawed these practices

(Hillgarth 1985:11).

In the latter third of the sixth century, hermits or wandering monks who took up residence in caves that were previously centers of pagan worship were responsible for many of the conversions to Christianity in the north (Hillgarth 1985:38). Despite these ascetic beginnings, an inextricable relationship developed between the aristocracy and the monasteries, some of which were founded in the seventh century AD “as a tax-dodging device” (Hillgarth 1985:47). This transition from pre-Roman, to Roman polytheism, to the eventual Christian religion as the focus of daily life is evident in the archaeological record of the middle and late fifth century. Archaeological sites from this time show churches, rather than Roman forums or pagan shrines, as the new the centers of towns and seats of power (Kulikowski 2004:216).

The Rise of Islam in Spain

Disunity within the Iberian Peninsula under the rule of the Visigoths left the region vulnerable to outside forces. In AD 711 an Arab-Berber army, known as the

Moors, arrived in southern Iberia and feigned allegiance to the potential usurper of the

Visigoth throne (Kamen 1973:18). Structural weakness within the Visigoth state and initial support of the Arabs against the monarchy led to the eventual transformation of foreign troops into conquering rulers. By the twelfth century AD nearly 90 percent of the population was Muslim based on the predominance of Quranic names in Iberian genealogies (Bulliet 1979:124). For five centuries Spain, then known as al-Andalus, was part of the Islamic world. Islam was its primary religion, and Arabic its official language.

By the end of the tenth century the Islamic culture of the Iberian Peninsula was at its peak; however, resistance initiated by the Asturian ruler Pelayo (also spelled

Pelagius; d. 737) continued in the north (Kamen 1973:18). Pelayo’s act of defiance in the eighth century against the Umayyad caliphate has been identified as the start of the

Reconquista, the systematic capture of land from the Moors. Asturias became a refuge for

Christians fleeing the Islamic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, and remained one of only two isolated and autonomous Christian kingdoms during the height of Moorish rule

(Jackson 1972:14).

In the ninth century during the reign of Alfonso II “the Chaste,” Christians believed they had discovered the body of St. James the Apostle in Galicia, a region located on Asturias’ western border, and constructed a shrine to honor his relics. Saint

James became the patron of the Christians’ struggle against the Moors, and his shrine in

Compostela became the greatest center of pilgrimage in Western Europe (Kamen

1973:18). The Camino de Santiago, or Way of St. James, has several routes leading from the south of France to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia. The most northern routes, the

Camino del Norte and the Camino Primitivo, run through Asturias and are the steepest and most physically challenging of all the possible routes (Fisher and Bowen-Jones

1958). Originally a Roman road, the northern route’s primary attraction for pilgrims is the Catedral de San Salvador that was founded in Asturias’s capital Oviedo in AD 718 and expanded in AD 802 by King Alfonso II (Davies and Davies 1982:223). Samples that date to the tenth century from this location are from individuals believed by archaeologist to have been bishops from this cathedral (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:44). In fact, many of the churches in the thesis were constructed in the Pre-Romanesque style during this time period.

Pilgrimage was a key component of Asturian identity and independence, in that pilgrims traversed through and connected what would otherwise be isolated towns and villages for a common, unifying purpose. The pilgrimage routes integrated the

Asturian countryside and reinforced social and economic cohesion. Furthermore, the pilgrimage helped unite northern Spain with the rest of western Christendom, while

Islamic Spain was more aligned with the Muslim world (O’Callaghan 2003:24). Sites included in this thesis that are on the Camino de Norte are San Salvador de Valdediós on the Ría de Villaviciosa estuary, the Catedral de Salvador and the church and hospital of

San Juan Bautista in Oviedo, and the Castro de Chao Samartín. King Alfonso VI established the hospital associated with the church of San Juan Bautista in Oviedo in AD

1096, specifically to serve the needs of traveling pilgrims (Garcías de Castro Valdés

2002:12).

The Reconquest

El Reconquista, the period between the first Islamic invasion of Iberia in AD

711 to the fall of the emirate of Granada to the Catholic Monarchs in AD 1492, is a 700- year period characterized in national mythology as an era of righteous crusade (Fletcher

2000:63). In actuality, there was no official Church sanctioned crusade against Islam in

AD 711, as there would later be in AD 1095 when Pope Urban II proclaimed the first crusade to capture the Holy Land (Payne 2011:53; O’Callaghan 2003:19). It was not until the eleventh century that the Church officially recognized the Christian military action against Islam in Spain as a crusade and began issuing indulgences to those fighting it.

The popes of the late eleventh and twelfth centuries explicitly stated that the same benefits, both spiritual and monetary, for those fighting in Jerusalem would be bestowed upon those fighting in Spain (O’Callaghan 2003:21).

Although the borderlands of the northern Christian kingdoms were lawless, alliances were sometimes formed between the Christian rulers and autonomous Muslim factions, called taifa kingdoms, against other Muslim kingdoms. In the eleventh century, the Muslim taifas devolved into internecine fighting while the Christian kingdoms were quick to make advantageous alliances and take power in the absence of Muslim rulers.

This strategy ultimately led to the fall of the Islamic caliphate and the re-Christianization of the Iberian Peninsula. In AD 910 the Christian monarchy moved its capital from the protected enclave of Oviedo to Léon, which indicates the confidence with which the

Christians were expanding into formerly Muslim territory.

The Reconquest against the Moors has been cast as a spiritual struggle against

Islam; however, there may have been a practical motivation behind the northern

21 kingdoms’ advances into Moorish territory. In the ninth and tenth centuries, population increases in the primarily agricultural north created a subsistence and land crisis (Fletcher

2000:69). Furthermore, waves of immigration of Mozarabes, Christians living in al-

Andalus who were Arabized in culture and language but ostracized and levied upon for their religion, expanded population numbers in the north. Across Western Europe in the

High Middle Ages population growth steadily increased due in part to low levels of epidemic disease coupled with a surplus of food from agricultural and technological improvements (Gottfired 2010:16).

Average temperatures during this time were warm and mild. These agreeable climate conditions improved pasturage for herds and created greater agricultural yields.

H. H. Lamb (1965) was first to suggest the existence of a warming trend in the High

Middle Ages based on anecdotal evidence of warm weather crops growing in regions that are much colder today, and the exploration of Greenland during the High Middle Ages that would later become inaccessible due to pack ice. His theory was later supported by dendrochronology and glacial ice core analysis; however, scholars debate the precise years warming occurred and to what degree (Hughes and Diaz 1994:110). Known as the

Medieval Warm Period (MWP), this era of five centuries of temperate and predictable weather lasted from approximately AD 950 to AD1250, which coincides with the rise in population (Payne 2011:52).

Environmental factors, demography, and economics fueled the ideology behind the Reconquest of Spain during the Middle Ages. Increased population density during the MWP heightened the need for increased agricultural land and animal pasturage. Demographic and subsistence pressure motivated Christian colonists to expand

22 their territories south into the buffer zone between themselves and their Muslims neighbors (Fletcher 2000:69). These areas were largely depopulated, which enabled the practice of animal transhumance where large herds are moved between the high mountains in summer and low plains in winter. This Iberian technique was so successful that it would later become the dominant animal management practice in the New World

(Bishko 1952:498).

Despite historian Chris Wickham’s description of Asturias under the

Visigoths as remote, poor, less Romanized, and rural (Wickham 2009:503), Asturias survived and flourished in face of incredible odds. The self-determining and tenacious culture of the Asturians forged the first knights of the Reconquista, and through their victories the Asturian way of life profoundly influenced the culture of what would eventually become Asturias-León, then the Kingdom of Castile, and finally a unified

Spain. The popular expression, “Asturias is Spain, the rest is conquered territory,” reflects the region’s sense of pride in its cultural heritage.

Spain’s Centuries of Crisis

Spain’s “Centuries of Crisis” is a periodization utilized in this thesis to denote the period of time from AD 1300 to AD 1492, also known as the Late Middle Ages.

During this period, Spain experienced a cooling climate, the Great Famine, a catastrophic outbreak of the Black Death, warfare, and the Inquisition.

By the thirteenth century Asturias-Léon had been incorporated into the

Kingdom of Castile that was composed of the lands along the Cantabrian Sea, and the central plain between Portugal to the west and the Christian Kingdoms of Aragon and

Navarre to the east. Only Granada remained as the last Muslim stronghold in the Iberian

Peninsula.

From roughly AD 1300 to AD 1850 temperatures cooled and precipitation increased (Fagan 2006:48). Dendrochronological analysis of oaks in Western Europe reveals a severe cold snap in c. 1300 and increasingly wetter summers indicative of the emergence of the Little Ice Age (LIA), a globally observed cooling trend that lasted from the fourteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century (Büntgen et al. 2011:580).

Torrential rainfall during the LIA destroyed wheat fields and initiated the devastating Great Famine and livestock murrains of AD 1315 to AD 1322. Inclement weather devastated both crops and livestock and obstructed overland and marine trade routes with snow and pack ice. Alpine pastures once fertile became barren glaciers. A lack of fodder for animals resulted in both a loss of dietary protein and nutrient rich manure desperately needed to replenish topsoil (Gottfried 1983:24). Local resources were restricted, and the possibilities and practicalities of trade through ice-packed seas were nearly impossible. The seven-year period of the Great Famine saw some of the worst and most sustained periods of bad weather in the entire Middle Ages (Jordan 1996:17).

Furthermore, population levels remain high, further stressing the severity of the subsistence crisis and creating a large number of impoverished peasants (Gottfried

1983:30).

While the final battles for Al-Andalus were being fought to wrest away the last strongholds of the Moors, the Black Death took an even greater toll on the lives of

Spain’s inhabitants. During the LIA, the Black Death reached Sicily in fall of 1347 and

Iberia in the spring of 1348. Medieval documents that record deaths indicate that

24 mortality peaked in the springs and autumns during the Black Death (Welford and

Bossak 2009:3). Wet springs and temperate autumns prolonged the period of optimal temperature for the spread of plague (Stenseth et al. 2006:13113).

An outbreak of the plague in Spain in 1348 may have resulted in a population loss of 30 to 40 percent in some of the larger cities such as Barcelona and Valencia

(Gottfried 1983:52). In isolated regions of Iberia such as Asturias mortality may have been closer to 20 to 25 percent, relatively low in comparison to other regions, yet no less devastating (Gottfried 1983:52). Asturias’ geographic isolation protected it from invasion as well as epidemic disease and prevented the catastrophic population losses seen in other regions. Although exact numbers are unknown, historians estimate that the northern regions escaped much of the depopulation experienced by the more easily accessible provinces (Lynch 1992:174).

Scholars and epidemiologists debate the reason for the rise and virulence of the Black Death. The Great Famine of 1315 – 1322 did predate the plague of the fourteenth century; however, not all famines were followed by epidemics, thus famine alone cannot account for the outbreak and spread of the plague (Herlihy 1997:34).

However the Great Famine, as its name implies, was especially devastating. This prolonged period of famine impacted every country on the European continent. Increased mortality resulted from greater susceptibility to opportunist infections, the result of a weakened state due to the lack of sufficient calories (Jordan 1996:116). The catastrophe of the Great Famine is eclipsed only by the Black Death in terms of the physiological and psychological destruction wrought on a generation.

Medievalist William C. Jordan states that children who survived the seven- year-long Great Famine likely experienced nutritional deficiencies that stunted their growth and compromised their immune systems, factors that he suggests resulted in these survivors being more susceptible to the Black Death in their thirties and forties (Jordan

1996:186). Whereas adults can survive long periods of time with limited caloric intake due to adaptive metabolic processes, children, whose growing bodies demand protein, cease growth and development during periods of malnutrition (Post 1985:218).

Epigenetic research on the descendants of famine survivors indicates that changes in DNA methylation caused by malnutrition can be inherited transgenerationally

(Bygren et al. 2001; Kaati et al. 2007:784; Pembrey et al. 2006:164). The gametes of children exposed to famine are affected genetically and these changes can be passed on to the next generation. The impact of these changes on the immune system is largely unknown. Perhaps the children and grandchildren of survivors of the Great Famine had an inherited an immunological susceptibility to the plague that resulted in the catastrophic mortality rates of the AD 1348 to AD 1350 epidemic.

Another possible explanation for the virulence of the Black Death may be the changing climate, which provided an environment suitable for the plague bacterium and its vector the black rat flea (Xenopsylla cheopis). The relationship between plague transmission and the lifecycle of the black rat flea is temperature dependent. The causative bacterium of the plague, Yersinias pestis, forms a blockage within the gut of the flea that causes the flea to vomit the infected contents of its stomach into the open bite wound of its warm-blooded host (Gottfried 1983:7). This infectious mass of Y. pestis that blocks the flea’s digestive track forms when temperatures range between 20°– 25° C

(68°– 77° F), while the flea itself thrives when relative humidity is greater than 65 percent (Cavanaugh 1971:271; Stenseth et al. 2006:13111).

When temperatures are mild and humidity high, epidemics of plague may occur. However, in temperatures greater than 27° C (80.6° F), the contagious mass breaks down in the guts of infective fleas and is voided, which prevents the spread of infection

(Cavanaugh 1971:270). In contrast, if the bacterium had become aerosolized, as in the case of highly virulent pneumonic plague that is transmitted directly from person to person, temperatures greater than 24° C (75.2° F) greatly reduce airborne bacterial survival (Tang 2009:740). Plague epidemics cease when the temperature is greater than

24° – 26° C (75°– 80° F), during which time the disease lies dormant until cool weather returns (Cavanaugh 1971:264). Ambient temperature is the mechanism behind the seasonal outbreaks of plague that typically occurred in the spring and fall.

Approximately 500,000 people died in northern Iberia during the fourteenth century outbreak of the plague (Lynch 1992:176). Population loss led to social and judicial collapse, and even the pilgrims on their way to Santiago de Compostela were beaten or robbed in the absence of regional law enforcement (Gottfried 1983:52).

However, the fear of imminent death heightened the desire for salvation and increased the popularity of holy pilgrimage in spite of inherent dangers (Gottfried 1983:86).

By AD 1350, the plague had spread through the Mediterranean basin and reduced the overall population of the region by 35 to 40 percent, although other estimates place the loss at an astonishing 78 to 80 percent (Gottfried 1983:53; Herlihy 1997:17). By

AD 1420, Europe had shockingly less than a third of its population compared to 100

27 years before (Herlihy 1997:17). Outbreaks of plague would occur in later centuries, but never again would Europe experience an epidemic on the magnitude of the Black Death.

The psychological impact of the Black Death cannot be understated. Towns were empty from both the massive number of deaths and the absence of survivors who fled. Entire communities collapsed and fields lay fallow, livestock were unattended, and the dead and dying were largely abandoned (Herlihy 1997:40). In the aftermath of the plague, society was irreparably changed. There were fewer farmers to plow the fields and fewer laborers in the towns; thus the price of wages increased. With fewer famers available there was a need for improved agricultural technology to save on labor costs such that the Late Middle Ages may be described as period of technological achievement

(Herlihy 1997:49).

Women joined the agricultural workforce in greater numbers and married later, activities that decreased fertility and increased human capital (Alesina 2013:427).

Living conditions and literacy rates improved as wages for the common laborer increased; however, the post-plague peasant classes should not be confused for a “middle class” in the sense of the bourgeoisie. Rather, the Spanish peasant class of the Late

Middle Ages was one that conceptualized living and dying differently than peasants before the plague, and was poised to benefit economically from surviving the greatest epidemic disaster in Europe’s history.

During the plague in Spain, the Jews, who had always been a minority group, were viciously blamed for spreading the pestilence and poisoning wells. Persecution against the Jews and the conversos, Jews who had converted to Christianity either by choice or under duress, increased and continued after the plague. The few remaining Jews

28 and Muslims, who had once existed in a state of mutual religious tolerance with

Christians, were forced to convert or be expelled. In AD 1492 Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, the “Catholic Monarchs,” expelled the remaining Jews from the

Peninsula.

The economic consequences of expelling Muslims and Jews, many of whom were skilled craftsmen, doctors, moneylenders, and scholars, was recognized by the crown who proceeded with the expulsions on ideological grounds (Kamen 1997:4). The conversos who had left their faith, at least publically, were called “New Christians” and viewed with suspicion. In AD 1478 the Inquisition was established to root out false

Christians and to consolidate the power of the crown under one ruler and one faith

(Kamen 1997:45). Church authorities who feared heretical practices and false conversions, of which there were many, tested the faith of these New Christians. Those under the scrutiny of the Inquisition were subject to public humiliation, torture, and ultimately death by burning.

Initially the Inquisition overlooked the rural north as it had no substantial populations of Muslims, Jews, or conversos; however, Inquisitors noted that in the northern provinces, including Asturias, peasants had maintained their folk beliefs in conjunction with Christianity and were in need of “rechristianization” (Kamen

1997:271). As in other parts of Spain, the Inquisition brought to Asturias witch-hunts, burnings, and censorship. Although it declined in popularity and power, the Inquisition was not fully disbanded until 1834, three centuries after Pope Sixtus IV approved it at the request of the Catholic Monarchs.

The Golden Age of Spain

In AD 1492, Ferdinand and Isabella captured the last Moorish stronghold of

Granada and endorsed Columbus’s voyage to the New World that ushered in an era of

Spanish Imperialism and a Golden Age in Spanish history. The exploration of the

Americas, technically financed solely by Isabella and her kingdom of Castile of which

Asturias was a part, unequivocally altered the dominant Christian cosmology of the time that could not have conceived of a world beyond what was already known and could not provide an explanation for the existence of peoples, flora, and fauna that were totally alien (Crosby 1972:9). It is no small irony that Spain, once the finis terrae, the “end of the earth,” became the conduit by which Europe came to know the New Word; a world that brought with it new ideas about humankind’s place in the world, and challenged the traditional narrative of Biblical creation.

In addition to precious metals, New World crops provided a novel food source that enriched the populations of Europe. In particular, the introduction of potatoes and maize, which grow well in poor soils and were resistant to European pests, sustained growing populations (Crosby 1972:168). Although Europe had cultivated beans for centuries, the American bean varieties dominated European markets due to their superior quality and high protein content (Crosby 1972:171). Due to the Columbian Exchange, fields that were once fallow became fecund with bean, potatoes, and maize and population levels steadily grew.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Spain’s authority as the premier

Christian imperial power of the Early Modern world was well established. In 1520

Charles V (d. 1558), the heir to the Habsburg dynasty and grandson of Ferdinand and

Isabella, became the Holy Roman Emperor in addition to the King of Spain. These positions made Charles V ruler of a vast empire and the most powerful man in Latin

Christendom, second only to the pope.

The Decline of the Spanish Empire

Despite the immense power of the Spanish Empire at the height of its Golden

Age, its grip on global power gradually disintegrated. Historian Henry Kamen cites the

Thirty Years’ War (1618 – 1648) as the beginning of Spanish decline (Kamen 1991:83).

Although this bloody, three-decades-long conflict between Catholics and Protestants took place in central Europe and not in Iberia, it undermined the authority of the Habsburgs and drained Spain of resources.

War on multiple fronts led to repeated bankruptcies that necessitated the transfusion of wealth from the Americas and increased taxes on the Spanish people

(Kamen 1991:84). American precious metal was never enough to assuage the monumental debt accrued during the reign of Charles V. The influx of American silver led to inflation and elevated the cost of living for the average Spanish citizen, who was ultimately called on to pay off the debt through higher taxes that impeded economic growth in the peninsula (Kamen 2000:158–159).

The last Hapsburg monarch, Charles II, left no heir and bequeathed the

Spanish throne to the French-born Bourbon prince Philip V, the grandson of Louis XIV in 1700. In the eighteenth century the Bourbon monarchs drew Spain into various conflicts including the Seven Year War (1756–1763) in which France lost Canada to

Great Britain, as well as the American War of Independence (1779–1783). Spain

31 however did not ally with the newly formed United States due to a conflict of interest over Spain’s American territories in Florida and the Mississippi valley (Pierson 1999:82).

In the face of on-going conflict and warfare, the city of Oviedo continued to expand. In

1739, new housing accommodations were constructed at the church and hospital of San

Juan Bautista for visitors and the sick, with separate rooms for men and women (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:19).

Despite the French origins of the Bourbon dynasty, alliances with France were forgotten in 1793 when, during the French Revolution, the National Convention executed

Louis XVI and preemptively declared war on an outraged Spain and Great Britain (Herr

2000:192). A peace was negotiated between France and Spain; Spain then declared war against Great Britain to the determent of the Spanish people. The winter of 1739-1740 was one of the harshest on record and throughout Western Europe an economic and subsistence crises ensued. As cereal yields plummeted, prices for grain skyrocketed and within a few years the vast majority of people could not afford the most basic necessities

(Post 1985:186).

Furthermore, military actions depleted Spain’s resources in the peninsula. The

Bourbons systemized conscription and required communities to meet quotas of soldiers, which fostered resentment and led to riots (Casey 1999:24). Regions stripped of their young men for various war efforts struggled to maintain their agricultural subsistence and fell further into poverty. Infusions of gold and silver from the Americas were not enough to maintain Spain’s population on the home front. Moreover, the wealth that had poured in from the Americas had been spent on purchasing luxury goods, sometimes made with

Spanish raw materials, from surrounding countries rather than on investing within Spain.

This artificial prosperity left Spain without the economic infrastructure to recover after numerous wars (Cipolla 1980:252).

From 1750 onward the economies of the northern provinces gradually became more commercialized, urbanized, and modernized (Ringrose 1998:217). Prior to 1750 the economy of Asturias was predominately self-sufficient due in part to its isolation from the rest of Spain as it lacked a convenient port and was surrounded by mountains only accessible by muleteers (Ringrose 1998:218). Improved trade routes, including a highway from Gijón to Oviedo that was only begun in 1782, increased the accessibility of Asturian goods in the market economy.

In the mid to late eighteenth century the coal mining industry expanded as improved trade increased demand for Asturian coal. Asturias traded in fish, cattle, hides, and tallow, cider, salt, and wheat (Ringrose 1998:224). In the eighteenth century maize replaced wheat as the dominant cereal crop in the region, and high yields sustained large populations despite limited agricultural land (Ringrose 1996:225). The shift from maize to wheat enabled more families to raise cattle in stables where the animals were fed silage and fodder crops, and their manure was used for fertilizer (Ringrose 1996:225).

In the mid-seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Asturias was home to two notable thinkers of the Spanish enlightenment: the monk-scholar Benito de Feijóo (d.

1764) who lived in Oviedo was the first in Spain to reference the influential writings of the French philosopher Descartes in 1655 (Kamen 1991:273); and philosopher Gaspar

Melchor de Jovellanos (d. 1811) who was born in the seaside town of Gijón and contributed to Spanish scholarship and jurisprudence. The Inquisition, still active, relaxed its stance toward scholarship and permitted academics to read books that were forbidden

33 to the general public, yet widely available outside of Spain due in part to the advent of the

Gutenberg printing press (Kamen 1991:273). Spanish intellectualism, the arts, and literature persevered despite isolation and the Inquisition. In the eighteenth century, the

Church of San Juan Bautista opened a Jesuit college, the Colegio San Isidoro, in Oviedo before it closed in 1875 (García de Castro Valdés 2002:30).

The Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries

In the nineteenth century Spain’s trajectory turned inward and increasing nationalism began to dominate its political ideology. The Napoleonic Wars of 1803 –

1815 were especially devastating to Spain as Napoleon forced the ousted King Carlos IV and his heir Ferdinand VII to abdicate before appointing his brother Joseph Bonaparte king of Spain, essentially ending the Bourbon monarchy.

The Bonaparte occupation led to the Spanish War of Independence, part of the

Peninsular Wars of 1807 – 1814, that would determine who held control of the countries of the Iberian Peninsula. Uprisings against the French broke out across Spain. In Asturias thousands of peasants and university students stormed the armory and declared war on

Napoleon on May 25, 1808 (Carr 1982:87). In Spain’s battle against its former ally,

Asturias sought the aid of Great Britain, once an enemy, who agreed to assist Spain on

June 15, 1808 (Pierson 1999:90).

Great Britain simultaneous supported Spain in Europe, while undermining

Spain’s power in the Americas. While Great Britain aided Spain against France, it also supplied arms to Spain’s colonies in the Americas who were fighting for independence

(Pierson 1999:91). In the early nineteenth century Spain won the War of Independence,

34 but lost its colonies in the Americas. According to historian Raymond Carr, the loss of the American Empire was the greatest loss of the War of Independence (Carr 1982:105).

No longer a global power, in 1876 España (Spain) officially became the title of the country that consists only of the majority of the Iberian Peninsula and the Balearic and

Canary Islands.

In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, after various periods of civil war and regional instability, Asturias played a significant role in the build up to the

Spanish Civil War (1936 – 1939). In 1934, Asturian miners and other laborers staged an armed uprising against the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA), an anti-Marxist, anti-Communist conservative Catholic party. The then unknown general

Francisco Franco brutally crushed the revolt and employed severe tactics against Spanish citizens including torture and mass execution. These tactics would later become abhorrently commonplace during the Spanish Civil War. Franco’s dictatorship ended with his death in 1975. The post-Franco constitution ratified in 1978 made it possible for

Asturias to become an autonomous regional territory with its own legislating body in

1981.

Summary

Although this is only a brief overview of Asturian history in the larger context of Spanish history, it is clear that Asturias’ contributions to several key historical events have helped shape modern Spain. Asturias unique geography protected it from foreign invasion, first from the Romans who fought long battles against the people who descended from the mountains. After a truce was made, Roman authority declined

35 gradually until the Visigoth kings descended from the north and ruled the territory. One of these Visigoth kings, Pelayo, would lead a battle against the Moors as they attempted to conquer Asturias. This action has been called the start of the Reconquest, a several- hundred-years battle between the Moors and the Iberians. The monarchs Ferdinand and

Isabella defeated the Moors in AD 1492, and the same year Isabella commissioned

Columbus’ voyage to the Americas. This discovery would lead to the rise of the Spanish

Empire that would eventually collapse during the Early Modern period.

Throughout its history, Asturias has remained uniquely tenacious. Its story is a remarkable testament to the steadfast character of a people who lived in isolated mountain villages, yet undeniably influenced the country they became a part of; a county that would became a major world empire. Ultimately, Asturias survived the decline of

Spanish imperialism and the horror of the Spanish Civil War to emerge as its own unique and culturally distinct region with a vibrant past.

While this chapter has discussed Asturian history in a broad sense, the following chapter will describe a specific historical mortuary practice. The practice of ad sanctos burials, meaning burial near the saints, was practiced widely during the Medieval period.

CHAPTER III

MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN

MORTUARY PRACTICES

Introduction

Medieval and Early Modern society’s response to death in the form of burial and funeral rites is integrated with issues of personal, family, and community identity, the use of space, and the ordering of society and social behavior (Harding 2002:3). The appropriate response to death, which was so constant, was crucial to maintain a cohesive society that was constantly being shattered by death and repaired by funerary ritual.

Medieval and Early Modern individuals believed in the existence of a transitional phase where the dead could linger, at first in the vicinity of their bodies, and later in another place or state for an indeterminate period of time. The Catholic Church formalized this concept in the doctrine of Purgatory and affirmed the belief that prayers from the living could aid those in the hereafter. In a practical sense the dead were not truly gone until the living had carried out the requests of their final will and testament.

The church required those seeking burial in consecrated ground to submit a will with a confession of faith, distribution of assets, and request for burial location. Those with status were buried in prestigious graves within the church (burial ad sanctos), while others were buried in the cemetery.

36 37

Care for the dead is a reflection of how society understood itself and negotiated religious and social conflict (Gordon and Marshall 2000:3). People were not so much afraid of death, as they were afraid of forgetting the dead to whom they had a legal, social, and spiritual obligation to commemorate. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the mortuary rituals of Medieval and Early Modern Asturias and specifically to parse out the practice and importance of burial ad sanctos.

Burial Ad Sanctos

Burial ad sanctos, meaning “near the saints,” is the practice of interring remains near holy relics. The most prestigious burial location was inside the church itself, especially near the altar. Although the “the dead do not bury themselves” (Pearson

1999:3), their interment in a Medieval and Early Modern context does give insight into their social structure. Social status is inferred by burial location as the mortuary practice of burial ad sanctos suggests that high status individuals were interred within the church, whereas the community buried the general population in consecrated ground surrounding the church (Passalacqua 2012; Naji 2005).

For example, the limestone sarcophagus of Lope González de Quirós y Diego de Miranda was commissioned to house his earthly remains in the Monastery of San

Francisco in Oviedo in the Late Middle Ages (see Figure 2). His ad sanctos tomb illustrates how powerful aristocratic families displayed their status and authority through mortuary monuments. The inscription reads: Here lies Lope González de Quirós son of

Goncalo Bernaldo de Quirós y Diego de Miranda and grandson of Martín Vásques de

Quirós and Lady Inés Ponce de Miranda his wife. This tomb was made by Diego de

Figure 2. Sarcophagus of Lope González de Quirós y Diego de Miranda, from the Antiguo Monasterios de San Francisco, Oviedo Asturias. Ca. 1485. The inscription reads “Aqui yase Lope González de Quirós fijo de / Goncalo Bernaldo de Quirós y Diego de Miranda su nieto fijo de Martín Vásques de Quirós e doña / Inés Ponce de Miranda su muger esta sepultu / ra mando faser el dicho Diego de Miranda es este su vulto.” Note the faithful dog at his master’s feet. Museo Arqueológico de Asturias, Oviedo. Photograph by author, 2013.

Miranda and is his vault.” He is dressed is a suit of armor, holding his sword, and with his faithful dog resting as his feet. His power and authority continue after death and display to others his, and his family’s continued legacy.

Being buried within the church building itself provides the benefit to the decedent of being remembered by the congregation. The practice of ad sanctos burial reaffirms communal remembrance of the dead. The living continually venerated the tomb while attending mass and remembering the soul of decedent in their daily prayers, and in return expected the dead to intercede on their behalf. In the third and fourth centuries

Christian theologians in Western Europe formalized the concept of a state after death where sinners could be saved from perdition by trials, and through prayers from the

39 living (Le Goff 1984:3). The term purgatorium was not in use until the end of the twelfth century, which historian Le Goff defines as the era of “the birth of Purgatory” (Le Goff

1984:3). In 1319, Dante’s Divine Comedy popularized and indoctrinated the public consciousness with the concept of Purgatory; however, the Catholic Church did not officially affirm the dogma of Purgatory until the Council of Florence (1439), and later at the Council of Trent (1562) (Le Goff 1984:334, 357). Confusion and debate existed as to whether individuals were praying for the dead as opposed to the dead. Although some priests at certain times discouraged people from praying to the dead for intercession, it was often understood that the living would pray for the dead in a reciprocal relationship; whereby doing so implied that the dead would, as a favor for being released from

Purgatory, intercede for the living.

Origins of Ad Sanctos Burial

Venerating the dead in Western European culture may date back to the Jewish practice of visiting the tombs of the patriarchs in the Holy Land (Brown 1981:3).

However, these tombs existed on the outskirts of town, and clear barriers between the living and the dead were firmly established in Jewish culture. Pagans too kept their dead at a distance. The pagan necropolis contrasts sharply with the Christian incorporation of graves into the building structure of the church itself. While pagans believed in an afterlife where the gods and the human dead were separate, Christians viewed the dead as sharing a close intimacy with God in the afterlife and therefore capable of interceding on behalf of the living (Brown 1981:6). For pagans, contact with the dead was polluting and prevented one from partaking in temple rituals, whereas Christians built their altars over

40 the graves of dead saints. Eunapius of Sardis, a fifth century Byzantine historian, describes the affront to pagan sensibilities of the early Christian practice of collecting the bodies of martyrs who he describes as “criminals who had been put to death for numerous crimes [that the Christians] made them out to be gods, and thought that they became better by defiling themselves at their graves” (Brown 1981:7). If contact with the body prevented one from participating in pagan practices, then continually exposing early

Christians to the bodies of the martyrs had the practical component of reinforcing resurrection theology and preventing conversions back to paganism.

The early Christians feared that if their tombs were defiled or looted prior to the Last Judgment that their bodies would not be resurrected. For protection, the bodies of early Christians were buried near the tombs of saints, as they believed the saints would keep watch over the bodies and protect the graves from looters (Ariès 1981:32). The purposes of ad sanctos burial were to obtain the saint’s protection for the physical remains of the deceased, to redeem sins postmortem, and to protect the soul in preparation for resurrection at the Last Judgment (Ariès 1981:33). Later, in the twelfth century, this state in between death and the Last Judgment became known as Purgatory, where sinners could be saved through spiritual trials and prayers of intercession.

The influx of pilgrims who believed that praying near the saint amplified the power of their prayers led to the construction of small chapels around the saint’s tomb that were replaced by larger churches, basilicas, and abbeys. The oldest basilicas in Spain were built on top of these ancient necropolises, which then became the centers of towns and cities (Ariès 1981:41,34). Rules against burial within the city in were relaxed in the

Early Middle Ages and in AD 813 the Synod of Mainz formally allowed burials to take

41 place behind the city wall for bishops, abbots and abbesses, and the lay faithful in good standing with the church (Effros 2002:77-78). In the ninth and tenth centuries burials became increasingly centered within or around the local parish church (Effros 2002:78).

The desire to be buried in a privileged position was nearly always the prerogative of the elite; however, exceptions to the rule exist. The cemetery may have contained those who were once wealthy but died poor, but those of high social status nearly always occupied the premium burial locations. A wealthy person choosing a churchyard burial as an expression of humility was a rare occurrence (Harding 2002:78). For instance, the abbot

Amatus of Remiremont in Gaul (d. 627 or 628) requested a humble burial near the church’s doorway from where his monks, fearing the consequences of an inappropriately self-effacing burial location, later disinterred his remains and moved them to the altar

(Effros 2002:135-136). Final burial location reflects how the living viewed the status of the deceased. The Medieval burials in this thesis date to a timer period the practice of ad sanctos burial was firmly established.

Last Wills and Testaments

For the wealthy, the right to control assets and property did not cease with death. Living family and community members acted on the behalf of the wealthy decedent to ensure that funeral arrangements and charitable bequests were honored

(Harding 2002:6). The living carried out the will of the dead not just to honor the memory of the deceased, but also because law required them to do so. As early as the

Visigoth kings, legislation was in place to ensure that wills were enforced (Salisbury

1985:29). The ability of the family to successfully enforce the wishes of their loved one

42 upon society is a measure in itself of the social power of the surviving family (Harding

2002:172).

The Catholic Church in Spain required a final will and testament to confirm the faith of the decedent, distribute their wealth and property, and to specify the preferred burial location of the remains. Without the appropriate written documentation, or at the very least a declaration of poverty, one risked being buried outside of consecrated grounds (Eire 1995:21). At the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, approximately 25 to 48 percent of the populations of Oviedo and Gijón left behind wills

(Eire 1995:21). In general, the writing of wills increased in practice after the Black Death as a precaution against dying without surviving kin to carry out one’s last wishes (Cohn

2003:152). The chaos of the Black Death reinforced the need to maintain a structured and organized response to death to ensure social cohesion.

Sacred Space

The practice of ad sanctos burials reflects the complex socioeconomics of commoditizing sacred space. Space inside a church is finite and, as with any limited resource, reserved for those who pay the highest price. Technically, the church never sold the graves, but rather space was exchanged for a charitable donation to atone for the sins of the deceased (Eire 1995:98). In response, a black market trade in prestigious grave sites developed and was later outlawed by the Council of Toledo (1582) that issued a decree that graves sites could not be bought and sold by the laity (Eire 1995:98).

As space became more limited, the church hierarchy established rules concerning who could be buried in the most esteemed locations. Preference was given

43 first to monastics, followed by clergy, and then the nobility, while all others in good standing with the Church (i.e., baptized Christians whose bodies in life had been vessels for Holy Communion) were to be buried in the cemetery (Ariès 1981:47). The high altar was the most prestigious location, followed by the interior of the church closest to the altar, and then the vestibule, which is the uncovered outer entrance of the church under the eaves and against the walls (Ariès 1981:52). All other lay people were buried in atrio, in the courtyard surrounding the church that would become the cemetery proper (Ariès

1981:52).

Elites were buried in the center of the community while those on the margins of society were buried on the periphery (Harding 2002:46). The poor, and those who died in epidemics were buried in mass graves in consecrated ground, land that had been blessed by the Church but was not within the church building itself (Ariès 1981:56).

Consecrated ground, of which there was a finite amount, was reserved for those who had died in good standing with the church and who left behind either written wills or declarations of poverty. The wicked and damned could not be buried within the church or the consecrated cemetery, as their presence would defile the sacred space. Prisoners, murders, and the excommunicated were buried face down in the fields or alongside roads, cremated, or thrown into rivers (Ariès 1981:42; Gordon and Marshall 2000:7).

Around the fourteenth century it had become common practice to create more room for new burials by exhuming older graves and storing the bones in ossuaries within the church, or in charnel houses built in the cemetery for this purpose (Ariès 1981:54). In

Romanesque churches, like those in Asturias, small compartments in the walls of the church that open toward the outside were designed to hold bones after the flesh had

44 decayed or been removed through boiling (Ariès 1981:58). These compartments were then sealed and marked with an epitaph.

In the seventeenth century, perhaps due to a lack of space available inside most churches and an increased awareness of sanitation and hygiene, the emphasis on being buried ad sanctos appears to have diminished somewhat in importance and feasibility. With the rise of middling and merchant classes, individuals outside of the nobility had the finances to discreetly purchase prestigious burial locations. The practice of the laity purchasing graves sites continued in defiance of the Council of Toledo’s legislation against it, as it was an important source of income for local parishes.

Moreover, if the parish priest also happened to be the nephew, younger brother, or son of a wealthy patron, the exchange of goods for graves was a convenient means of keeping money in the family (Eire 1995:208). The decoupling of wealth from nobility in the Early

Modern era redefined the status of prestigious burial locations.

In post-Reformation northern European countries, Protestants did away with burials in churches entirely. In seventeenth century Paris, wills indicate that the desire to be buried near family was favored over burial in a prestigious location (Harding

2000:184). This trend is evident in Early Modern Spain as well, when wills requested burial near relatives already interred, rather than by the location itself (Eire 1995:101).

No Reformation took place in Spain, and the country, especially in rural areas, remained devoutly Catholic. In urban areas where the grasp of the Inquisition was still strong, the church required Christians to be buried within the church to prevent Moriscos (Moorish converts to Catholicism) from holding illegal Islamic burials rites (Eire 1995:92).

However, by the Early Modern era the emphasis on burial ad sanctos appears to have diminished for the majority of the population.

Summary

With few exceptions, high-ranking clergy and the nobility occupied graves within the inner sanctuary of the church building. Not only was burial in a privileged location legally required if requested and paid for by final will and testament, it was also reinforced by society’s recognition of the power of high status individuals. In doing so, social roles were reinforced and reaffirmed despite death’s disruptive severing of social ties.

During the Early Modern period, in response to social, political, and economic changes, individuals more often requested burial in the proximity of previously buried family members. Individuals preferred burials that solidified their kinship rather than social power. No longer did individuals negotiate for expensive burial locations near the relics of saints, but instead preferred to be buried near the bones of their relatives. For this reason, this thesis does not explore social differences as inferred by burial location within

Early Modern populations.

Presumably, those with access to privileged burial locations also had access to higher status foodstuffs. These foodstuffs, such as suckling pig for example, would have imparted to consumers a unique stable isotope value indicative of the food’s trophic level.

Food and its many social implications are explored further in the following chapter.

CHAPTER IV

MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN

FOODWAYS

Results from stable isotope analysis are best understood in the context of what foods were available to the group being studied. By exploring what is known about the potential diet of past populations, one can infer the diet of an individual based on the stable isotope composition of their tissues. This chapter will discuss the dietary items and food culture of Medieval and Early Modern Asturians. First, this chapter will explore foodways in the context of Medieval and Early Modern Europe, followed by a brief discussion of dietetics. This will be followed by an introduction to the climate and geography of Asturias before a synopsis of the Asturian menu organized by food type: plant foods, terrestrial animal protein, marine and freshwater protein, shellfish, salt, spice, and alcohol. Plant foods discussed in this chapter are divided by photosynthetic pathway and discussed separately. C3 plants (e.g., cereals, legumes, nuts, and fruit) are described before C4 plants (e.g., sugar, maize, millet, sorghum, and amaranth). A brief description of medieval fasting practices and a discussion of how diet relates to the research questions of this thesis concludes this chapter.

Foodways

Foodways are cultural attitudes and patterns of behavior toward food

(Simoons 1994:297). Foods are chosen not based upon availability, cost, or nutrition, but

46 47 rather are divided into two groups — edible and inedible — of which foods that are culturally determined to be edible are then selected based on taste, nutrition, cost, and availability (Simoons 1994:297-298). Although many plants and animals are edible, only certain ones are selected and conceptualized as food. Novel foods, such as New World foods in Western Europe, often take time to become fully integrated into the culinary fabric of society.

According to Cosman, Medieval “people were what they ate” (Cosman

1976:103). Where people ate, whom they ate with, and if they ate at all were key components of both individual and group identity in Medieval Europe (Cosman

1976:103). At times, even sumptuary laws were put in place to ensure that the poor ate coarse grains, root vegetables, and porridge, rather than white bread, wild game, large fish, and exotic spices (Freeman 2007:15). Food choices symbolically reinforced class and status (Freeman 2007:16). Knowledge of Medieval foodways is recorded from kitchen account ledgers and catering documents retained from noble households, and a few surviving cookbooks (Tannahill 1973:216). Depictions of feasts recorded in literature and painting are predominately a reflection of meals consumed by the nobility.

Diet and culture are intricately linked. In Medieval and Early Modern

Asturias, Spain, a connection exists between diet, social class, religion, and regional identity. Food played a crucial role in Medieval religious life, where the simple ingredients of bread and wine enabled communion with the divine. Medieval people attempted to eat their way to paradise, just as Adam and Eve had eaten their way out of it by consuming the forbidden fruit. The original sin was gluttony. Overconsumption epitomized the sinful nature of the flesh, while fasting exemplified chastity and purity.

Food choices are both complex and symbolic. For the Medieval person, there was no differentiation between food, faith, and medicine, as all three were tightly woven together.

The cuisine of Early Modern Europe was markedly different from what it had been for thousands of years. The introduction of novel New World foods such as the tomato, potato, maize, and new bean varieties altered European cuisine to the extent that many of these foods are associated today with Europe (i.e. potatoes and Ireland, tomatoes and Italy) rather than with their native homelands. New World land for sugarcane cultivation fueled the import of cheap sugar and facilitated the emerging European middle classes’ taste for sweet. The diet and society of Early Modern Europe sharply contrasts to the cuisine of the Middle Ages.

Stable isotope analysis, when combined with historical documentation, can provide a fuller assessment of Asturian society. Social status and lifestyle determined preference for, and access to certain food types such as meat and fish. Although stable isotope analysis usually cannot differentiate between individual food items (i.e. a particular type fish, or pork versus beef), it can shed light on the relative importance of these different food resources to the overall diet.

Dietetics

Medieval medicine, which lasted well into the 1600s, was influenced by the

Greek physicians, whose writings had been translated into Arabic and augmented by

Islamic physicians and re-introduced back to Europe. Medieval dietetic medicine, influenced by earlier Greek and Islamic medicine, was based on the theory that food was

49 made up of the four elements of air, fire, earth, and water and that these elements were manifested in the human body in the form of the four humors: blood, bile, phlegm, and black bile (Tannahill 1973:179). A balanced diet composed of foods containing certain elements was necessary to balance the four humors within the body. All manner of physical ailments were attributed to the eating or not eating of certain foods.

In the eleventh century, the faculty of the medical school in Salerno, Italy formally classified foods into “hot” and “cold,” “wet” and “dry” (Tannahill 1973:179).

These attributes did not refer to the temperature or texture of the food, but rather the perceived character of the food. Hot foods, such as meat, were considered inappropriate for women and monastics, while cold foods, such as fish, were encouraged to promote chastity of soul and body. Hot foods were prescribed to the elderly and to children to promote strength and health (Tannahill 1973:179).

Children and their mothers or wet nurses were discouraged from consuming cold foods such as fruit, which was thought to cause illness. Nursing women especially were advised to avoid fruit as it was thought it would taint the breast milk and negatively influenced the child’s character and temperament (Tannahill 1973:79). Animals that lived in water such as fish, and the tails but not the bodies of beavers, sea otters, porpoises, and whales were considered cold foods and appropriate for fasting days (Kurlansky

2002:110). In some instances waterfowl, such as swans and geese, were considered

“cold” foods as well because of the amount of time these animals spend in the water

(Cosman 1976:41). Birds in general, because they fly close to heaven, were preferred over red meat as a more ascetic food that would not aggravate the passions.

Of greater importance to Medieval physicians was the healing of the soul.

Physical illness was often interpreted as a manifestation of spiritual sickness and

Medieval people would seek healing at shrines, holy places, and reliquaries (Siraisi

1990:7). Monasteries and churches often doubled as clinics for ill pilgrims seeking miraculous healing. Traditional medicine and dietetics was largely unchanged throughout the Middle Ages and Early Modern period until the advent of germ theory in the late nineteenth century (Pormann and Savage-Smith 2007:170).

Geography and Climate

Spain is unique geographically in that it contains many distinct climates that foster different types of agricultural production. The geography of Asturias is characterized by steep mountain ranges surrounding isolated fertile valleys. The climate is predominately rainy most months of the year, and this prevents effective crop rotation, as often only one crop can be sown per season (Salisbury 1985:13). Despite the incessant rain there are no easily navigable rivers and few coastal ports; therefore fluvial trade of products and goods was limited to the local region.

H. H. Lamb (1965) was first to suggest the existence of a warming trend in the

High Middle Ages, based on anecdotal evidence of warm weather crops growing in regions that are much colder today. Lamb’s theory was later supported by paleoclimatic studies; however, scholars debate the precise years warming occurred and to what degree

(Hughes and Diaz 1994:110). Known as the Medieval Warm Period (MWP), this era of five centuries of temperate and predictable weather lasted from approximately AD 950 to

AD 1250, which coincides with the rise of population (Payne 2011:52). Average

51 temperatures during the High Middle Ages were warm and mild. These agreeable climate conditions improved pasturage for herds and created greater agricultural yields.

Temperatures cooled and precipitation increased from roughly AD 1300 to

AD 1850 (Fagan 2006:48). Dendrochronological analysis of oaks in Western Europe reveals a severe cold snap in c. 1300 and increasingly wetter summers indicative of the emergence of the Little Ice Age (LIA), a globally observed cooling trend that lasted from c. 1300 to 1850 (Büntgen et al. 2011:580). Torrential rainfall destroyed wheat fields and initiated the devastating Great Famine and livestock die-offs between 1315–1322. A lack of fodder for animals resulted in both a loss of dietary protein and nutrient-rich manure desperately needed to replenish topsoil (Gottfried 1983:24). Trade to supplement low agricultural resources was hindered by ice-packed seas and snow packed mountain passes. The seven-year period of the Great Famine saw some of the worst and most sustained periods of bad weather in the entire Middle Ages (Jordan 1996:17). This cooling trend continued until the Industrial Revolution when Alpine glaciers began to melt in response to black carbon in the atmosphere (Painter et al. 2013:15216).

The Medieval and Early Modern Menu

For the purposes of this chapter, plants cultivated in Asturias have been divided into two categories: C3 plants and C4 plants, which will be discussed separately.

13 C3 plants and C4 plants can be differentiated isotopically due to the amount of C

13 incorporated into their tissues. C3 plants are depleted in C while C4 plants are enriched in 13C. Humans and animals that eat plants incorporate these differences into their bodies.

These differences allow the researcher to distinguish between humans and animals

52 consuming C3 plants or C4 plants. The types and quantities of plants that humans eat reflects aspects of their identity and lifestyle.

C3 Plants

During photosynthesis plants take in light, water, and carbon dioxide (CO2), and produce sugars and oxygen. Most plants are C3 plants, meaning that during the

Calvin cycle of photosynthesis these plants fix CO2 into a molecule with three carbon atoms (Bassham et al. 1950:781). This three-carbon molecule is converted into usable sugars with the aid of the enzyme rubisco (Beerling 2007:178). C3 plants important in the

Asturian diet are wheat, nuts, beans, and after 1492, tomatoes, potatoes, and chili peppers.

Cereal Grains

An agriculture system based on wheat, barley, legumes, sheep, and goats had been firmly established in Iberia by the fourth millennium BC (Barker 1985:70). Prior to

Roman occupation, woman may have plowed, sowed, and harvested fields without men

(Salisbury 1985:17). During Roman rule, occupations were assigned by gender to designate that men worked in the field while women worked inside the home. This pattern of behavior continued throughout much of Spanish history. In Medieval Spain, there was no middling landowning peasantry; rather, peasant farmers lived on estates as sharecroppers who gave most of their crops and animals to the landlords as rent (Roden

2011:60). Despite the Roman precedent to assign gendered roles to agricultural practices, after Roman rule — families, including women and children — worked together in the fields to cultivate crops in Medieval and Early Modern Asturias.

In Asturias, the peasant class ate rye, barley, and some wheat. Rye was readily available as it tends to better tolerate winter weather and grows well in this region of

Northern Spain (Post 1985:80). Because of elevated precipitation, peasants stored grain in horreos (regionally distinctive stone granaries supported above the ground by four posts) to protect it from rodents and improve ventilation to inhibit mold. Dry storage is especially important for rye, as the grain is susceptible to the ergot mold that causes convulsions and hallucinations when ingested.

The Celts introduced wheat to northern Spain (Kurlansky 2002:59). The predominant variety consumed by peasants was spelt wheat (Triticum spelta), which is suited to the rainy climate of Asturias and grows reasonably well in shallow, rocky soils

(Fernandez 1990:54). Spelt wheat is low yielding and labor-intensive as each kernel is covered with a hull that has to be painstakingly removed. In contrast, the wealthy consumed imported Castilian common wheat (Triticum aestivum), also called bread wheat, which lacks the outer husk of the spelt wheat kernels (Fernandez 1990:60). Both varieties of wheat contain the essential nutrient niacin, also known as vitamin B3. A diet deficient in niacin can lead to pellagra, and ultimately death.

The symptoms of an individual ill with pellagra may have been momentarily relieved with the consumption of the Eucharist, which contains niacin in the wheat that forms the Host. The Eucharistic meal of bread and wine, the culminating event of the

Catholic Mass, was comprised of everyday bread for many centuries. The Council of

Toledo in AD 693 forbade the use of bread not made expressly for use during Mass, thus increasing the prevalence of stamping, marking, or braiding the Host to differentiate it from everyday bread (Foley 2008:114). The practice of using unleavened bread for the

Eucharist was first noted in the ninth century, and by the eleventh century unleavened bread was the standard host for Catholic Mass in the West (Foley 2008:221). As long as the bread was baked for the purpose of Mass the type of wheat used was irrelevant.

However, the Spanish clerics were confounded by the difficulties of growing wheat and vines in the New World, and questioned if they could even convert the native peoples without the raw ingredients for the Eucharist (Crosby 1972:71). In climates where wheat and vines could grow productively, native peoples were required to grow them.

Legumes

The continuous planting of grains will soon deplete the land of nutrients. The

Celts brought to Iberia the practice of crop rotation and fertilization (Kurlansky 2002:59).

Farmers who practiced crop rotation would alternate the planting of their fields with grains followed by legumes, such as beans, peas, chickpeas, and lentils that replenish soil fertility through nitrogen fixation. The resulting bean crop was used for both human and animal consumption. Pigs, for example, were finished on beans to fatten them before butchery (Barker 1985:34). Because of their ability to fix nitrogen in the soil, legumes have lower 15N values than other plants. Humans and animals that consume legumes as a staple may have lower than expected 15N values.

Although many beans were used for fodder, the large Asturian white bean called fabes is key to the traditional stew called fabada, which is made with cured pork and sausage. Legume stews made without meat would have made appropriate, high protein meals during the meatless days of Lent. After AD 1492, many Old World beans were displaced by New World varieties that have superior yield and protein content

(Crosby 1972:172).

Nuts

Nuts are a source of protein that store well when dry and require little effort to cultivate. In times of famine, acorns were gathered, toasted, and ground into flour for bread (Salisbury 1985:19). In times of plenty, pigs were finished on acorns to produce sweet and flavorful pork (Roden 2011:165). Other nuts that grow wild in Asturias but are also cultivated include chestnuts, hazelnuts, walnuts, and beechnuts, of which hazelnuts and walnuts were the most esteemed in the Middle Ages (Fernandez 1990:41).

Fruit

Both high and low classes consumed fruit with a certain degree of suspicion, no doubt stemming from its role in expelling Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden.

Physicians discouraged nursing women from consuming fruit for fear it would cause disease and contaminate breast milk with the undesirable “cold” characteristics of fruit

(Roden 2011:50; Tannahill 1973:79). However, the nobility consumed fruit, but not vegetables, in large quantities (Roden 2011:50).

The apple is the queen of fruit in Asturias, where the cool moist climate is ideal for apple cultivation and the production of apple ciders and vinegars. In the eighth century, the Moors introduced to Spain a variety of new fruits that require a warm, subtropical climate including lime, bitter orange, banana, and myrobalan plums all of which were used in Arab pharmacology (Mintz 1985:97). However, none would have grown in the colder, wetter north, and trade of these products between the Islamic south and isolated north was unlikely.

New World Foods

A second wave of new plant varieties occurred after the discovery of the New

World. New World foodstuffs arrived in the southern Iberian ports and from this locale spread throughout Europe. New World C3 plants that would become cultigens in Spain include the chili pepper, bean, tomato, and eventually the potato. Of these new crops, chili peppers were the first to be cultivated as soon as 1493, while the potato remained underappreciated until the 1670s (Chabrán 2002:144-145).

The potato is an Incan technological achievement. There are over 3,000 varieties of potatoes, each one developed to suit a particular microclimate in the Andean highlands. The multitude of varieties is the result of Incan agricultural practices that were the most sophisticated in the world at the time of the Spanish conquest (Pollan 2001:192).

In the late 1500s the Spanish introduced the potato to Europe from the Andes where it was first domesticated. Although potatoes prevent scurvy, are nutritious, and simple to cultivate they were not immediately adopted by Europeans who found them initially unappealing in both appearance and taste (Fagan 2000:111). Although the potato first appeared as an oddity on royal menus, the peasantry eventually embraced the New World crop and by the 1700s, its status as a unique rarity quickly declined (Fagan 2000:112).

New World beans, similar to their Old World counterparts were readily accepted and soon dominated the European bean market. Ultimately, the tomato and chili pepper, which butchers used to flavor and color sausage, became so well integrated into

Spanish cuisine that some Spaniards came to believe these plants were Spanish in origin

(Chabrán 2002:143).

C4 Plants

During photosynthesis plants take in light, water, and carbon dioxide (CO2), and produce sugars and oxygen. CO2 enters the plant through a stoma that also releases oxygen, the byproduct of photosynthesis. Water is also lost through the stoma, which creates the need for plants in hot environments to conserve water. C4 plants mitigate water loss by more efficiently fixing carbon into a four-carbon molecule. This efficiency reduces the amount of time the stomata need to be open in order to capture CO2, thereby reducing water loss. After this intermediate step the four-carbon molecule is stored in the bundle sheath also called the kranz anatomy, a structure unique to C4 plants, before rubisco converts it to usable sugars during the Calvin cycle. C4 plants account for the fast growing tropical grasses that evolved during the Oligocene and Miocene in response to climate change (Osborne and Beerling 2006:177).

Sugar

Sugar is a C4 plant that botanists and historians believe was first domesticated in New Guinea, and cultivated and processed into a raw material in India and Persia

(Mintz 1985:23). The Arab empire expanded sugar cultivation and production in the

Levant and Maghreb from where the Moors introduced it as a spice to southern Spain in the eighth century (Mintz 1985:23). Sugar production in Spain was localized to the southern Mediterranean coast and later to the Atlantic islands; but sugar itself was not widely available in northern Spain. Sugar was at first a medicine, a spice-condiment, and a decorative luxury rather than a sweetener (Mintz 1985:30). Sugar was so scarce in the

Middle Ages that is was primarily sold in pharmacies in the form of medicinal pills, the precursor of the modern hard candy (Cipolla 1980:237). On the rare occasions when it

58 was available in larger quantities chefs of noble households would mix it with almond paste to form decorative marzipan subtleties or sculpt pliable sugar into elaborate, edible, centerpieces (Mintz 1985:88).

When sugar production spread to the New World local sugar cultivation in

Europe struggled to compete. Eventually, European production all but ceased by the late sixteenth century due in part to competition but also to soil deterioration, the cooling climate of the Little Ice Age, and labor shortages brought on by outbreaks of plague

(Galloway 1977:191, 194). Without copious, cheap labor, sugar production is unfeasible.

The implementation of slave labor went hand-in-hand with sugar production in order to make this extremely labor intensive crop profitable (Mintz 1985:29). Slave labor was firmly rooted as the most profitable way to manufacture sugar in the eastern

Mediterranean as early as the 1300s (Galloway 1977:190). Sugar and slavery were institutions imported to the New World.

Spanish sugar production in the New World began on the islands of Santa

Domingo and from there sugar was first shipped to Europe beginning in AD 1516 (Mintz

1985:32). However, Spain underinvested in its burgeoning sugar industry as its economic interests lay primarily with the acquisition of precious metals (Mintz 1985:35). The growth of sugar production by the Portuguese in Brazil quickly dominated the market and between AD 1650 and AD 1700 the price of sugar in Great Britain fell by 50 percent

(Cipolla 1980:237). Sugar became increasingly more common in the Early Modern Era and more available to households neither noble nor particularly wealthy, who mimicked the upper class by creating their own sugar sculptures and subtleties (Mintz 1985:91).

Maize

The domestication of maize represents one of the most exceptional and sophisticated plant breeding accomplishments of all time (Galinat 1992:47). Like the potato, a great diversity of maize varieties exist that are each uniquely suited to their particular microenvironment (Galinat 1992:53). A phylogenetic analysis indicates that all maize, despite its immense diversity, is ancestrally related to a single variety of teosinte

(Zea mays ssp. parviglumis) from the Balsas River region of the Mexican highlands

(Matsuoka et al. 2002:6082). This finding suggests that all maize is derived from a single domestication event estimated to have occurred around 9,000 BP (Matsuoka et al.

2002:6083).

Columbus first encountered a variety of maize suited to the Caribbean on the island of Haiti and introduced it to Spain upon his return (Galinat 1992:47; Newsom

2009:325). Maize grew extremely well in poor soils and had no natural pests in Western

Europe, which allowed Asturian farmers to cultivate land that was previously unsuitable for agriculture (Crosby 1972:168).

In AD 1670, John Locke recalled from his travels that the people of France were eating a grain called bled d’Espagne (Spanish wheat) that was imported from the maize fields of northern Spain, where both people and their livestock were consuming maize (Locke and Lough 1953:236). By 1700 maize production in the north produced a surplus that fed the poor and was fodder for animals (Ringrose 1998:222).

Landowners encouraged their tenants to grow maize because it yielded more calories per unit of land (Fernandez 1990:55). The poor became so dependent on maize that they developed the nutrient deficiency disease pellagra, caused by a lack of niacin in

60 the diet (Tannahill 1973:248). The incidence of pellagra in Mesoamerica is actually low because the traditional alkali processing technique increases the nutrient quality of maize, which is also consumed with fish and vegetable (Katz et al. 1974:766). In Europe, the poor were unable to consume a varied diet and lacked access to protein and wheat, both of which contain niacin. However, sharecroppers continued to grow spelt wheat for the landowners as rent, keeping only the maize for themselves and perpetuating their poor health (Fernandez 1990:55).

Other C4 crops

Millet and Sorghum. Africa has more native grains than any other continent

(Vietmeyer 1996:1). Two of these highly adaptable and fast growing grains that were cultivated in Europe are sorghum and millet. Millet is used for making porridges, weaning foods, fermented products, couscous, and other foods that were alien to Western

Europeans who viewed millet as a “poor” food, an “African” food, or as animal fodder despite its high nutritional value (Board on Science and Technology for International

Development1996:13).

Finger millet and pearl millet are the two varieties that are grown most commonly outside of Africa. The seedheads of finger millet form tight clusters that resemble a hand curled into a fist. Finger millet is adaptable to high elevations, tolerant to waterlogging, and stores well over time since the seeds are so small that weevils cannot squeeze inside (Board on Science and Technology for International Development

1996:42-43, 46). A minimum of twelve hours of daylight is needed during the growing period and dry weather is required for drying the grain at harvest (Board on Science and

Technology for International Development 1996:56). Neither of these requirements can

61 be dependably met in the rainy climate of Asturias. Furthermore, finger millet does best within the latitude of 20 degrees north, being found up to 30 degrees north (Board on Sci. and Tech. for Int’l Dev. 1996:56). The latitude of Asturias is 43 degrees north, which suggests that finger millet would not have grown in this location and if consumed would have had to been brought in through trade. Due to the extremely mountainous and difficult trade routes, it is unlikely that a crop held in such low-esteem as a “Moorish” food for making couscous, or for animal fodder would have been worth the effort to trade.

The seedheads of pearl millet form a rachis that resembles a tule cattail. It is drought tolerant and well adapted to extremely hot and dry climates. Pearl millet was first documented in Europe in 1566 when seeds from India were cultivated in Belgium and grown in Spain and North Africa (Board on Science and Technology for International

Development 1996:89). Unlike finger millet, pearl millet cannot tolerate waterlogging and too much rain at flowering can cause crop failure (Board on Science and Technology for International Development 1996:91). Due to the near constant rainfall of Asturias, it is unlikely that pearl millet was cultivated there on any large scale. Moreover, importation of pearl millet, like finger millet, into Asturias is also unlikely as it was considered a food for the poor, and the poor have very little capital to import a crop grown in the subtropical climate of southern Spain or North Africa.

Sorghum, also called broomcorn, was first appears in written documentation in Italy in the 1600s, where it was used to make brooms and brushes, and not as a food source (Board on Science and Technology for International Development 1996:142).

Sorghum grows exceptionally fast and thrives in marginal areas where other cereals fail.

It can be boiled, cracked, malted, baked, or popped (Board on Science and Technology for International Development 1996:11). At least one sorghum variety is adaptable to waterlogging and can survive for several weeks in standing water; however growth only resumes once the water recedes (Board on Science and Technology for International

Development 1996:128). Sorghum of this variety could have grown in the rainy environment of Asturias, assuming the soil was properly drained. Despite its nutritional values and versatility as a food source, sorghum has been looked down upon as a

“coarse” grain fit only for animals and the poor (Board on Science and Technology for

International Development 1996:130).

The eleventh-century writings of Andalusian historian and geographer Al-

Bakri (d.1094) describe a type of cereal grain growing productively in Galicia, the region west of Asturias, that may have been millet, but is more likely to have been sorghum as he describes red and white varieties (Watson 1983:153). Sorghum (Sorghum bicolor, and its many subspecies) naturally occurs in white, yellow, brown, and red varieties, the red variety having been used as dye for the Moroccan fez (Board on Science and Technology for International Development 1996:212). However, it is probable that Al-Bakri never actually travelled to the locations he wrote about, relying instead on the primary sources of other travelers. It is unknown to what degree sorghum and millet were cultivated in

Asturias

Amaranth

Amaranth is a grain native to the Americas and cultivated at the time of the conquest by the Aztec of the Central Mexican highlands. Its flamboyant catkins of red flowers enticed the Spanish to take the seeds home to Spain to grow as ornamentals in

63 their summer gardens (Early 1992:18). In Mesoamerica, Aztec temple maidens toasted amaranth seeds and mixed them with sticky maguey cactus syrup and molded the paste into representations of the gods (Early 1992:21). According to Catholic priests who accompanied the conquistadors, these amaranth figures were carried in procession through the city and then ritually consumed (Early 1992:21-22). This act scandalized the

Spanish who interpreted it as a diabolical mockery of the Eucharist, and as such, this religious practice was oppressed and amaranth cultivation curtailed (Early 1992:25).

Animal Protein

Herbivores, omnivores, and carnivores fall into different places in the food web, and the isotopic composition of their tissues reflects this placement. Animals that

15 consume only plants reflect lower δ N values while carnivores at the top of the food

15 chain have the most enriched δ N values. In aquatic environments, marine fish are more

15 enriched in δ N than freshwater fish.

Wild Game

There is an absence of hunting laws in Visigoth Asturias that suggests peasants had unlimited access to common lands for fishing and hunting (Salisbury

1985:23). Women’s work in the fields gave men the time to hunt and fish for wild game to supplement domesticated food sources. However, as land became privately owned, wild game that was once accessible to the public became the property of the nobility.

Wild game became a cultural signifier of high status due to the aristocratic privilege of exclusive land and hunting rights. Hunting wild game for sport was reserved for the upper classes who owned the land on which they hunted. The aristocracy would venture to the countryside and employ a local villager as a guide to hunt boar, bear, chamois (a

64 goat-antelope), fallow deer, rabbit, and to fish for salmon and trout (Fernandez 1990:42).

Although poaching was severely punished (Fernandez 1990:59), it is possible that the lower classes, especially those with the skills to guide hunts, did eat wild game at least occasionally, and perhaps illegally.

Meat Consumption Differences Between the Socioeconomic Classes

The nobility shunned vegetables as “poor foods” and instead consumed a tremendous amount of meat, so much so that many suffered from gout (Roden 2011:50).

Eating large quantities of meat was a display of status and favorite dishes included veal, suckling kid (cabritos), suckling pig (cochinillo) and unweaned lamb (lechazo). Most peasants consumed little meat in their diet other than pork from the annual slaughter of the family pig, or beef or mutton from when a cow or sheep was injured or too weak to survive the winter and butchered instead (Fernandez 1990:59). Even dairy products from cow, sheep, and goat, were relatively scarce as animals were selected for traction and fertile manure or wool, rather than for milk production. More vegetable foods were consumed when human population levels were high, but when population decreased, such as after the Black Death, people at all levels of society ate more meat because wages were higher and meat was purchased with surplus income (Boserup 1985:196).

Sheep

Sheep were an important economic asset that provide milk, meat, and wool.

The Visigoths introduced sheep and the practice of transhumance to northern Spain, and by the seventh century this animal management strategy was well established (Tannahill

1973:207). In the Early Middle Ages, Visigoth law placed responsibility on the farmer to

65 fence their crops, while ensuring that grazing animals has access to common land

(Salisbury 1985:17). As sheep herds increased, the need for more land for the seasonal pasture of sheep may have further motivated Asturians to expand into Islamic territory during the Reconquest (Vives 1969:131). Sheep were valued primarily for their wool and secondarily for their cheese, both of which could be harvested continuously for several seasons. When sheep were harvested for meat their mutton was stringy and tough from the arduous twice-yearly migration to pasture lands (Tannahill 1973:208). While spring lamb may have been a delicacy, mutton certainly was not.

Pork

The importance of pork in the Iberian diet dates to the Celts who were the first to cure ham during the time of the Romans. Because olives did not grow well in Asturias, cooking was done with lard procured from pigs (Salisbury 1985:21). Pigs often roamed freely to forage upon wild acorns, and contracts were drawn up to extend grazing rights to the owners of the swineherds from the owners of the oak woodlands (Salisbury

1985:23). Rural peasants and town dwellers alike raised pigs that were allowed to roam the streets and consume excess garbage (Tannahill 1973:195). Later, when pigs were penned up on small family plots they were finished with acorns for the last three months to put on additional fat (Roden 2011:164).

Since Islam and Judaism forbid the consumption of pork, the prevalence of pork and pork products found in Spanish dishes may stem from the need of converts to prove their allegiance to Catholicism during the Inquisition (Roden 2011:21). Inspectors for the Inquisition would check on homes and inns to confirm that converted Muslims,

Jews, and Old Christians were being true to their new faith by using the appropriate pork product in their cooking.

Fowl

All types and sizes of bird were consumed in the Middle Ages and Early

Modern eras. Among the upper class, elaborate fowl dishes were constructed where cooked birds were decorated with their own feathers before serving. At the coronation banquet of Ferdinand I in 1414, peacocks and capons were decorated with gold leaf, and pies with living songbirds inside of them were served at dinner (MacKay 1977:108).

Unharmed, the songbirds would fly out of the pie when the crust was cut open much to the delight of the guests.

Birds were also dressed down for humbler meals and were the preferred meat dish of those striving for a life of temperance. As described earlier, waterfowl retained a special status as it was considered a “cold” food that lived both in the water, like fish, and fly in the heavens; and was therefore acceptable to consume during fasting days (Cosman

1976:41).

The turkey was introduced to Spain from the Americas in 1523, and along with chili peppers were the first New World foodstuffs to be integrated into the Spanish diet (Chabrán 2002:144). Unlike chickens that were kept for egg production, turkeys were raised for consumption on special occasions and feast days (Roden 2011:80). Like many New World foods, the turkey became fully integrated into European foodways.

Marine Resources

The power of the fish as a Christian symbol was well known in the Medieval world. Like the parable of the mustard seed, the miracle of the loaves and fishes and other

Biblical references to fish would have been familiar to Christians of the Medieval and

Early Modern periods. Medieval art reflects this familiarity with fish in Christian symbolism and frequently depicts fish on the table of the Last Super, although the actual foods served, aside from bread and wine that became the basis of the Eucharist, are not recorded in scripture.

The demand for fish soared when the Catholic Church approved the consumption of fish on Fridays during periods of fasting. Foods that were white in color such as fish with white flesh, refined sugar, or bread wheat, were preferred as white was perceived as the color of purity. Other fish, including salmon, mackerel, whiting, and hake were eaten fresh if possible, but also salted and preserved for later consumption. To obtain fresh sources of fish, ponds were created around the city of Aviles, an Asturian city on the Cantabrian coast, to farm salmon (González García and Ruiz de la Peña

1972:23). Despite the presence of artificial ponds, most of which was privately owned by the nobility or clergy, fresh fish was still too expensive for the peasant and unsustainable aquaculture could not keep up with the demand for fish (Fagan 2006:43). The demand for fish escalated after 1300, and new sources of fish protein where sought from the sea

(Fagan 2006:141).

Of all the fish in the sea, cod was abundant, easy to salt cure, and nutritious.

When dried, cod meat is almost 80 percent protein (Fagan 2000:70). Although it was a staple food, it was consumed out of necessity rather than preference and was not particularly good in taste or texture. To mask the flavor, cod was often served with mustard and other spices and sauces. In comparison to other fish species, cod is extremely low in fat so when dried and salted it rarely spoils (Kurlansky 1997:22). Cod

68 entrails and bones were used as fertilizer and no part of the fish went to waste (Kurlansky

1997:35). Basque fishermen were famous for their salted cod, called bacalao, which they fished for in the North Sea, as cod is not present in the waters off of northern Spain

(Fagan 2000:71). In the thirteenth century, Asturias was a prominent center for the

Castilian-Leon salt trade and Asturian salt was exported to Basque country to cure cod

(González García and Ruiz de la Peña 1972:16). Long lasting and high in protein, cod was the king of fish.

Shared fisheries among the Iberians, English, and French became a source of harsh competition and conflict. In 1339-40 the threat of Spanish fisherman forced

Cornishmen to suspend fishing operations, and in 1351, an Anglo-Castilian treaty incorporated a clause permitting Spanish fisherman to fish freely in the ports of England and Brittany (Childs 2000:33). Despite legislation, hostility remained between neighboring countries competing for marine resources. In the fifteenth century, competition over fishing grounds, particularly between Spain and England, became so intense that fishing fleets were encouraged to sail in conveys for protection (Childs

2000:32).

Freshwater and Anadromous Fish

Asturian streams and rivers contain eel, salmon, and trout. Visigoth law states that those with property bordering a freshwater stream were permitted to net half the stream in order to catch fish, but not to block the stream entirely so that those without waterfront property could fish downstream (Salisbury 1985:24).

Anadromous fish like salmon and sturgeon are referenced in the records of aristocratic households in England and France (Whited et al. 2005:67). In Britain,

69 consumption of freshwater fish in particular was associated with the aristocracy, who held exclusive fishing rights to ponds and streams (Woolgar 2000:39). Anadromous and freshwater fish in the diet are indicative of individuals obtaining resources from privately held freshwater sources such as lakes, streams, and ponds. In fact, freshwater fish, especially fresh rather than dried, was a prestigious gift among the aristocracy as documented in Medieval English records (Woolgar 2000:40).

Increasing agriculture, urbanization, development, and range herding tends to inadvertently damage watersheds through sediment deposition and animal waste pollutants (Woolgar 2000:39). These ecological changes have deleterious effects on the anadromous and freshwater fish populations. Not only was access to anadromous and freshwater fish an aristocratic privilege, but as fish population levels declined in response to deteriorating ecological conditions, fish of this type became more rare, which further reinforced its status as an elite foodstuff.

Shellfish

Although the Asturian coast is rich with shellfish, the sea is often rough and stormy, which makes it difficult to access seafood (Salisbury 1985:14). Shellfish could not be preserved or transported inland quickly enough to prevent spoiling. In contrast, the

Galician coast, a neighboring province to the west of Asturias, is known as the Costa del

Marisco or seafood coast for its abundant and accessible shellfish (Roden 2011:76). The scallop shell is the symbol of the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia and the pilgrim’s way is marked with scallop shells. The oldest pilgrimage route, the Camino

Primitivo, runs through Asturias and is marked with these shells. Because of their

70 abundance and difficulty in accessing, shellfish was considered poor peoples’ food and not highly thought of by the nobility (Woolgar 2000:43).

Salt

Salt was vital in preserving foods, flavoring foods, and is an important nutrient for both humans and livestock. The Celts in central Europe, who would later migrate to northern Spain, salted pork and are likely the creators of the first salt-cured ham (Kurlansky 2002:57). Salt could be mined directly from the land or procured along the coast by evaporation of seawater pools. The parishes of Naveces, Bayas, and Santa

María del Mar in the municipality of Castrillón along Asturian coast had an important salt mining industry during the Middle Ages (González García and Ruiz de la Peña 1972:22).

Salt from the Asturian coast was exported to the Basque country to salt cod (González

García and Ruiz de la Peña 1972:16). The bishop of Oviedo held these lucrative salt holdings and profited from trade in this highly profitable commodity (González García and Ruiz de la Peña 1972:27). The church encouraged the consumption of salted fish, while also profiting from the salt industry.

There were two methods to preserve food with salt. The less expensive method involved curing meat in saltwater brine, whereas the more expensive technique required salt to be ground into a fine powder and meat to be placed in it. This method uses larger quantities of higher quality salt in comparison with the more economical method of brine curing used by average households (Tannahill 1973:210). The ability to preserve fish facilitated the practice of eating fish on Fridays and increased the popularity of spices from the Far East, such as black pepper and ginger that helped improve the taste of overly salted foods. In the Middle Ages there were numerous industrial applications

71 for salt in addition to food preservation that included ceramic glaze, chimney cleaner, pipe solder, and leather curing (Kurlanskey 2002:120).

Spice

Spices were first introduced to Spain by the Moors in the eighth century and to Western Europe in the eleventh century when crusaders encountered them abroad and bought them home (Tannahill 1973:189). Spices became a powerful commodity. Bribes could be paid with spice and black pepper was as negotiable a currency as silver

(Tannahill 1973:189). Venice’s grip on the spice trade motivated the Spanish to seek a western route to India and in doing so encountered the Americas.

Spice was the flavor of wealth. Spices from the Far East included black pepper, nutmeg, mace, ginger, galangal (related to ginger), cardamom, coriander (the seeds of the cilantro plant), cinnamon, saffron, and sugar (Mintz 1985:79). Prior to

Caribbean production, sugar cultivated in the Levant and Spanish islands was only accessible to the wealthiest households that used it sparingly as a food seasoning (Mintz

1985:82). To derive the flavor of sweetness, honey was used rather than sugar.

Food in the Middle Ages and Early Modern periods was easily spoiled, and overly salted if preserved. Spices covered up unpleasant tastes and enhanced monotonous cuisine. Billing and Sherman (1998:3) argue that spices are primarily used for flavor, but also aid in cleansing food of pathogens such that those who use spices have improved health, longevity, and greater reproductive success.

Mustard

Mustard is a C3 plant and a member of the cabbage family. The four petals of its flower form a cross shape from which the name of its genus Cruciferae is derived.

Noted for its fast growth, the tiny mustard seed no larger than two millimeters in diameter contains intense flavor and heat. When the seeds are ground and mixed with water a paste forms that was often augmented with vinegar and a dash of salt. Mustard greens too were consumed, but more commonly used as fodder for animals or as a cover crop between the seasonal plantings of fields (Jordan 1994:35).

Mustard was ubiquitous in the Middle Ages when its strong flavor was used to mask the taste of less palatable foods such as salted fish that was eaten during Lent.

Numerous recipes for salted cod call for the addition of mustard (Kurlansky 2002:115;

Fagan 2006:67). The Gospels mention the mustard seed on several occasions as a symbol of faith and spiritual growth. Furthermore, as with many spices, mustard confers antimicrobial health benefits and stimulates digestion and the sinuses (Jordan 1994:36). In a study by Billing and Sherman (1998:17), mustard was found to inhibit 75 percent of commonly encountered bacteria that cause food borne illness. For the Medieval kitchen the mustard, with its cross-shaped flowers and symbolic seed, was culinarily, theologically, and medicinally important.

The popularity of mustard spans the Middle Ages and diversifies in the Early

Modern period. The formal mustard industry was established in Dijon, France by at least the 1300s and by the 1700s several varieties of mustards from the Dijon appellation had a well-established reputation throughout Europe (Jordan 1994:21-22). Mustard maintained its popularity as a spice, condiment, emulsifier, and component of sauces throughout the

Early Modern period.

Alcoholic Beverages

Alcohol results during fermentation when yeast consume glucose and produce ethyl alcohol and carbon dioxide. Several alcoholic beverages were known in Medieval and Early Modern Asturias. Barley was grown for beer, and wheat could be fermented into a liquor called caelia (Salisbury 1985:17). Honey, gathered from the wild or collected from apiaries, produced sweet mead. Vines and winemaking, however, failed to thrive in this region (Salisbury 1985:21).

In place of wine, sidra, hard apple cider, continues to be well known in

Asturias. Cider in the Middle Ages was thought to contain medicinal properties as people noted that illness spread when people were forced to drink water when the price of cider increased (Fagan 2000:85). In actuality, cider does not prevent disease, but the low alcohol content of fermented apple juice and other alcoholic beverages does kill disease causing pathogens and makes fermented beverages a safer choice when compared to tainted water.

There are over seventeen varieties of apple native to the Asturias region that range in flavor from sweet to semi-sweet to astringent (Roden 2011:539). The juices from both sweet and tart apples are mixed together in proprietary recipes to create a dry cider.

In sidrerías, cider houses, the cider bottle is held above the head and poured from high to produce effervescence similar to a sparkling beverage.

Fasting Practices

The Church prescribed fasting during the seasons of Lent and Advent as well as Wednesdays, Fridays, Saturdays, and on the evenings of great feasts. This fasting

74 regime amounted to abstinence from meat for nearly half the year. Monastic communities and the aristocracy were the greatest consumers of the expensive marine resources that would have been predominately inaccessible to the lower classes. Marine resources from the Cantabrian Sea and Atlantic Ocean were in high demand in the Middle Ages as the emphasis on fasting from flesh meats grew in popularity and practice. Ascetics taught that fasting tamed the passions and disciplined the body.

As such, the demand for fish increased between the beginning of Advent in late Autumn and the end of Lent in Spring, when marine fishing is the least accessible; thus, increasing the demand for dried fish which could be purchased, salted, and stored in advance of the fasting period (Woolgar 2000:37). The late fourteenth century poem Sir

Gawain and the Green Knight describes a meal served in Sir Bertilak’s castle on

Christmas Eve, a day of strict abstinence from meat, but which nevertheless remains decadent in its offerings of “many kinds of fish, some baked in bread, some grilled on the embers, some boiled, some in stews flavored with spices, and all the rich sauces”

(Merwin 2002:63). Fish consumption by the higher classes, at least in late Medieval

Britain, remained a penance only in ingredient and not by recipe. A penance that is as delicious as it is abstinent is far easier to keep, and may have contributed to the ever- increasing popularity of seafood consumption in the Middle Ages.

Despite the popularity of marine foods, meat was a staple among the Spanish of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries due in part to the bula de la cruzada, a papal indulgence that could grant the bearer freedom from religious requirements of one’s choosing such as dietary restrictions during periods of abstinence (Bishko 1952:513). The

Bull of Crusade could be purchased on a sliding scale at a price determined by

75 socioeconomic status, whereby the poorest had only to pay two silver reales in order to access the privileges of the indulgence (O’Banion 2012:94).

Alms received in exchange for a buleta, a paper document summarizing the privileges received by purchasing the indulgence, were utilized to fund Isabella and

Ferdinand’s crusades against Islam. The bull of the crusade, also called a “sin tax,” was a stable, long-lasting, and highly lucrative revenue source for Spanish monarchs, and by the end of the sixteenth century the practice had become imbedded in everyday life

(O’Banion 2012:96-97, 103). To assume that Medieval populations should have had a diet high in marine resources because of strict fasting laws is a fallacy.

Hypotheses

With this exploration of Medieval and Early Modern Asturian diet in mind, I propose to look specifically at five research questions that include assessing the differences between time periods, regions, sexes, age groups, and status.

1. Temporal Change.

The isotopic values of individuals living in later time periods may indicate greater reliance on C4 plants, such as sugarcane or maize, which became more readily available to the general population over time. Although sugarcane is an old world cultigen, it continued to be extremely rare and expensive before its importation and cultivation in the

Americas. Comparison between those living in the Medieval period (pre-1500) and the

Early Modern period (post-1500) were made to investigate changes in resource availability over time. The date of 1500 is selected as it demarcates the subsequent social and cultural changes after Columbus’ encounter with the Americas in 1492. After the

Columbian Exchange — that is, the introduction of New World crops into Europe following Columbus’ exploration of the Americas — Early Modern individuals consumed more C4 plants in their diet than Medieval individuals. This change over time should be expressed in more negative δ13C isotope values in the bone collagen of Early

Modern individuals.

2. Regional Variation.

Because Asturian communities were geographically isolated, most individuals ate a local, diet of foods grown from their own small farms. Wild foods such as game or fish may have supplemented the diets of some individuals depending on the proximity and legal access to these naturally occurring resources. Trade of foodstuffs between villages appears unlikely, although trade of specialty foodstuff from the periphery to the capital for consumption by the upper classes is more likely.

Although there are numerous pilgrimage routes between Asturian communities and neighboring provinces, most individuals likely remained in or near the village of their birth. The exception would be for members of the clergy or nobility who would have traveled occasionally to larger town centers, like Oviedo, for educational, political, or social reasons.

Isotopically, I predict that each region will exhibit a unique isotope signature because individuals relied heavily upon resources from their local ecosystems. If individuals consumed local resources, then both δ13C and δ15N values of most individuals should express a local dietary signature for each of the eight sites. The majority of individuals at each site should express this dietary signature; thus, outliers should represent non-local individuals.

3. Sex Differences.

Women were the primary preparers of food and likely consumed what was cooked.

Historian Caroline Walker Bynum asserts that food is a “woman-controlled resource”

(Bynum 1987:189). With the exception of monastic communities where men cooked for other men, the dietary signature of most individuals represents the work of women as home cooks. Furthermore, the isotopic signature of breastfeeding and weaning is expressed in stable isotope analysis. This too reveals the presence of women as mothers or wet nurses in the past. In these ways, we can further explore the lives of women in history whose stories are often overlooked or forgotten.

Significant differences between male and female diets may correspond to gender roles and resource inequalities. However, equal access to food resources is not an indicator of gender equality in Medieval and Early Modern society. I predict that further data will indicate no significant differences between males and females, despite differences in gender roles. If men and women consumed the same resources, then there should be no significant differences in the δ13C and δ15N values of males and females.

4. Age Differences.

(age 13-20) were grouped with adults (age 21-64) for statistical purposes. I predict that differences in diet between these two groups will be negligible and that most children consumed the same diet as adults after weaning. The majority of people lived most of their lives in the same mountain valley as their birth, and they consumed the same diet

78 from childhood to adulthood. If the diet of subadults and adults consume the same diet, then there should be no significant differences between the δ13C and δ15N values of these two age groups.

Subadult samples obtained for this thesis may help address weaning patterns over time. Perinatal remains (nine months gestation to two to three months after birth) reflect the dietary signature of the birth mother. Of particular interest are subadults who were buried ad sanctos, because of their families’ wealth and status, yet died despite having greater access to material resources. This early period of life corresponds to increased stress for both high and low class individuals. I predict that weaning signatures between subadults buried ad sanctos compared to subadults excavated from common burials will not differ significantly. However, should differences exist between subadults this may be a reflection of the quality of the maternal diet, perhaps indicative of differential access to resources between high and low status women during pregnancy.

5. Differences between High and Low Status Individuals.

Medieval food culture like Medieval society was hierarchical in nature (Adamson

2004:258). Individuals buried ad sanctos likely had access to the highest quality, most expensive, and rarest resources. Such resources may have included high trophic level

79 animal protein such as kid goat, suckling pig, or veal. High trophic level freshwater resources, like eel, were likely a part of high status diet as it is both expensive and rare.

Moreover, aquatic resources would have been preferred during periods of abstinence from meat.

I predict that ad sanctos burials will have isotope values that differentiate them from common burials. If individuals buried ad sanctos consumed high trophic level food resources, then the δ15N of ad sanctos burials will be more elevated than the δ15N value of common burials.

Summary

This chapter explores the Medieval and Early Modern Asturian diet. Most individuals throughout the history of Asturias ate meals prepared at home using locally sourced ingredients. Women, with few exceptions, were the primary preparers of food, and for this reason a study on diet it also a study on women’s activities and roles in the past. Most meals included a staple grain, such as rye or wheat, and animal protein. Lard was especially important in cooking as Asturias lacks olive oil production. Lard used in

Asturian cooking and held special religious significance during the Inquisition, as refusal to consume pork products would have identified someone as secretly practicing Jewish or

Islamic dietary laws. For this reason, many Spanish recipes call for lard.

During fasting periods, animal protein was substituted with legumes or, for those who could afford it, aquatic resources. Fresh fish was a prestigious food and was even exchanged as a gift between members of the aristocracy. Many dishes prepared for

80 the upper classes were seasoned with a concoction of spices to both mask dull flavors and express prestige. Spice was consumable indicator of high social status.

The desire to break into the Indian spice market was one of the motivations behind Columbus’ voyage west. Europe’s encounter with the New World resulted in the introduction of many cultigens native to the Americas. Prior to the Columbian Exchange, cereals such as rye and wheat were the primary staples. In the Early Modern period after the adoption of New World crops, maize quickly became the primary food for the lower classes. In turn sugar, which was introduced and cultivated in the Americas, became more widely consumed into Europe as well. Overtime, new crops entered into Asturian cuisine gradually; however, traditional dishes, such as a legume and pork stew known as fabades, are still prepared today.

In the next chapter, dietary studies from the regions near Asturias will be discussed. This thesis is the first to explore stable isotope analysis on an Asturian sample, but it is not the first isotope study on Medieval or Early Modern Spanish populations.

These studies will be discussed in the following chapter.

CHAPTER V

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND

REVIEW OF DIETARY STUDIES

IN SPAIN

The goal of this chapter is to discuss the theoretical framework of this thesis and to provide a brief review of previous isotopes studies conducted on human and faunal samples from Medieval and Early Modern Asturias, Spain. Dietary studies in Spain have been conducted on populations from the province of Galicia, the Basque Country, the

Mediterranean coast, the Balearic Islands, and Madrid.

Importance of this Study to Bioarchaeology

This thesis takes a social bioarchaeological approach to the study of human populations in the past. This theoretical framework aims to merge the empirical evidence, in this case from stable isotope analysis, with historical and cultural studies to gain a deeper and more nuanced understanding of the lives of individuals who lived in the past.

Social bioarchaeology seeks to ask questions based on the premise that the skeleton as both a biological material and an artifact that has been shaped by the cultural experiences of life and death (Agarwal and Glencross 2011:1). It seeks to better integrate data from state-of-the-art technologies with behavioral, ecological, and social research to transcend beyond analysis of skeletal elements and into meaningful, empirical-based discussions of

81 82 past lifeways (Agarwal and Glencross 2011:3). Only by fully integrating scientifically rigorous data in a social and cultural framework can evidence-based questions be asked about how past societies changed and adapted overtime. This synthesis of ideas is one way social bioarchaeological studies can be relevant to contemporary issues.

Isotope studies provide a unique way to assess the lives of individuals through the reconstruction of their diet. While zooarchaeological studies provide an excellent assessment of dietary resources consumed by a population, isotope studies explore what types of resources a single individual consumed as well as the relative importance of different food resources and dietary macronutrients to the diet. Isotope studies explore populations at the level of the individual and corroborate the zooarchaeological findings.

This study will contribute to the body of literature of Medieval European dietary studies, and contribute specifically to research on Medieval and Early Modern individuals from Spain. This dataset will expand our knowledge of past Asturian diet for future research.

Stable Isotope Analysis

Stable isotopes are atoms of the same element with the same number of protons but different number of neutrons; unlike radioisotopes, they do not decay over time. Archaeologists already familiar with the techniques of radiocarbon dating were the first to utilize stable carbon isotopes from bone collagen for dietary reconstruction; this was later followed by the use of nitrogen isotopes based on the controlled feeding studies of DeNiro and Epstein 1981; see also the review in Katzenberg 2008.

Generally, lighter isotopes occur in greater abundance in nature than heavier isotopes of the same element. For example, 99% of naturally occurring carbon isotopes in the environment are 12C, while only 1% is the heavier 13C (Smith 1972). The ratio of heavy to light isotopes is compared to an international standard that is arbitrarily set at zero. An isotope ratio of zero would indicate a value equivalent to the standard; however, ratios are often measured as either greater than (positive) or less than (negative) in comparison to the standard.

The standard for carbon is Peedee belemnite (PDB), a fossil from the shelled squid-like creature Belemnitella americana that was found in the Cretaceous Pee Dee

Formation in South Carolina. This fossil contained a carbon isotope ratio with greater than 13C relative to most living things today. Because this original standard has been exhausted other standards calibrated to the same ratio have replaced it, including the

Vienna PDB (vPDB) standard as recommended by the International Union of Pure and

Applied Chemistry (IUPAC) Commission on Isotopic Abundances and Atomic Weights

(CIAAW) (Coplen 1994:275; Coplen 2006).

The ratio of rare (13C) to common (12C) carbon isotopes within a sample is expressed in delta (δ) notation as a part per thousand difference and represented by the permil symbol ‰ (from mille, the Latin word for thousand) using the following equation:

13 13 12 13 12 δ C = C/ Csample - C/ Cstandard x 1000 (‰) 13 12 C/ Cstandard

Because a value of zero was assigned to the original PDB standard for carbon, nearly all sample ratios compared to the standard have negative delta values.

The second stable isotope used in this thesis is nitrogen. Stable nitrogen isotopes have been used in ecology to trace the anthropogenic effects of fertilizer and manure in ecosystems and to study food webs (Diebel and Vander Zanden 2009:1127).

Within a food web consumers on each tier are elevated 3-4‰ in δ15N over their diet

(Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991). Determining a consumer’s place in the food web is important when differentiating between those who consume animal proteins and those who primarily consumer plant resources. Typically, the higher the δ15N value, the greater the contribution of animal protein in the diet.

Nitrogen cycles through the environment in different forms as it goes through the different processes of fixation, ammonification, nitrification, and is released back into the atmosphere through denitrification. Nitrogen fixation, the process by which nitrogen in the atmosphere is converted into ammonium, is crucial for protein synthesis in plants.

Legumes, unlike other C3 plants, have a symbiotic relationship with bacteria in their root systems that fix nitrogen in the soil. Because legumes take nitrogen in this manner they

15 generally have lower δ N values that are closer to 0‰ than other C3 plants; therefore, animals and humans consuming legumes will also have lower δ 15N values (Katzenberg

2008:425).

The standard to compare rare and common isotope ratios of nitrogen is atmosphere (AIR), because the average natural abundance of nitrogen in Earth’s atmosphere remains nearly constant (Junk and Svec 1958:234). Isotope ratios of nitrogen are expressed in delta notion by using the following equation where 15N is the rare isotope and 14N is the common isotope:

15 15 14 15 14 δ N = N/ Nsample - N/ Nstandard x 1000 (‰) 15 14 N/ Nstandard

As mentioned above, isotopes are identical except that lighter isotopes contain fewer neutrons in the nucleus while heavy isotopes contain more neutrons. While the different number of neutrons does not change the chemical properties of the isotope, it does increase its atomic mass. The chemical bonds between light isotopes take less energy to break than the bonds between heavy isotopes. Because of their greater bond strength and larger mass, heavy isotopes react more slowly in chemical reactions than light isotopes (Hoefs 2009). The partitioning of light and heavy isotopes due to differences in reaction rates is known as fractionation (Fry 2006:27; Hoefs 2009).

Fractionation is analogous to soils being sieved through a screen: the small, lighter pebbles and sand pass through the screen quickly, akin to the light isotopes reacting faster, while the larger, heavier soils are trapped by the screen. It is the underlying principles of fractionation that enable dietary reconstruction and analysis of food webs (Schoeller 1999). Fractionation occurs constantly and affects the isotopic composition of plants, animals, and water. Fractionation occurs in many natural processes that include the metabolic processes of the human body, the hydrological cycle, and photosynthesis.

Photosynthesis illustrates the differential routing of light and heavy isotopes through the biosphere (Fry 2006:44). Isotopes of carbon are preferentially routed through plant tissues depending on the type of photosynthetic pathway the plant uses. During photosynthesis plants take in light, water, and carbon dioxide (CO2), and produce sugars and oxygen. Most plants, such as cereals, legumes, shrubs, and trees are C3 plants,

86 meaning that during the Calvin-Benson-Bassham cycle of photosynthesis these plants fix

CO2 into a molecule with three carbon atoms (Bassham et al. 1950:781). This three- carbon molecule is converted into usable sugars with the aid of the enzyme rubisco

(Beerling 2007:178). Thus, C3 plants contain higher levels of the lighter isotopes, because they preferentially use lighter rather than heavier isotopes of carbon.

In contrast, tropical grasses like maize, millet, sugarcane, and sorghum are C4 plants that utilize Hatch-Slack photosynthesis, which is less discriminating against

13 heavier C isotopes. When CO2 enters the plant through a stoma, the plant also releases oxygen, a byproduct of photosynthesis. Water is also lost through the stoma, which creates the need for plants in hot, dry environments to conserve water. C4 plants mitigate water loss by more efficiently fixing carbon into a four-carbon molecule. This efficiency reduces the amount of time the stomata need to be open in order to capture CO2, thereby reducing water loss. After this intermediate step the four-carbon molecule is stored in the bundle sheath called the kranz anatomy (from kranz the German word for wreath), a structure unique to C4 plants, before the enzyme rubisco converts it to usable sugars during the Calvin cycle. C4 plants account for the fast growing tropical grasses that evolved during the Oligocene and Miocene in response to climatic changes (Osborne and

Beerling 2006:177).

Due to these different ecological strategies C4 plants (e.g. maize, sugarcane)

13 average a δ C stable isotope value of -12.5‰ and vary from -16‰ to -9‰, while C3 plants (e.g. wheat, barley) average -26.5‰ and vary from -20‰ to -35‰ (van der Merwe

1982:598). When reconstructing diet it is important to bear in mind that the δ13C values

C4 may overlap with the values of marine resources (Schoeninger et al. 1983; Schwarcz

87 and Schoeninger 1991). Marine resources are more easily differentiated from terrestrial resources when C4 foods are absent from the food chain. In addition, cacti and succulents

(such as pineapple) are CAM (Crassulacean Acid Metabolism) plants that utilize a third type of photosynthesis, but are not present in Medieval Spain.

Human Nutrition and Stable Isotopes

The human diet comprises both plant and animal material. From these raw materials all of the tissues of the human body are made and re-made throughout life. The human body requires a variety of nutrients obtained from diverse resources to ensure a healthy and productive lifespan (Berdanier 1995:1). In fact, a host of diseases (e.g. rickets, scurvy) are linked to nutrient deficiency and were fatal in the Middle Ages.

Obtaining the right nutrients in the right quantities is crucial to sustain life.

When food is consumed, it is broken down through digestion, a chemical process that frees the nutrients in the food for use in the body. The goal of digestion, absorption and metabolism is to convert molecules in food into the molecules that make up the body (Berdanier 1995:42). When protein is consumed and digested in the stomach the amino acids that compose it are liberated, absorbed, and used to synthesize body proteins, such as collagen (Berdanier 1995:98). Thus, stable isotope ratios in bone collagen reflect protein sources in the diet.

In contrast, carbohydrate and lipid digestion begins in the mouth with the excretion of salivary enzymes (Berdanier 1995:120). Carbohydrates such as glucose

(C6H12O6), sucrose (C12H22O11), and starch (C6H10O5) are all composed of molecules of carbon, hydrogen, and oxygen; hence the term “carbohydrate” meaning “hydrates of

88 carbon” (Berdanier 1995:160). Carbohydrates convert to sugars that are the energy sources for cells. Like carbohydrates, lipids also serve as energy sources for cells in addition to other functions. Dissolved bicarbonate in the blood from molecules of carbohydrates, lipids, and proteins forms carbonate (CO3) which is a building block of bone apatite; thus stable isotopes ratios found in bone apatite reflect the whole diet (Lee-

Thorp et al. 1989).

Bone is a tissue that is constantly remodeling and incorporating new molecules into the existing bone structure. Ribs reflect the last five to ten years of an adult’s life while a femur records isotopic signatures from the last 20 to 25 years because it remodels more slowly (Hedges et al. 2007; Meier-Augenstein 2010). Bone is an organic matrix of collagenous protein structurally interlaced with inorganic calcium phosphate crystals that are predominately in the form of hydroxyapatite. Bone is approximately 30 percent organic and 70 percent inorganic by weight (Katzenberg

2008:416). Collagen, the organic component of bone, is composed of a mixture of essential and nonessential amino acids; the essential amino acids come from ingested protein, thus carbon isotopes from collagen reflect protein sources in the diet (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Katzenberg 2008).

Hydroxyapatite, referred to simply as apatite, is the inorganic component of bone. Carbonate (CO3) is a component of bone apatite that is formed from dissolved bicarbonate in the blood, and these molecules come from dietary carbohydrates, lipids, and proteins, thus recording slightly different dietary information than collagen (Lee-

Thorp et al. 1989). Stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen from carbonate found in bone apatite can be utilized to explore dietary trends when collagen is no longer present in very

89 ancient bone. In summary, collagen reflect protein sources while apatite characterizes the whole diet.

Trophic Level, Elevated Nitrogen and Manure Fertilizers

Unlike carbon, stable isotopes of nitrogen indicate the trophic level within a food web where consumers on each tier of the web are enriched 3-4‰ over the tier beneath them (Schwarcz and Schoeninger 1991). The food web illustrates how herbivores have the lowest nitrogen and are grouped below omnivores and carnivores in the terrestrial ecosystem. Herbivores have the lowest trophic level and therefore have the lowest nitrogen values. In the marine ecosystem, marine mammals have the highest nitrogen and are the top predators, while other fish and shellfish have lower nitrogen values because they have lower trophic levels

Elevated δ15N values recorded in human bone may be attributed to the consumption of marine and freshwater foods; however, it may also be an indicator of cultural practices surrounding animal grazing and crop fertilization. Elevated nitrogen levels in humans may indicate consumption of grazing animals raised on plants grown in salt marsh environments, or may be a byproduct of amending soil with manure. High

δ15N values in animal manure are the result of the preferential loss of 14N as ammonia gas that leaves behind manure relatively enriched in 15N (Bogaard et al. 2007:336). The increased δ15N values as a result of the manuring effect would be passed up the food chain to human consumers (van Klinken et al. 2000:49). Anthropogenic effects must be considered in the study of nitrogen isotopes.

In rural Asturias, archaeological investigations indicate that land was used interchangeably for cattle grazing and cereal cultivation in the middle ages. Stratigraphic analysis of soils indicates that land use alternated between cattle grazing and cereal cultivation (Fernández Mier et al. 2014:46). After the grain harvest, fields were used once again for grazing, and manure from grazing animals would enrich the soil for the following year’s crop. Evidence of additional manuring was present in the soil indicating that the Medieval population would fertilize meadow areas with manure from stables in order to increase hay production (Fernández Mier et al. 2014:47).

Fuller et al. (2010:515) suggest that the enriched nitrogen values of cattle on the Spanish Mediterranean islands of Ibiza and Formentera may be due in part to animals having been kept in enclosures. While enclosed, cattle manure would have accumulated and increased the δ15N values of the soils and surrounding plants growing therein. These elevated values contrast to the lower δ15N values of pigs, and sheep/goats that may indicate that these animals, unlike the cattle of Ibiza, may have been free grazing (Fuller et al. 2010:515). Allowing animals such as pig and sheep/goat free graze has the benefit of spreading fertilizer throughout the ecosystem, while also reducing the parasite load of enclosures where manure accumulates (Barker 1985:35).

Although sheep were thought to have the highest quality manure, archaeological evidence points to the distribution of “night soil,” human waste collected from chamber pots, as standard practice throughout Medieval Europe (Barker 1985:52).

However, it is unclear if human excrement was intentionally used as fertilizer, or if it was simply deposited in the same places where crops happened to be growing or where animals happened to be grazing. Elevated δ15N values from human waste may be a factor

91 in Galicia, the region west of Asturias, where pigs may have consumed it directly or eaten plants exposed to it (López Costas 2012:409). Regardless of intent, plants exposed to feces contain higher δ15N values that are then past up through the food chain.

Stable Isotope Studies of Medieval Spanish Populations

This thesis will become part of the burgeoning literature of Medieval and early modern archaeological studies that utilize stable isotope analysis for dietary reconstruction. In the last few years research using stable isotopes to explore diet has been conducted on Medieval human populations from Galicia (López Costas 2012), the

Basque country (Kennedy 1988; Quirós Castillo et al. 2012; Scott and Poulson 2012;

Lubritto et al. 2013; Ortega et al. 2013; Quirós Castillo 2013; Quirós Castillo et al. 2013),

Valencia, Aragon, and Navarra (Mundee 2010; Alexander et al. 2014), Pamplona

(Prevedorou et al. 2010), Madrid (Garcia-Collado 2012), and the Balearic Islands of

Majorca (Garcia et al. 2004), Ibiza and Formentera (Fuller et al. 2010; Nehlich et al.

2012). An isotopic study using only faunal remains from the Early and High Middle Ages was conducted on samples from the Basque Country, Castile and Leon to explore

Medieval animal husbandry practices (Sirignano et al. 2014).

Of great interest to this thesis are the results from the regions in the geographic vicinity of Asturias. Today, Galicia shares Asturias’ western border. In the

Middle Ages the region of Galicia was incorporated into the Kingdom of Asturias.

Pilgrimages routes between the two regions were well traveled from at least the ninth century onwards.

López Costas (2012) conducted bioarchaeological and stable isotope analysis on skeletons from seven necropolises in Galicia. Four of the seven Galician necropolises studied were from the Medieval period. López Costas found that elevated δ13C was likely related to the consumption of freshwater and marine resources with a slight influence from millet, a C4 crop commonly used as animal fodder rather than for human consumption (López Costas 2012:410).

Stable nitrogen isotopes were analyzed in human remains from the rural village of Ouvigo in inland southern Galicia, and at a high status chapel within Lugo

Cathedral. The sample from Ouvigo could be differentiated into two groups; a large group with average δ15N values two permil greater than a small group with more elevated

δ15N values (López Costas 2012:396). The mean δ15N value of the “small group” (n = 6) was 12.5 ± 0.3 permil while the mean of the “large group” (n = 17) was 10.9 ± 0.4 permil

(López Costas 2012:397). The significant differences in δ15N values between these two groups could not be accounted for by age or sex, and López Costas suggests greater consumption of meat and/or dairy products by different social classes within the same community may account for this difference (López Costas 2012:396-397).

The sample from the chapel in Lugo Cathedral (n=6) represents high status interments; thus, the notably high δ15N values (average 13.7 ± 0.9‰ permil) coupled with

δ13C values that vary from -19.4 to -17.9 permil may reflect consumption of marine resources and terrestrial animal protein in the diet of the cathedral’s elite members

(López Costas 2012:400, 60). Lugo is located in interior Galicia over 80 miles southwest from Asturias’ capital of Oviedo, but along a major trade route that would have connected the two in the Middle Ages.

In contrast to the Medieval sites, López Costas’ samples from a post-medieval mass grave in Santa María (n=15) revealed elevated δ13C levels (average -12.7±1.9‰) indicative of a strong C4 signature due to the heavy incorporation of maize into the diet after its introduction in the sixteenth century (López Costas 2012:406). In addition to maize, fishing remained an important industry in this coastal region of Galicia and elevated δ15N values (13.1 ± 1.1 ‰) likely reflect marine resources in the diet (López

Costas 2012:407). To better differentiate between marine, freshwater, and terrestrial resources López Costas suggest that future research include compound-specific stable isotope analysis of amino acids, analysis of sulfur isotopes, and analysis of the carbonate of bioapatite (López Costas 2012:414).

In Basque Country, located to the east of Asturias, studies have used stable isotopes to explore migration (Ortega et al. 2013; Quirós Castillo et al. 2013), social status (Lubritto et al. 2013; Quirós Castillo 2013), and animal husbandry practices

(Sirignano et al. 2014). Sirignano et al. (2014) explored trends in faunal assemblages to challenge the traditionally accepted notion that societies were pastoral and semi-nomadic after the collapse of the Roman Empire (Sirignano et al. 2014:138). Results reveal a sophisticated agricultural and animal husbandry system that was well established in

Basque Country irrespective of Roman rule. In the Early Middle Ages, isotope values indicate that fowl were fed a C4-based diet most likely composed of millet seed, while transhumant cattle were migrated between high and low elevation pastures (Sirignano et al. 2014:145). In the High Middle Ages more cattle, sheep/goat, and pigs were penned or enclosed (Sirignano et al. 2014:146). This article illustrates the application and utility of stable isotope analyses for the study faunal assemblages in their own right.

In Basque County, Lubritto et al. explored social hierarchy in the rural community of Zaballa in the province of Álava. In this study, evidence of social hierarchy is suggested through differential access to animal protein reflected in elevated

δ15N values (Lubritto et al. 2013:1230). Lubritto et al. found that the δ15N average of 9.0

± 0.8 permil of 14 humans were the most similar to carnivorous (canid) and omnivorous

(sus) fauna (Lubritto et al. 2013:1229). However, nearly half of the sample is composed of subadults and the high δ15N values may simply reflect a residual weaning signal.

The community of Zaballa is further explored by Quirós Castillo (2013) who includes it in a comparison of four medieval Basque communities. One of these four sites is the castle and fortified village of Treviño. The population from Treviño contained higher average δ15N values (9.6 ± 1.2‰) than all three other communities (9.0 ± 0.8‰,

8.3 ± 0.6‰, and 7.9 ± 1.0‰ respectively), which may suggest greater consumption of high trophic level protein among the regional elite (Quirós Castillo 2013:26). This conclusion is further supported by zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains that indicate that the meat consumed at the fortified village and castle of Treviño was procured from juvenile animals (Quirós Castillo 2013:30). In contrast, faunal remains from the other three communities reveal that cattle were butchered later in life after having first been used for traction (Quirós Castillo 2013:30). Among the aristocracy young animals were selected to become fine meals, while in rural agricultural settings animals were used primarily as renewable sources for traction, milk, and wool before ultimately being butchered.

Ortega et al. (2013) employed stable isotopes of strontium (Sr) to infer mobility patterns of individuals with and without Germanic grave goods in an Early

Medieval cemetery in the province of Álava, in Basque Country. Their study found that two groups of non-locals are present within the cemetery, but without further analysis of

Sr values across Europe the authors were unable to pinpoint the immigrants’ geographic region of origin (Ortega et al. 2013:61). No correlation was found between grave goods and region of origin, and in fact none of those identified by their Sr values as immigrants were buried with Germanic grave goods (Ortega et al. 2013:61). Grave goods alone cannot be a proxy for ethnicity. This study challenges the narrative of the Germanic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula following the collapse of the Roman Empire, and further supports the theoretical movement away from the history-culture paradigm that has shaped so much of Spanish archaeological practice (Quirós Castillo et al. 2013:216).

A final study mentioned here from the Basque Country employs dental calculus as a non-destructive proxy for paleodietary analysis. Scott and Poulson (2012) obtained carbon and nitrogen isotopes from the dental calculus of 58 Medieval and/or

Early Modern skeletons from Vitoria Cathedral. The authors acknowledge that precise dating of the skeletons is impossible due to the practice of stacking bodies on top of each other over centuries (Scott and Poulson 2012:1389). Their results are unique in that, with

13 the exception of one outlier, no signature of C4 plants are represented by the δ C data, despite the presence of a C4 signature in groups of the same region and time period [i.e. the post-medieval mass grave of Santa María (López Costas 2012:408)]. This suggested that the sample is indeed from the Middle Ages rather than from the Early Modern era.

Furthermore, the vary of δ15N values from 15.1 to 9.4 permil are quite high compared to values obtained by other studies in the temporal and geographic region.

These high δ15N values may compare favorably to other European studies, especially

96 those from an aristocratic settings (Scott and Poulson 2012:1391); however, Quirós

Castillo points out that comparable δ15N values from the fortified village and castle of

Treviño (average δ15N 9.6 ± 1.2 ‰) are notably less than those obtained from Vitoria

Cathedral (average δ15N 11.8 ± 1.2 ‰) despite similarities in location and prominence.

For this reason, Quirós Castillo recommends that values obtained from calculus be used with caution (Quirós Castillo 2013:31-32).

Turning now to the northeastern portion of the Iberian Peninsula, several studies have considered mobility patterns and dietary differences between people of different faiths during the Medieval Islamic period. In Pamplona in the region of Navarre, an Islamic necropolis dating to the eight century was uncovered during the construction of a parking lot (Prevedorou et al. 2010:43). This necropolis dates to the first century of the Islamic invasion and occupation of Iberia. One of the individuals, a female with a decorative enamel modification typically found in regions of northern Africa but uncommon in medieval Iberia, was recovered (Prevedorou 2010:42). This female, and for comparison an individual without any enamel modifications were selected for analysis with Sr. Results revealed that neither individual was likely born in Iberia, but rather both had immigrated to Iberia from north Africa (Prevedorou et al. 2010:48). Thus the wave of immigration following Islamic occupation of Iberia was not just of males with a military function, but also contained female camp followers or possibly wives and families

(Prevedorou et al. 2010:49).

A further exploration of dietary differences between Muslims and Christians in medieval Islamic Spain is found in Mundee (2010). Mundee’s doctoral thesis reconstructed diet and resource exploitation within Christian and Islamic communities of

97 the eighth to sixteenth centuries in the Aragón and Valencia regions of northeast and

Mediterranean Spain. The intended purpose of Mundee’s research was to explore differences between faith and diet; however, it was discovered that in general greater differences in diet were observed within faith communities and between geographic areas

(Mundee 2010:218). This suggests that more variation in diet existed between members of difference classes within the same faith, and that these communities were eating local resources resulting in greater regional variation.

However, there were differences between the diets of Christians and

Mudéjares, Iberian Muslims who remained in Spain after the Reconquest, in the thirteenth through sixteenth centuries in the region of Valencia (Alexander et al. 2014:8).

Results indicate that diet was predominately based on C3 plants and the animals that consumed them, augmented by the moderate consumption of C4 plants at particular locations, particularly where sugarcane was cultivated (Alexander et al. 2014:8).

Differences between these two contemporaneous groups who lived side by side may be explained by their different faith cultures or socio-economic status (Alexander et al.

2014:8).

Located 200 miles east off the coast of Valencia in the Mediterranean are the

Balearic Islands. Garica et al. (2004) explored diet in fifth century on the island of

Majorca, the largest of the Balearic Islands. Results indicate that despite the proximity to the sea, marine resources contributed little to overall diet although dietary differences between males and females did exist in the fifth century (Garica et al. 2004:173).

Difference between the sexes has not been noted at any other site.

Like Garcia et al. (2004), Fuller et al. (2010) also found no strong marine signature on the neighboring Balearic Islands of Ibiza and Formentera. Results indicate that human diet for much of the history of the Ibiza and Formentera was dependent on terrestrial-based C3 resources with only a small contribution from marine and/or C4 plants. In contrast, dietary patterns shifted significantly during the Islamic Medieval period to C4 plants and/or animals fed on C4 fodder (Fuller et al. 2010:519).

A subsequent study of this population using sulfur isotopes revealed that individuals contained similar sulfur values to terrestrial fauna indicating that diet consisted of terrestrial fauna rather than marine resources (Nehlich et el. 2012:120).

These findings further support the results of Fuller et al. (2010) and Garcia et al. (2004) who found that island populations do not consume marine resources in any meaningful way. Moreover, Nehlich et al. (2012) found that among the Islamic population of Ibiza and Formentera individuals were either not local to the islands or were consuming an entirely imported diet (Nehlich et al. 2012:121).

The authors state that it is surprising how little marine resources appear to have contributed to diet on the islands; however, this trend is documented for other island communities throughout the Mediterranean (Fuller et al. 2010:591; Salazar-García 2011).

These seemingly counterintuitive trends favoring terrestrial rather than marine resources suggest that food choices are influenced by cultural and social dynamics rather than perceived availability. The use of stable isotopes to explore diet is a powerful tool in undoing assumptions and previously held notions about individuals and their dietary choices.

Summary

In recent years, the number of studies utilizing stable isotope analysis in Spain has greatly increased due to shifts in public policy that value a processual approach to archaeology. These early studies will help build the foundation for future work in this region exploring and reconstructing diet, social hierarchies, and migration patterns in the past. This thesis employs a social bioarchaeological approach that seeks to integrate social, cultural, and historical studies with empirical evidence from stable isotope analysis. This approach augments the study of the human skeleton beyond biological descriptions in order to ask complex questions about past lifeways.

Of particular interest to this thesis is the growing trend in exploring the

Middle Ages for their merit rather than as an antecedent to the Early Modern era or byproduct of the collapse of Imperial Rome. Stable isotope analysis has been one way to garner support for an argument against individuals returning to a nomadic lifestyle after the fall of Rome, as had been suspected by historians. Rather the Early Middle Ages were a time of complex social, political, and economic interactions, during which time Iberia developed under the rule of Visigoth kings.

Stable isotope studies of Basque County reveal that complex animal husbandry practices were employed to manage livestock in the Early Middle Ages

(Sirignano et al. 2014). In addition, studies of the Basque County reveal that there are non-local individuals buried alongside long-time local residents (Ortega et al. 2013;

Quirós Castillo et al. 2013).

These dietary studies indicate that Medieval Spanish populations predominately ate resources that were available locally. Galicians consumed seafood and

100 fish as their proximity to the coast facilitates fishing and foraging for shellfish (López

Costas 2012). In general, Galicians as well as populations in the Basque Country consumed some C4 plant resources in their diets in addition to C3 terrestrial plant foods and animal products.

Results from studies that explored social status found that individuals identified as members of the elite had δ15N values that were greater on average than other individuals. Burials from the high status chapel of the Lugo Cathedral in Galicia produced elevated δ15N values that López Costas (2012:396) attributes to greater meat and/or dairy consumption by the upper classes. In addition, remains from the fortified village of Treviño had greater δ15N than less prestigious communities in the Basque

Country, which Quirós Castillo (2013:26) suggests greater consumption of high trophic level protein by the regional elite.

The trend toward higher δ15N values among those buried in places of high status is apparent across regions. This trend toward consumption of high trophic level foods by the elite reflects the stratified hierarchies of Medieval society. To explore these questions in the context of Medieval and Early Modern Asturias samples selected for study have been prepared following the procedures presented in the next chapter.

CHAPTER VI

MATERIALS AND METHODS

This thesis examined skeletal collections from eight sites located across

Asturias that date to the Medieval and Early Modern periods (~ AD 600 – 1800). These sites represent a diverse selection of Asturian communities: a few are urban while most are rural, and some are isolated while others are located along major pilgrimage or trade routes.

A simplified two-phase chronology based on Passalacqua (2012) was utilized to categorize sites by time period. Four sites span multiple time periods and individuals will be assessed independently. These two categories are the Medieval period, which corresponds to AD 600 to AD 1499, and the Early Modern period, which corresponds to

AD 1500 to AD 1800. The date of AD 600 Medieval period was determined by radiocarbon dating of remains from the Medieval necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín

(Villa Valdés et al. 2008:73). The Early Modern period spans AD 1500-1800. This period corresponds to Columbus’ encounter with the Americas, and the rise of the Spanish

Empire. Europe’s exploration of the New World shattered previously held notions about

Biblical creation and ushered in a new era in contemporary thought. Important to this thesis is the post-1500 introduction and adoption of new crops from the Americas to

Europe. The Columbia Exchange, as this trade is known, would in time alter European foodways. Crops native to the Americas such as maize, tomatoes, chili peppers, and

101 102 potatoes would become stables in European diets. These chronological demarcations will aid in comparing the mean isotope results of individuals across time periods.

Burials are differentiated between those found inside churches (ad sanctos) and those located outside of churches. Status is inferred based on burial location. Thus, communities are thought to have buried commoners outside of churches, and to have interred individuals of higher status in places of privilege “near the saints” within the church.

The following chapter will provide background information on the eight individual sites, discuss sample methodology, sample preparation, and include a brief explanation of the tests of sample quality.

1. Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín

Located on strategic hillsides throughout Asturias are numerous forts, called castros. Bronze Age warriors of Celtic heritage were first to establish these fortified hilltops. The Castro de Chao Samartín is located at an elevation 2,170 feet (661 meters) above sea level, 25 miles (40 kilometers) from coast, and over 50 miles (80 kilometers) from the capital Oviedo. Originally a Bronze Age settlement, the Romans occupied Chao

Samartín until abandoning it in the second century AD following a catastrophic earthquake. After six centuries of disuse, Asturians in the eight century began to extract and re-utilize the abandoned masonry and established the necropolis (Villa Valdés et al.

2008:58). The necropolis is associated with a church that was intentionally built on top of the ruins of an ancient domus, an urban home for Roman elites, located on a geographically prominent area of the hilltop (Villa Valdés et al. 2008:64). It is quite

103 common for churches to be built on geographically or spiritually important locations in

Asturias.

Ongoing excavations of the Medieval necropolis began in 1990. Burials available for this study were excavated in 2007 and 2008. Analysis of the human burials suggests the Medieval population was stationary with low frequencies of disease or nutritional stress indicators, which suggests a relatively healthy local population, rather than a population fluctuating with migratory pilgrims (Villa Valdés et al. 2008:64). Although pilgrims may not have ascended the steep hilltop, the site is located near the Camino

Primitivo, a pilgrimage route that connects the Camino Norte to the Camino Francés through Oviedo and Lugo (Whitson and Perazzoli 2012:243). Radiocarbon dating of the skeletal remains from the cemetery provides an interval of AD 629 to 1470 (Villa Valdés et al. 2008:73).

2. The Early Medieval Cemetery of the Church of San Salvador de Valdediós

The Church of San Salvador de Valdediós is located approximately 5.7 miles (9.3 km) from the city of Villaviciosa and was consecrated in AD 892 during the reign of

Alfonso III (c. AD 848-910). The church and associated thirteenth century Cistercian monastery of Santa María de Valdediós are known locally as “el Conventín” and are considered prime examples of Pre-Romanesque architecture (Fernández Conde and

Alonso Alonso 1992:193). The church, monastery, and necropolis are situated in a fertile valley at an elevation of 465 feet (141 meters) above sea level. Locally referred to as the

Boides Valley, this region is known today for its apple and sidra production and is approximately 8 miles (13 kilometers) from the coast and Ría de Villaviciosa estuary.

According to the archaeological report, the site is prone to seasonal flooding from a

104 nearby stream that contours the eastern boundary of the site (Fernández Conde and

Alonso Alonso 1992:193).

Although the church and necropolis have been in use from AD 900 to 1800, only burials that date chronologically to AD 900-1200 were available for study (Passalacqua

2012:69). The University of Oviedo began excavation in 1985 and burials were recovered in 1989 (Fernández Conde and Alonso Alonso 1992:193). Graves consisted predominately of stone-lined cist burials covered by a single or double layer of stone slabs, sometimes with evidence of re-use (Fernández Conde and Alonso Alonso

1992:197).

Some of these burials contain intentional deposits of shell, mainly marine mollusks, as well as evidence of small fires having burned on top of the graves, which suggests that this community practiced unique funerary rituals in the Middle Ages (Fernández Conde and Alonso Alonso 1992:198). Burial b.4, included in this thesis, is one of these aforementioned burials that contained a deposit of shells (Fernández Conde and Alonso

Alonso 1992:197). Passalacqua identified this individual as male with a median age-at- death of 65 years (Passalacqua 2012:144).

The presence of shells within the graves is particularly interesting as the scallop is an important symbol of Saint James and the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. The presence of shells within burials in Jaca, Spain has been associated with pilgrim burials, and the number of shells within the burial may correspond to the number of times the individual made the pilgrimage (Mundee 2010:88). Pilgrims would have arrived at the

Church of San Salvador by traversing the Camino Primitivo, which splits from the coastal

105 route of the Camino del Norte just north of Villaviciosa and heads south toward Oviedo

(Whitson and Perazzoli 2012:210).

3. The Medieval Cemetery of the Church of San Pedro de Nora (n=16)

The Church of San Pedro de Nora is a Pre-Romanesque church located in the municipality of Las Regueras along the River Nora approximately 5.6 miles (9 kilometers) from Oviedo. The site is over 15.5 miles (25 kilometers) from the coast at an elevation of 300 feet (91 meters) above sea level. The church is located on a sliver of land surrounded by an oxbow of the River Nora.

Burials were excavated in 1991 and can be differentiated chronologically by their distinct typologies that date them to the twelfth to fifteenth centuries (Martinez Faedo and

Adán Alvarez 1995:290). Detailed documentation regarding specific burials is unavailable. Overall, there is very little documentation regarding the church’s history or construction. Debate exists among scholars as to when the Church of San Pedro de Nora was constructed as it is first documented in AD 905 in the records of King Alfonso III (c.

AD 848-910), yet it appears more similar architecturally to churches built by his predecessor King Alfonso II (c. AD 759-841) (Adán Alvarez et al. 1997:162).

The church was declared a national monument in 1931 only to be burned in 1936 during the Spanish Civil War, but was later restored (Martinez Faedo and Adán Alvarez

1995:286). Modern deposits from the church of San Pedro de Nora curated in the Museo

Arqueológico de Asturias include faunal remains in association with various historic debris and 1935 rifle casings, reminders of a turbulent period in Spanish history and a testament to the resiliency of those who survived and restored this church.

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4. The Medieval Cemetery of the Church of San Miguel de Lillo

King Ramiro I (c. AD 842-850) consecrated the Church of San Miguel de Lillo

(also spelled Liño) in AD 848. The site is located on Mount Naranco that overlooks the city of Oviedo from 1,300 feet (396 m) above sea level. The church was originally built to accompany a royal country palace that was converted to church in the twelfth century and dedicated to Santa María del Naranco. Because of its exquisite Pre-Romanesque architecture and historical importance this complex became a UNESCO World Heritage

Site in 1985.

Fluvial erosion threatened structural integrity of San Miguel de Lillo and required the removal of burials in addition to restorative construction (Villa Valdés, personal communication 2013). In 1989, the German Archaeological Institute excavated the cemetery around the exterior wall of the church in order to re-engineer the building’s foundation to prevent its collapse (Hauschild 1992:171, García de Castro Valdés

1995:127). Burials studied in this thesis are from common graves recovered from the exterior of the church during the 1989-1991 excavations and date to AD 1100-1400

(Passalacqua 2012:70).

5. The Church of San Julián de Viñón

The cemetery of San Julián de Viñón was excavated in 2005 and dates to approximately 1400-1800 (Passalacqua 2012:75). In 1985 the Ministry of Culture of

Spain declared the church an Artistic Historic Monument due to its Pre-Romanesque and

Romanesque architecture. The site is located in the municipality of Cabranes at an elevation of 550 feet (167 meters) above sea level, 22 miles (35 kilometers) from Oviedo and 9 miles (14.5 kilometers) from the coast. The surrounding terrain is extremely rugged

107 and many villagers abandoned their communities in the Middle Ages due to harsh living conditions (Diaz Garcia 1995:231). The church of San Julián de Viñón may have been an important sanctuary along the Camino de Moros, a Medieval trade route connecting the port of Villaviciosa with the Kingdom of Castile (Diaz Garcia 1995:230).

The majority of burials represent common burials that date to AD 1400-1800; however, two burials (b. 96 and b. 39) recovered from within the apse of the church are thought to be higher status individuals that date to the Pre-Romanesque founding of the church in the twelfth century (Passalacqua 2012:75). Analysis of this excavation is ongoing.

6. The Church of San Pedro de Plecín

The church of San Pedro de Plecín (known as San Salvador prior to the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries) is a late-Romanesque Church located in Alles, the capital city of the municipality of Peñamellera Alta. This site is important to the history of Peñamellera

Alta as it is the oldest medieval structure still standing in Alles (Adán Alvarez 1995:314).

Alles is located over 50 miles (80 kilometers) east of Oviedo at an elevation of 800 feet

(243 meters) above sea level in between the foothills of the Picos de Europa in the

Cantabrian Mountains. Although the site is only 6 miles (9.6 kilometers) from the

Cantabrian Sea it is separated from the coast by the Sierra de Cueras that rise to 2000 feet

(609 meters) above sea level.

The ruins of the church were excavated in 1991. The stratigraphy within the church is heavily disrupted due to the collapse, reconstruction, expansion, and looting of the church over the centuries, which has made relative dating of burials extremely difficult

(Adán Alvarez 1995:313). Adán Alvarez (1995:308) states that the site, like many sites in

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Asturias, was likely a center of pagan worship before being converted to a church in the eleventh or twelfth centuries. The earliest burials date to the eleventh century and were recovered from the southern side of the church (Adán Alvarez 1995:312). One of these burials (b. 29) is a high status burial that contained a coin; however, Adán Alvarez

(1995:311-312) cautions against using coins found in grave fill as an exact dating method.

Two burials from AD 1300-1500 were located within the church. One burial (b.

121) was recovered from the Southern Ossuary (“Cata E”) and contained a coin from the reign of Alfonso V of Portugal (1438-1481) (Adán Alvarez 1995:313). The other burial

(b. 28), was recovered from the West Trench located near the main entrance to the church

(Adán Alvarez 1995:313). Passalacqua (2012:146) identified b. 28 as a subadult with a median age-at-death of eleven years

Until the eighteenth century the prosperous Mier family financed the church and were buried within a family crypt; however, when they withdrew their patronage in 1778 the church fell into disrepair (Adán Alvarez 1995:315). Adán Alvarez suggests that ad sanctos burials b. 27, located in the nave, and b. 24, a subadult with a median age-at- death of six (Passalacqua 2012:145) who was recovered from the altar, may be of individuals whose families helped financed the church’s construction and maintenance

(Adán Alvarez 1995:315). Other burials (b. 23 and b. 25) date to the 1500-1800s (Adán

Alvarez 1995:313).

Various perinatal and subadult remains were recovered from disturbed soil associated with the building’s collapse and were commingled with faunal remains and various artifacts including a fragment of white glazed ceramic and a metal nail. This

109 context suggests a date for these subadult remains that is consistent with the aforementioned burials from 1500-1800. A fragment of perinatal skull (b. 97) was bagged with a fragment of scallop shell, a symbol of the pilgrimage of St. James. It is unknown if the elements were bagged together intentionally to associate the skull fragment with the scallop shell, or if the skull fragment was simply mistaken for shell.

7. The Catedral de San Salvador in Oviedo

The Catedral de San Salvador is a minor basilica located in Asturias’s capital,

Oviedo. Fruela I founded the cathedral in AD 781 and his son Alfonso II expanded upon the original building in AD 802. The building sits at an elevation of 795 feet (242 meters) above sea level. Pilgrims on the Way of St. James often visited the reliquary of San

Salvador on their way to Santiago de Compostela in Galicia (Davies and Davies

1982:223).

Excavations conducted in 1998-1999 to renovate the building and improve its sanitation system, uncovered three ad sanctos burials located in limestone sarcophagi

(Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:3). The style of sarcophagi is typical of high medieval burials and Garcías de Castro Valdes suggests that these burials date to the tenth century; but he notes that without radiocarbon dating of the remains it is impossible to know if the sarcophagi were reused by later interments (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:44).

Sarcophagus one (b. 19) contained multiple individuals, sarcophagus two (b. 20) contained a single individual in supine position, and sarcophagus three (b. 21) contained at least two individuals (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:39-42). One unique individual from each sarcophagus was selected for study. These individuals were buried in the cripta oriental near the relics of saints Eulogio and Leocricia who were martyred by the

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Moors in Cordoba in 859 and interred in Oviedo in 884 during the Reconquest. In addition, this crypt is located only a few meters from the Cámara Santa, the ninth century reliquary and treasure chamber of King Alfonso II that became a UNESCO World

Heritage Site in 1998. The quality of the limestone sarcophagi and their privileged location within the cathedral suggests that these individuals are aristocratic clergy

(Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:44).

Excavation conducted in 1991 recovered the remains of two subadult burials (b. 78 and b. 79) possibly from within or nearby the chapel of St. Eulalia that was constructed within the cathedral in the seventeenth century (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:120).

However, the exact date and location of these two subadult burials is unknown.

8. The Hospital and Church of San Juan Bautista, and the Colegio San Isidoro,

Oviedo

This site is unique from the other sites included in this thesis because of the presence of a hospital administered by the Catholic Church that functioned until the eighteenth century. The hospital and church of San Juan Bautista, which later became the

Colegio San Isidoro, is located in Oviedo at the present day address of No. 3 Calle

Schultz, only 650 feet (200 m) from the Cathedral of San Salvador at an elevation of 795 feet (242 m) above sea level. This site was excavated in 2000 with the primary purpose of reinforcing the foundations of the building under Schultz Street (Garcías de Castro

Valdés 2002:105).

Alfonso VI established the hospital and church in AD 1096 (Garcías de Castro

Valdés 2002:12). Common burials (b. 34, b. 35, b. 36, b. 83, b. 84, b. 85) from this cemetery surrounding the exterior of the church date to 1300-1600 based in part on coins

111 discovered in the stratigraphic level (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:107). Historic documents indicate that pilgrims visiting the Cathedral of San Salvador used the hospital, and that Alfonso VI established the hospital for this purpose (Garcías de Castro Valdés

2002:16). Garcías de Castro Valdés notes that one burial contained a Portuguese coin dating to 1495-1521 and speculates that this burial may belong to a pilgrim of Portuguese origin (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:37). Unfortunately, this particular burial was not available for study; however, it seems likely that some burials from this location may be non-local pilgrims.

In 1739, new housing accommodations were constructed for visitors, the sick, and separate rooms for men and women (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:19). The building later became the Colegio San Isidoro, a Jesuit college, however the hospital and church were still in use. The church closed in 1875 (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:30). Burials

(b. 30, b. 31, b. 32, b. 33, b. 37, b. 38) that date to 1700-1800 were recovered from simple pit graves covered with a layer of clay inside the church of San Juan (Garcías de Castro

Valdés 2002:112). Among these, b. 38 is a female with a median age-at-death of 69 years who has healed cribra orbitalia (Passalacqua 2012:147). Another individual, b. 81, an adult of an indeterminate sex, exhibits an active tibial periostitis lesion. It is unknown if pilgrims engaged in excessive walking over a prolonged period of time may have been more likely to develop tibial periostitis and to have been treated at this hospital in

Oviedo. Although it may simply be coincidental, the only skeletal samples with known pathological conditions in this thesis are associated with this hospital, although it is unclear if these individuals were patients, pilgrims, caregivers, or patrons.

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Although these burials were recovered from within the church, we cannot assume that this ad sanctos location implies that these individuals were wealthy or high status members of eighteenth century society. Other ad sanctos burials in this location were reserved for clergy who ministered to ailing hospital patients (Garcías de Castro Valdés

2002:112). It may be that the status and meaning of ad sanctos burial was different for people living in urban Early Modern Oviedo who were associated with this hospital, church and Jesuit college, than it was for medieval people living in rural communities.

Sampling Methodology

For this thesis, 122 human and 42 faunal bone samples were selected for study. Samples were collected in two stages. The original sample consisted of 66 human and 13 faunal samples that were received in 2010. To increase the sample representation, an additional 56 human and 29 faunal samples were collected in 2013 along with 19 human teeth (second and/or third molars). The teeth will be part of ongoing research. All samples were prepared at the Stable Isotope Preparation Laboratory at California State

University, Chico following standard protocols and procedures.

The author utilized the text by Scheuer and Black (2000) to estimate age for perinates and subadults. Passalacqua (2012) provided sex and age assessments for some of the individuals included in this thesis. Age-at-death estimate techniques were based on

Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) and Uhl and Passalacqua (2009). Sex for adults with fused epiphyses was estimated using latent class analysis (LCA) in Mplus (Passalacqua

2012:79, Passalacqua et al. 2013).

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One to two grams of bone was obtained from each burial. Care was taken to remove bone from non-diagnostic elements or from elements that were already broken in order to minimize destruction. Bone fragments were removed by hand or with the assistance of pliers or a small handsaw when necessary. Non-pathological bone was preferentially selected over pathological bone.

Faunal remains to create an isotopic baseline were collected from units contemporaneous with burials. When no faunal remains were found in association with medieval deposits, faunal material was collected from historic deposits. Faunal bones were compared with the California State University, Chico Zooarchaeology reference collection for species identification in an effort to differentiate between domesticated and wild animals. Sheep and goat were differentiated from other even-toed ungulates

(artiodactyls) using the criteria in Zeder and Lapham (2010). Species level identification is important when comparing the diets of grazers and browsers.

Sample Preparation

Samples were cleaned to remove surface contaminants first by avulsion with a diamond-studded Dremel bit followed by successive ultrasonic cleansing washes of distilled, de-ionized water (dH2O), 95% ethanol, and 100% ethanol. Each sample was then weighed as a whole and then divided into a collagen sample and apatite sample and weighed separately.

The samples isolated for collagen analysis were prepared in four distinct steps: demineralizing, removal of humics and other contaminants, solubilizing, and freeze-drying. The samples were contained within an individually labeled 50 mL

114 centrifuge tube. To remove the mineral component of bone in order to isolate collagen, the samples were submerged in 40 mL of a 0.25 M solution of hydrochloric acid (HCL) and refreshed periodically until complete demineralization occurred. After demineralization the samples were rinsed three times with dH2O to remove any residual acid. Following full demineralization, samples were soaked for 24 hours in a 0.125M solution of sodium hydroxide (NaOH) to remove any humics or other contaminants.

After 24 hours, the remaining NaOH was thoroughly removed by subjecting the samples to 5 successive rinses of dH2O. Once rinsed and dried, 15 mL of dH2O with a

(pH) of 3 was added to solubilize the collagen remaining within the demineralized bone.

Each sample was then heated overnight in an oven set at 70-90º C. The resulting collagen was then poured from the centrifuge tube into a Teflon cup and dried in the oven. The addition of dH2O with a (pH) of 3 followed by pouring off the remaining liquid into a

Teflon cup was repeated twice or until all the collagen is solubilized. The dried collagen that accumulated within the Teflon cup was then rehydrated by the addition of 3 mL of dH2O with a (pH) of 3 and the resulting liquid collagen was poured into a glass vial.

After the collagen within the glass vial was frozen it was freeze-dried, weighed, and prepared for final elemental analysis.

The sample isolated for apatite analysis was prepared in three distinct steps: pulverizing, removal of organics, and removal of diagenetic contaminants. First the sample was pulverized with a steel mortar and pestle and the resultant bone powder sieved through a standard #60 mesh screen. This sieved powder was weighed to establish an initial powder weight and the powder was returned to the individually labeled 50 mL centrifuge tube.

115

Organics, such as collagen, were then removed from the powder through immersion in a 1.5% sodium hypochlorite (NaOCl) solution based upon the ratio of .04 mL of solution to .04 mg sample weight (Koch et al. 1997). This solution was refreshed once after 24 hours, and after an additional 24 hours in NaOCl submersion the sample was centrifuged and rinsed with dH20.

Once dry, a 1.0 M acetic acid solution buffered to a pH of 4.5 with NaOH was added to the powder in the sample solution-to-sample ratio unique to each sample. After

12 hours the samples were refreshed with the same of amount of acetic acid for an additional 12 hours. To better disperse the solution throughout the sample matrix the tube containing the sample was placed horizontally to increase the surface area of the powder.

After the final 12 hour submersion the sample was centrifuged and rinsed with dH20 four times. Once fully dry, the sample was weighed and the final bone powder weight recorded.

The prepared collagen samples were analyzed at the UC Davis Stable Isotope

Facility in the Department of Plant Sciences under the direction of Dr. Joy Matthews.

Between 1.5 to 2.0 mg of freeze-dried collagen was weighed into tin capsules. Values for

δ13C and δ15N were obtained by a PDZ Europa ANCA-GSL elemental analyzer, interfaced with a PDX Europa 20-20 isotope ratio mass spectrometer (internal precision ±

0.2‰ for δ13C, and ± 0.3‰ for δ15N).

The first batch of prepared apatite samples were analyzed at the UC Davis

Stable Isotope Laboratory in the Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences under the direction of Dr. Howard Spero. Stable carbon and oxygen isotope rations were measured either with a GVI Isoprime or a Fisons Optima Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometer (internal

116 precision ± 0.02‰ for δ13C, and ± 0.06‰ for δ18O). The second batch of prepared apatite samples were analyzed at the University of Wyoming Stable Isotope Facility under the direction of Dr. Dave Williams. Results from these labs are comparable. Stable carbon and oxygen isotope ratios were measured using a Thermo Gasbench coupled to a Thermo

Delta Plus XL continuous flow inlet Stable Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometer (internal precision ± 0.3‰ for δ13C, and ± 0.4 ‰ for δ18O).

Tests of Sample Quality

Although skeletal preservation in Asturias is generally poor due to the acidic mountainous soils, isotopic analysis of bone collagen and apatite can still yield valid results for dietary analysis when quality control indicators are evaluated. To test the sample quality of collagen one must ensure that the sample in question is, in fact, collagen. There are two types of bone: contaminated bone and degraded bone. Of these two, contaminated bone is actually preferable as degraded bone will fail to yield results from collagen altogether (van Klinken 1999:687). Thus, the easiest and most reliable way of evaluating diagenesis is collagen yield expressed as a percent of the original processed bone weight (van Klinken 1999:688). Dividing the final collagen sample weight by the starting bone sample weight produces the collagen yield. In addition to standard quality control measures, soil samples contemporaneous with the skeletal collection were obtained for pH testing to assess possible correlations between soil pH and diagenesis as acidic soils are known to be deleterious to sample preservation (Gordon and Buikstra

1981:569).

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When both carbon and nitrogen isotopes from bone collagen are analyzed the atomic ratio of carbon to nitrogen is utilized to assess bone quality. DeNiro (1985),

Schoeninger (1989), and Ambrose (1990) argue that the ratio of carbon to nitrogen expressed as an atomic C/N ratio is a useful indicator of contamination or degradation.

DeNiro (1985) states that a viable C/N ratio should fall between 2.9 and 3.6 based on the atomic ratio of carbon to nitrogen in collagen. Ideally, there should be no correlation between collagen yield and C/N ratios, as a relationship between these two quality indicators suggests possible contamination and diagenesis of the collagen sample.

Bone apatite, the inorganic portion of bone also known as hydroxyapatite, should also be tested for sample quality. Analyzing the spectra produced when the sample is subjected to Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), including the carbonate content (C/P; that is CO3/PO4) and the infrared splitting factor (IRSF), is one method to assess apatite quality (Garvie-Lok et al. 2004, Shemesh 1990; Surovell and Stiner 2001;

Termine and Posner 1966; Wright and Schwarcz 1996). Samples were prepared for FTIR analysis in the California State University, Chico; Department of Chemistry Lab. Sample quality was assessed by analysis of the output from a Thermoelectron Nicolet 4300 FT-

IR instrument that can detect a range of mid-infrared spectra (400 to 4000 cm-1).

To conduct this analysis, 2 to 3 mg of sample are ground in an agate mortar and pestle with 200 mg of potassium bromide (KBr) to create a homogenized powder that can pressed into a pellet. The chemical bonds within each pelleted are then evaluated as the instrument directs infrared light through the pellet matrix. Light is absorbed at different wavelengths depending on the chemical bonds present. The proportion of absorbed infrared wavelengths are graphically captured by OMNIC 7.0 software, which

118 outputs a spectra plot where the y-axis represents the absorption of infrared light by the bonds presents in the sample, and the x-axis represents that vibrational frequency of these bonds as a wavenumber.

To assess sample quality the FTIR spectra ratio of carbonate to phosphate (CO

3/PO4 , or C/P ratio) is measured to test the organizational structure of the apatite.

Diagenetically altered bone has larger sized crystals in a more organized lattice structure.

This structural change is because apatite crystals naturally substituted carbonate for phosphate in the burial environment and recrystallized due to contamination. Examining the crystalline structure, or crystallinity, of the apatite samples can assess the degree to which the bone was influenced by contamination.

To measure the carbonate content of bone, as the burial environment can increase the carbonate content of bone, the wavelength peak heights are measured at 1035 and 1415 cm-1 and applied to the following formula:

C/P = 1415ht / 1035ht

Unaltered modern bone has a C/P ratio of 0.25; diagentically altered bone would have a greater C/P ratio as more carbonate has been acquired in the buried environment (Wright and Schwarcz 1996). To measure the infrared splitting factor (IR-SF) wavelength peak heights and troughs values are measured at 565 and 605 cm-1 and entered into the following formula developed by Weiner and Bar-Yosef (1990:190).

IR-SF = (565ht + 605ht) / 590ht

When the IR-SF value is greater than the accepted range for modern human bone, which is approximately 2.50. to 3.25 then recrystallization has occurred (Munro et al. 2007).

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The relationship between the IR-SF and δ13C apatite provides the percent of variability in

δ13C that can be explained by digenetic alterations to the crystallinity of the apatite.

Summary

This chapter has described each of the eight sites in detail. The archaeological reports for these sites are brief and typically provide information about the site as a whole, rather than information for specific individuals. The individuals from these sites were analyzed using the standard stable isotope preparation methods and procedures.

Great care was taken to take the minimum amount of sample needed for analysis and to sample only from non-pathological, non-diagnostic bones to maintain the integrity of the collection for future research. Results for each site will be discussed in further detail in the results chapter.

CHAPTER VII

RESULTS OF STABLE ISOTOPE

ANALYSIS

This chapter presents the results of stable isotope analysis (δ13C and δ15N) of bone collagen and apatite (δ13C) for 122 individuals whose remains were excavated from eight sites across the region of Asturias, in northwestern Spain. Burials date from the seventh century to the early eighteenth century and represent a time span of over one thousand years.

Each sample has been arbitrarily assigned a unique burial number that correspond to its catalogue number (see Appendix B). Unless stated otherwise, all sex and median age-at-death estimates were conducted by Passalacqua (2012). For statistical purposes, individuals identified as “probable female” and “probable male” were groups with females and males, respectively. Of the 122 individuals selected for study, 110 yielded collagen results meeting quality standards were obtained. Results were obtained for 80 adults, 23 subadults, and 7 perinates.

Stable isotope studies often use the Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal Wallis tests to explore results since data are often non-normally distributed. These are non-parametric test that makes no assumptions of the normal distribution and yields more conservative results. For these reasons, they are less likely to generate a false positive (type 1 error that indicates significance when none actually exists). For all statistical analyses, an alpha

120 121 level of 0.05 is used as a threshold for statistical significance (i.e, α = 0.05). Calculations were conducted in IBM SPSS Statistics 19 for Macintosh and Excel 2011. The presentation of results will begin by exploring faunal values followed by dietary patterns for each of the eight sites.

Asturian Food Web

Stable isotope analysis of faunal remains is valuable for establishing a faunal baseline to compare human values and to explore animal husbandry practices. A baseline that uses fauna from the same region is crucial for examining human values. Faunal values vary based on location and ideally a large faunal sample from each site should be used. In this thesis, limited faunal remains were available for study. For this reason,

Asturian faunal data will be discussed by species rather than by individual site as no single site had available faunal material for a substantial sample size. Faunal values by species are shown in Table 2. Sheep and goat (ovis-capra) are reported together due to the difficulties in differentiating sheep and goat skeletal elements. Artiodactyls are remains from skeletal elements from even-toed ungulates (i.e., pig, cattle, sheep, goat, chamois, deer, horse) that could not be differentiated to the level of species.

Standard deviations were not reported for groups with less than three samples.

It should be noted that the atomic C/N ratios of the rodent (b. 147) was and one of the marine fish (b. 149) exceeded the acceptable range of 2.9 to 3.6 established by DeNiro

(1985); however, Grupe et al. (2009) argue that this range should extend to 4.0 for fish.

The C/N ratio for the rodent sample was 3.7 and the C/N ratio for one of the marine fish

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Table 2. Summary of faunal values. 1 Number of samples, standard deviations provided when n>2, 2 Mammals are adjusted by -2.4 permil, and marine fish are adjusted by -3.7 permil to correct for fractionation between bone collagen and muscle tissue (DeNiro and Epstein 1978). 3 Additional marine fish values were adapted from Müldner and Richards 2007, Müldner and Richards 2005, and Fuller et al. 2012.4 Freshwater fish values were adapted from Müldner and Richards 2007, and Fuller et al. 2012.

Common Scientific Name n1 Average δ13C Adjusted average δ15N (‰) Name (‰) δ13C (‰)2 Cattle Bos taurus 10 -21.6 ± 0.6 -24.0 ± 0.6 5.1 ± 1.0 Pig Sus scrofa 5 -21.7 ± 0.9 -24.1 ± 0.9 7.4 ± 2.4 Sheep Ovis aries - 7 -19.2 ± 3.2 -21.6 ± 3.2 7.0 ± 2.0 and/or Capra hircus Goat Juvenile Capra hircus 1 -20.9 -23.3 6.0 Goat Even-toed Artiodactyla 6 -21.5 ± 1.6 -23.9 6.6 ± 2.1 ungulates Dog Canis familiaris 1 -19.1 -21.5 9.0 Rodent Rodentia 1 -17.1 -19.5 9.3 Chicken Gallus gallus 2 -15.7 -18.1 9.1 Small bird Passeriformes 2 -16.0 -18.4 7.8 Marine - 2 -15.6 -19.3 11.4 fish Marine - 49 -14.5 ± 1.8 -18.2 ± 1.8 12.3 ± 3 fish3 Freshwater - 52 -22.3 ± 4 -26 ± 4 12 ± 0.5 fish4

was 3.9. These samples were included, despite possible digenetic effects, due to the small sample size of these faunal categories.

In Figure 3, raw data for fauna values are plotted along with Medieval and

Early Modern Asturian adults. It appears that cattle (bos) were fed predominately a C3 diet of wild grasses while pig (sus), sheep (ovis), and goat (capra) consumed a mixed diet more similar to humans. This suggests that transhumant cattle were feeding on wild C3 grasses away from villages while pig, sheep, and goat were kept closer to home and fed a diet more consistent with humans.

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Figure 3. Bivariate plot of stable carbon (x-axis) and nitrogen isotopes (y-axis) of Medieval and Early Modern Adults and fauna from Asturias.

Pig and goat are known to consume scraps of food waste from human households and sheep, which were raised primarily for wool, may have been kept closer to homes. Results from a dog and a rodent plot most similarly to humans, which suggests that these animals were consuming a diet that likely included kitchen scraps of animal protein. While the rodent pilfered from rubbish piles, the dog may have been intentionally fed. This may be especially true if the dog was a hunting dog or a working dog from a herding breed used to manage livestock. Note that the limestone sarcophagus

124 of Lope González de Quirós y Diego de Miranda includes a carving of a dog resting at the feet of the reposed aristocrat (see Figure 2). Clearly, some dogs possessed a special status and were likely fed from kitchen scraps.

Both chickens and smaller birds, possibly songbirds, express a C4 signature in their diets. In other areas of Spain the use of millet as chicken feed has been documented

(Mundee 2010). It may be that chickens were intentionally fed millet or possibly sorghum, or that they were consuming a wild C4 plant such Moricandia, a flowering plant with prolific seedpods similar in appearance to mustard but with violet flowers. The presence of this plant may also explain C4 values in the signatures of goats feeding on wild plants.

Notable across fauna species is the elevated δ15N signature. The mean δ15N of chickens in 9.1 permil and the mean δ15N value of small birds is 7.8 permil. While both chickens and small birds likely consumed insects that elevated their δ15N levels, chickens raised in enclosures may have been consuming plants growing near their coop that were elevated in15N due to exposure to chicken manure.

While less elevated δ15N values than the chicken and songbird sample, herbivores also have elevated δ15N levels. While the mean δ15N value of cattle is 5.1 ±

0.95 permil and range from 3.5 permil to 6.8 permil. The maximum δ15N value of 6.8 permil is quite elevated. In contrast the mean δ15N values of pigs (7.4‰), sheep-goat

(7.0‰), and artiodactyls (6.6‰) are all rather high and may indicate a mixed diet of C3 plants and some animal protein from rubbish piles, as pigs and goats are known to be opportunistic feeders. Notable among pigs and sheep-goat is the wide range of values in both δ15N and δ13C. The range for pig δ15N is 6.2 permil and the range for ovis-capra

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δ13C is 9.1 permil. These wide ranges indicate that individuals of these species were not eating a homogenous diet; however, this may also be a reflection of the fact that not all samples are from the same site. These wide ranges may be illustrating the diversity of ecosystems from which animals from different locations in Asturias procured foods.

Elevated δ15N may be an indication of manuring in the ecosystem when plants are intentionally fertilized with manure or inadvertently exposed to manure from animals enclosed in pens, or by the disposal of human waste (i.e., “night soil”). When these plants are consumed they result in elevated δ15N values of the consumer. Cattle are consuming plants less elevated in δ15N, while other ungulates are exposed to more 15N-enriched foods. This illustrates different range management strategies where cattle are moving between pastures away from communities, and other animals are likely kept in pens or nearby settlements and eating different food sources.

In order to compare human values to the faunal baseline, a theoretical food web was created using faunal remains from archaeological sites. Fauna bones date to the

Medieval period, but dating is imprecise. To create the food web, the stable isotopes values of faunal bone were adjusted to take into account the fractionation factor between the food resource and the consumer’s tissues. The construction of a food web is a two- step process. First, to account for fractionation between bone collagen and muscle tissue the mammalian δ13C collagen values were adjusted by -2.4 permil, and the marine fish

δ13C collagen values by -3.7 permil (DeNiro and Epstein 1978). Mean values are shown on a bivariate plot where each box represents the minimum and maximum values of faunal tissue (see Figure 4). In order to directly compare the adjusted faunal tissue values with humans, the δ13C collagen and δ15N collagen must also be adjusted. The

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Figure 4. Food web for medieval and early modern Asturias. Faunal values for mammals were adjusted by -2.4 permil, and marine fish were adjusted by -3.7 permil to correct for fractionation between bone collagen and muscle tissue (DeNiro and Epstein 1978). Additional marine fish values were adapted from Müldner and Richards 2007, Müldner and Richards 2005, and Fuller et al. 2012. Freshwater fish values were adapted from Müldner and Richards 2007, and Fuller et al. 2012. The human δ13C collagen values were adjusted by 5 permil to account for fractionation (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre 1993; van de Merwe and Vogel 1978). The human δ15N collagen values were decreased by 3 permil to adjust for the trophic effect (DeNiro and Epstein 1981; DeNiro and Schoeninger 1983).

human δ13C collagen values were adjusted by 5 permil (these values became less negative) to account for fractionation (Ambrose and Norr 1993; Tieszen and Fagre 1993; van de Merwe and Vogel 1978). The human δ15N collagen values were decreased by 3 permil to adjust for the trophic effect (DeNiro and Epstein 1981; DeNiro and

Schoeninger 1983). As no freshwater fish remains were available for study, the range for

127 freshwater fish values presented here is adapted from Müldner and Richards 2007 and

Fuller et al. 2012. The purpose of this food web is to discuss food sources, rather than faunal values and to compare humans to this plot as a way to illustrate human diet.

Results from Collagen Analysis

Results for stable isotope analysis of collagen for 110 samples from eight

Asturian sites are presented below. Samples that did not meet quality standards have been excluded. Figure 5 is bivariate plot of all individuals from the Medieval period, categorized by site (n =76). Figure 6 is a bivariate plot of all individuals from the Early

Modern period (n = 34). Only four of the eight sites studied contained an Early Modern component.

Results for all individuals categorized by time period indicates that Medieval individuals typically have elevated δ15N and less negative δ13C, while Early Modern individuals have less elevated δ15N and more negative δ13C. The reasons for this dietary shift between time periods will be discussed below.

Results from Apatite Analysis

Results for apatite samples analyzed at the UC Davis Department of Geology lab and the University of Wyoming Stable Isotope Facility are presented here. Apatite- collagen spacing is a measure that assists in determining from what ecosystem nutrients in the whole diet are derived from (Ambrose and Norr 1993, Tieszen and Fagre 1993).

The difference between adjusted δ13C apatite and adjusted δ13C collagen are presented in

Figure 7. When the difference is at 4.4 permil then foods most likely come from C3 terrestrial ecosystems. If the value is less than 4.4 permil then foods may be attributed to

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Figure 5. Bivariate plot of Medieval Asturias individuals categorized by site (n = 76). Note that some individuals have very elevated δ15N.

marine ecosystems. If the diet is high in C3 carbohydrates and depleted in protein then the collagen values would be greater than 4.4 permil, as is the case for the fauna samples included in this study.

These results suggest that Medieval and Early Modern people consumed a predominately C3 terrestrial-based diet. Although a handful of individuals have apatite- collagen spacing slightly less than 4.4, their values do not suggest a significant contribution of marine resources to the diet.

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Figure 6. Bivariate plot of Early Modern individuals categorized by site (n = 34).

Froehle et al. (2010) developed another model to differentiate between protein contributions from terrestrial and marine ecosystems (see Figures 8 and 9). In this model

13 13 δ C apatite and δ C collagen are plotted against regression lines that represent C4 and marine foods [y = (0.503*x) + (-7.61)], and C3 protein and terrestrial foods [y =

(0.555*x) + (-12.7)]. The closer the plotted value is to the regression line indicates the relative contribution of that resource to whole diet.

This model indicates that individuals from both time periods consumed resources primarily from C3 terrestrial ecosystems with some C4 plants and little to no

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Figure 7. Bivariate plot of the apatite-collagen spacing and stable nitrogen isotopes of bone collagen of human remains from Asturias (n = 56).

marine resources. For clarity, the remainder of the results will discuss each site individually and are categorized by time period.

1. Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín

Radiocarbon dates indicate that this site was occupied from the seventh to fifteenth centuries (Villa Valdés et al. 2008:73). From this site nine individuals yielded results with collagen yields and C/N ratios that fell within the acceptable range (see Table

3). No faunal remains were available from this site at the time of sampling. Of these nine individuals, six are adults, two are a subadult (less than 13 years of age), and one is a

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Figure 8. Bivariate plot of Medieval individuals (n = 74). Isotope values plotted against regression lines developed by Froehle et al. (2010) that represent C4 and marine foods [y = (0.503*x) + (-7.61)], and C3 protein and terrestrial foods [y = (0.555*x) + (-12.7)]. Results suggest that diet consisted primarily of C3 terrestrial resources with some C4 plant influence and little to no marine protein input.

perinate (nine months gestation to one month after birth) (see Table 4). All burials were located in the necropolis rather than from inside the associated church. Sex could not be determined for any of these individuals.

Results are plotted in Figure 10. Results indicate that adults consumed a diet of C3 plants with terrestrial animal protein and possibly freshwater fish. The nearest freshwater is the Río de Ola which flows along the eastern border of the hilltop where the

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Figure 9. Bivariate plot of Early Modern individuals (n = 28). Isotope values plotted against regression lines developed by Froehle et al. (2010) that represent C4 and marine foods [y = (0.503*x) + (-7.61)], and C3 protein and terrestrial foods [y = (0.555*x) + (-12.7)]. Results suggest that diet consisted primarily of C3 terrestrial resources with some C4 plant influence and little to no marine protein input.

Table 3. Summary of adult isotope values from the Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 6 -18.8 ± 0.5 -19.3 -17.8 10.2 ± 9.6 11.3 0.6

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Table 4. Summary of one subadult and two perinates from the Medieval Necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín. Groups of less than two are presented separately.

Age Group n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Subadult 2 -19.0 9.6 -17.8 13.2 Perinate 1 -14.5 11.2

Figure 10. Bivariate plot of stable isotope values from individuals buried at the Medieval necropolis of Castro de Chao Samartín (n = 9).

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Castro is located. The Castro is located in interior Asturias near the present-day border with Galicia, so it is not surprising that marine resources would play no part in their diet as they are far from the coast.

All of the adult individuals from this site have fairly homogenous diets consistent with foodstuff from C3 terrestrial ecosystems. One of the subadults (b. 75) has an isotopic signature that compares favorably to the adults and indicates that this child consumed the same diet as adults. However, the other subadult (b. 73) has a δ15N value that is elevated three permil above the mean δ15N of adults. This subadult is likely less than one year of age and this elevated δ15N signature reflects breastfeeding (Fuller et al.

2006). In contrast, the perinate (b. 74) is only elevated one permil above the population mean δ15N. There is a two to three month delay between birth and the presentation of an elevated δ15N value due to breastfeeding in the tissues of infants (Fuller at al. 2006:280).

The δ15N of this perinate reflects the in-utero environment and possibly a very slight weaning signal if the infant survived a few months after birth. In general, the Castro represents a rural community in the interior of Asturias with a mixed C3 and terrestrial protein based diet with some freshwater fish.

2. Early Medieval Cemetery and Church of San Salvador de Valdediós

The tenth century church of San Salvador de Valdediós and the associated thirteenth century Cistercian monastery of Santa María de Valdediós are located near the city of Villaviciosa in northeastern Asturias. The site is located in a fertile valley a few miles from the Ría de Villaviciosa estuary.

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Thirteen medieval samples were selected for study. Twelve adults and one subadult were selected (see Table 5 and 6). The mean δ13C value of the twelve adults is -

19.0‰ ± 0.4‰ and vary from -19.6‰ to -18.0‰. The mean δ15N value is 9.7‰ ± 0.9‰ and vary from 8.8‰ to 12.2‰.

Table 5. Summary of adult isotope values from San Salvador de Valdediós.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 12 -19.0 ± 0.4 -19.6 -18.0 9.7 ± 8.8 12.2 0.9

Table 6 Summary of isotope values from a subadult from San Salvador de Valdediós.

Age Group n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Subadult 1 -19.0 11.7

Adults have similar isotope values that indicate a diet based on C3 plants, terrestrial animal protein, estuarine fish, and perhaps even shellfish (see Figure 11).

Overall, there appears to be a lack of marine protein represented in the isotope values, which is somewhat surprising given the relatively close location of this site to the sea.

While most of the adults have similar isotope signatures on one adult, burial b.

5, is an outlier (see Figure 7.9). This adult (b. 5) is a male with a median age-at-death of

51 years. He has a δ13C value of -17.9‰, and a δ15N value of 12.2‰ which is 2.5‰ above the adult mean δ15N value. This outlier has both statistically significant δ15N as well as δ13C. This individual’s isotope signature suggests that his diet included higher

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Figure 11. Bivariate plot of isotope values for individuals buried at the Early Medieval Cemetery of San Salvador de Valdediós (n = 13). Note that b. 5 is an outlier with greater 15N and more negative 13C than others buried alongside him.

trophic level protein from a C3-terrestrial ecosystem and possibly some high trophic level freshwater fish. He could have been a person of privilege, an aristocrat or high-ranking member of the clergy; however, he was not buried in a prestigious location. Rather, b. 5 was buried alongside other members of the population.

It is possible, that because the church of San Salvador de Valdediós is along the Camino Primitivo, one of the oldest pilgrim’s routes to Santiago de Compostela, that b. 5 could have been traveling through the area; and therefore, expresses a non-local isotope signature. In contrast to b. 5, archaeologists have speculated that burial b. 4

137 actually is a pilgrim as this individual was buried with marine mollusk shells (Fernández

Conde and Alonso Alonso 1992:197). While the shells present with this burial were not described in detail, the scallop shell is a marine mollusk and the symbol of St. James.

Scallop shells were worn by people to identify themselves as pilgrims. Passalacqua

(2012) identified this individual as a male with a median age-at-death of 65 years. The isotope signature of b. 4 is no different from the majority of the population buried at San

Salvador de Valdediós. He may have participated in the pilgrimage at an earlier stage of life and was buried with the shells as a symbol of his piety.

3. Medieval Cemetery of San Pedro de Nora

The Medieval church of San Pedro de Nora sits on the banks of the Nora

River and dates to the twelfth to fifteenth centuries. Fifteen individuals were selected for study (adults and three subadults) (see Table 7). All burials date to the Medieval period.

TABLE 7. Summary of isotope values from San Pedro de Nora.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 12 -18.3 ± 1.8 -19.8 -13.1 10.3 ± 8.8 11.3 1.0 Subadults 3 -18.2 ± 0.9 -19.0 -17.2 10.8 ± 10.0 11.6 0.8

As shown in Table 7.6, the mean δ13C value of the fourteen adults is -18.3 ±

1.8 permil and vary from -19.8 permil to -13.1 permil, the mean δ15N value is 10.3 ± 1.0 permil and vary from 8.8 to 11.6 permil. The mean δ13C value of the three subadults is -

18.2 ± 0.9 permil and vary from -19.0 to -17.2 permil, the mean δ15N value is 10.8 permil

138 and vary from 10.0 permil to 11.6 permil. It appears that local children (b. 118 and b. 49) consumed the same diet as the adults.

A plot of isotope values for San Pedro de Nora shows a group of adults and subadults with elevated δ15N and lower δ13C values (see Figure12). This group of individuals may be local people who subsisted on freshwater fish from the Nora River.

Figure 12. Bivariate plot of isotope values from Medieval individuals buried at the Church of San Pedro de Nora (n = 14).

The Nora River is a tributary of the Nalón River that is one of the longest rivers in Asturias and flows to the Bay of Biscay. Fish may have included catfish and eel.

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As freshwater fish were considered a delicacy in the Middle Ages it is unusual that so many people and children from this site appear to have consumed so much fish. Their access to this resource may indicate that fishing was their occupation.

In contrast, a small group of individuals including one adult male (b. 56) have

15 13 both low δ N and δ C values. These three individuals subsisted on diets primarily of C3 plants and some terrestrial animal protein. This man and the two adults of unknown sex may have been part of a monastic community. Their stable isotope signatures reveal an ascetic diet perhaps indicating a strict adherence to fasting practices.

Only one individual (b. 114) was buried ad sanctos within the church of San

Pedro de Nora. This adult appears to have eaten a diet consisting of mixed terrestrial and freshwater aquatic protein. A subadult (b. 117) of unknown burial provenance has a similar diet to this adult. This subadult is more similar to this ad sanctos adult than to the other children and adults in the sample. Although the burial location of this subadult is unknown, it was not uncommon for wealthy families to bury their children in family crypts within the church that they supported financially.

One male individual (b. 53) has elevated δ13C values unlike other individuals from this site. This male may have lived in an area where C4 plants such as millet or sorghum, or animals that were fed millet or sorghum, made up part of his diet and moved to the San Pedro de Nora later in life.

In general, San Pedro de Nora appears to have a population composed of individuals with different dietary resources possibly due to occupation, monastic affiliation, or non-local origins.

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4. Medieval Church of San Miguel de Lillo

The Medieval Church of San Miguel de Lillo (also spelled Liño) is a

UNESCO World Heritage Site that was originally built in the ninth century as a chapel for a country palace. It was converted to a church in the twelfth century and burials are thought to date to this time period. Samples from this location include twenty-three adults, five subadults, and two perinates. All of the burials are thought to have come from the adjacent cemetery.

As shown in Table 8, the mean δ13C value of the sixteen adults is -17.5 ± 2.5 permil and vary from -19.5 to -10.7 permil, the mean δ15N value is 10.4 ± 1.1 permil and vary from 9.2 to 13.9 permil. The mean δ13C value of the five subadults is -18.4 ± 1.3 permil and vary from -20.0 to -17.3 permil, the mean δ15N value is 10.3 ± 0.8 permil and vary from 9.4 to 11.5 permil (see Table 9). Values are plotted in Figure 13.

Table 8. Summary of adult and subadult isotope values from San Miguel de Lillo.

Age N δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 16 -17.5 ± 2.5 -19.5 -10.7 10.4 ± 9.2 13.9 1.1 Subadult 5 -18.4 ± 1.3 -20.0 -17.3 10.3 ± 9.4 11.5 0.8

While the δ15N of the two perinates are identical, one perinate (b. 98) has an elevated δ13C value of -13.3. permil while the other perinate (b. 107) has a low δ13C value of -20.3 permil. This pattern suggests that the diet of these two infants’ mothers were vastly different. The mother of b. 107 consumed C3 terrestrial resources while the mother of b. 98 likely consumed C4 plant foods. The mother of b. 98 may have moved to

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Table 9. Summary of perinates from San Miguel de Lillo.

Age Group N δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Perinate 2 -13.3 11.5 -20.3 11.5

Figure 13. Bivariate plot of isotope values from individuals buried in the cemetery of Medieval San Miguel de Lillo. Note the b. 112 has the highest δ15N value found in this thesis.

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Asturias from another location where more C4 plants or animals fed on C4 plants, such as chickens, made up her diet. The mother’s diet is reflected in the isotope signature of her child who did not survive infancy.

There are no statistically significant differences between the values of males and females; however, the individual with the most elevated δ15N is male. In fact, this individual (b. 112) has the most elevated δ15N of the entire Asturian sample. His δ15N value is -13.9 permil and his δ13C value is -18.8 permil. This signature suggests a diet rich in high trophic level protein, probably consisting of high trophic level freshwater fish, suckling animals, and/or animal protein from pigs feeding on an omnivorous animal protein and C3 plant diet. This rich diet would suggest that this male had access to dietary resources far different than the average person due to social status, wealth, or ranking in the Church hierarchy. However, this individual was not buried ad sanctos as one might expect, but rather in a location alongside other members of the population.

In addition, this site also boosts two burials with elevated δ13C values. Burial b. 105 has a δ13C value of -10.7 permil, and a δ15N value of 10.9 permil. Burial b. 104 has a δ13C value of -12.2 permil, and a δ15N value of 9.2 permil. These two individuals are both adults of indeterminate sex. The isotope signatures of the adults suggest consumption of high trophic level freshwater fish, such as eel, from the River Nalón, which is only 6 km from the site and flows to the sea.

Moreover, two marine fish bones were recovered from this site during sample collection. Neither fish could be identified to the level of species; however, their isotope results are consistent with marine and anadromous fish values found in other locations in

Medieval Europe. These bones could have come from anadromous fish from the River

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Nalón, but it would appear that the consumption of high trophic level marine and anadromous fish played only a small role in diet. These foods were consumed only during periods of fasting and did not constitute a dietary staple.

Although these individuals are described as being buried in the cemetery, it is known that the present footprint of the church is smaller than it was in the past due to collapse and rebuilding of the structure (Villa Valdés, personal communication 2013).

Given the unexpected isotope signatures of these individual future investigation should explore burial location in relationship to what is thought to be the original footprint of the church. Alternatively, maybe the special significance of this church, its history as a chapel for the nobility, and its picturesque location on Mount Naranco overlooking

Oviedo made it a special destination for the aristocracy who continued to visit and bury their elite here, even if the burial location was in the cemetery rather than in the chapel.

5. San Julian de Viñón

The cemetery of the church of San Julian de Viñón dates to the fifteenth to early nineteenth centuries although the church was founded in the twelfth century. It is located in northeast Asturias. This site has both high status Medieval and common status

Early Modern individuals that will be discussed separately.

5a. Medieval San Julian de Viñón

The Medieval component of San Julian de Viñón includes two adult individuals (see Table 10). These two individuals, one male (b. 96) and one female (b.

39), are thought to date to the pre-Romanesque founding of the church of San Julian de

Viñón in the twelfth century. Their ad sanctos burials were recovered from the apse of

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Table 10. Summary of two Medieval adults from San Julian de Viñón.

Age Group n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Adult Female 1 -16.5 9.2 Adult Male 1 -19.0 9.8

the church, a prestigious location. The sex of the male individual was estimated by assessment of cranial non-metric traits. Although the exact age of the male (b. 96) is unknown, his teeth display significant wear that suggests he is an older adult.

The female, b. 39, has a median age-at-death of 70 years. She is the only known ad sanctos female represented in this thesis. She may have been the abbess of a prestigious convent, or the wife of the male buried near her as high status women were often buried with their husbands or male relatives. If this is the case, then this couple may be the founding patrons of the church.

While the δ15N value of their diet varies only by 0.6 permil, the δ13C of the female (b. 39) is more elevated than the male by 2.5 permil (see Figure 14). The male (b.

96) appears to have consumed a mixed diet of terrestrial C3 plant and animal protein, while the protein portion of the female’s diet likely came from C4 plants or from animals fed a C4 plant diet. She may have moved to San Julian de Viñón later in life after having lived somewhere where more C4 resources were available such as Mediterranean coast.

She may have also consumed foods from imported from another location. The Church of

San Julian de Viñón is located on an important trade route, the Camino de Moros, or

“way of the Moors” that connected the port of Villaviciosa with the Kingdom of Castile

(Diaz Garcia 1995:230). The aristocracy controlled trade and commerce; thus, the wealthy would have had access to goods passing along this trade route.

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Figure 14. Bivariate plot of the male and female from the apse of the church of San Julian de Viñón. They have similar δ15N and dissimilar δ13C suggesting difference dietary preferences or regions of origin.

5b. Early Modern San Julian de Viñón

The mean δ13C value of the seven Early Modern adults from the cemetery is -

18.4 ± 0.8 permil and vary from -19.3 to -16.8 permil, the mean δ15N value is 9.9 ± 0.85 permil and vary from 9.0 to 11.6 permil (see Table 11). Diet consists of C3 terrestrial plant and animal resources with freshwater fish, and possibly some C4 plant or animals feed on C4 plants like chickens and their eggs.

There is no statistically significant difference between the diets of males and females (Mann-Whitney U p = 0.44 for δ13C, and p = 0.70 for δ15N). However, it is a female (b. 45), rather than a male, who has the most elevated δ15N in this sample set (see

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Table 11. Summary of eight Early Modern adults from San Julian de Viñón.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 8 -18.4 ± 0.8 -19.3 -16.8 9.9 ± 9.0 11.6 0.85

Figure 15). This contrasts with Medieval samples where the individuals with the highest

δ15N are males. This is not to suggest that social equality existed between the sexes, but rather that dietary resources were becoming more heterogeneous throughout society and less socially stratified during the Early Modern period.

Figure 15. Bivariate plot of eight Early Modern individuals buried at the Church of San Julian de Viñón. Note that the individual with the highest δ15N is a female.

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6. San Pedro de Plecín

The cemetery of the church of San Pedro de Plecín. It is located in northeast

Asturias in the watershed of the Río Cares. This site has both Medieval and Early Modern individuals that will be discussed separately.

6a. Medieval San Pedro de Plecín

The Medieval component of San Pedro de Plecín consists of three adults and one subadult (see Tables 12 and 13). Two of the adults (b. 22 and b. 29) and the subadult

(b. 28) were buried ad sanctos, the burial location of the third adult (b. 121) is unknown.

These four individuals share a strong linear correlation (r2 = 0.992), which suggests they consumed a similar diet of C4 plants or animals fed C4 resources (see Figure 16).

Table 12. Summary of three Medieval individuals from San Pedro de Plecín.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 3 -15.9 ± 2.6 -17.9 -13.0 9.2 ± 0.6 8.7 9.8

Table 13. Summary of one subadult from San Pedro de Plecín.

Age Group N δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Subadult 1 -12.4 9.9

6b. Early Modern San Pedro de Plecín

Two adults, three children, and three subadults were selected for study (see

Tables 14 and 15). Two of the adults and two of the subadults were recovered from

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Figure 16. Bivariate plot of Medieval individuals from San Pedro de Plecín, b. 22, b. 28, and b. 29 are ad sanctos burials. The burial location b. 121 is unknown. There is a strong linear relationship between these four individuals (r 2 = 0.992).

Table 14. Summary of two Early Modern adults from San Pedro de Plecín.

Age Group N δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Adult 2 -14.7 10.0 -13.1 10.1

within the church and are thought to be members of the powerful Mier family who financed the construction of the church (Adán Alvarez 1995:315). Like the medieval

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Table 15. Summary of Early Modern subadults and perinates from San Pedro de Plecín.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Subadult 3 -13.6 ± 0.5 -14.1 -13.1 9.5 ± 9.4 9.6 0.11 Perinate 3 -12.5 ± 1.3 -13.9 -11.5 9.7 ± 9.4 10.1 0.34

burials mentioned above, the Early Modern individuals continue to show an elevated δ13C signature characteristic of C4 plants, animals foddered with C4 plant or marine resources

(see Figure 17). It should be noted that this site was damaged due to looting and that relative dating of the sites was difficult to ascertain. If the dating of burials is accurate then it appears that diet changed little between the Medieval and Early Modern periods.

A cranial fragment from one of these perinates (b. 97) was bagged with a scallop shell. It is unknown if this curation was meant to suggest that the perinate had been buried with the scallop shell, or if the cranial fragment and the shell were simply bagged together due to similarities in appearance (see Figure 18). Because scallops shells are the symbol of St. James and pilgrims on the Camino de Santiago worn them and were sometimes buried with them it seems significant that this shell was found in this assemblage. However, there is little information regarding this collection. Investigations of this site are ongoing.

Perinates, including stillborn infants and infants that survived less than two to three months, will carry the isotope signature of their birth mothers (Fuller et al.

2006:280). This perinate (b. 97) has a δ13C of -11.5 permil and δ15N of 9.4 permil, which

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Figure 17. Bivariate plot of Early Modern individuals from San Pedro de Plecín (n = 8). Burial b. 97 is a perinate skull fragment bagged with a scallop shell fragment.

is below the mean δ13C and δ15N values of other perinates in this sample, and presumably lower than other women in the population.

A study on contemporary subjects by Fuller at al. (2005) found that δ15N in pregnant women’s hair increases during pregnancy during periods of severe morning sickness. However, this thesis analyzed only bone. The perinate’s bone collagen δ15N value is less than the average for this site, which suggests that the mother consumed a diet of lower trophic level foods during her pregnancy. She may have had chronically low protein intake, and protein is essential for fetal development and growth (Fuller et al.

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Figure 18. Cranial fragment of perinate (b. 97) and scallop shell fragment from San Pedro de Plecín.

2005:2503). The mother’s diet may have been a factor in the death of her infant, as poor maternal diet leads to inadequate nutrient acquisition by the developing fetus. Maternal nutrition is vital to achieve optimal pregnancy outcomes.

7. Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo

The Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo is a minor basilica, sometimes known simply as the Catedral de Oviedo. It is located in the heart of Oviedo on the same plaza as the Church of San Juan Bautista. Religious services are still held here today.

This site has a total of six samples, four are Medieval adults and two are Early modern subadults (see Tables 16 and 17).

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Table 16. Summary of Medieval adult values from the Cathedral of Oviedo.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 4 -18.6 ± -18.9 -18.4 12.0 ± 10.3 13.0 0.22 1.2

Table 17. Summary of two Early Modern subadults from the Cathedral. of Oviedo. Age Group n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Subadult -19.1 9.2 2 -18.9 10.3

7a. Medieval Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo

The Medieval adults have elevated δ15N and low δ13C values, which suggests that their diet consisted of high trophic level foods from a C3 terrestrial or freshwater aquatic ecosystem (see Table 18). This may have included omnivorous animals like pig, weaning animals like suckling pig or kid goat, and high trophic level freshwater fish, such as eel. All of these menu items correspond to high status foods, as would be expected from individuals buried in a place of high privilege.

Table 18. Summary of medieval adults from San Juan Bautista.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 6 -18.8 ± 0.9 -19.4 -17.2 12.0 ± 10.6 13.0 0.9

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The δ15N values of these adults are among the most elevated in this study (see

Figure 19). Three of these individuals are males who were likely aristocratic clergy affiliated with the cathedral or members of the nobility. As the nobility and clergy were

Figure 19. Four ad sanctos adult burials from the Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo. Three of these burials (b. 19, b. 20, b. 77) have δ15N values that are among the most elevated in this thesis.

often one and the same, it appears that this protein rich diet would have been the menu consumed by the leaders of Asturian society in the Middle Ages. The δ15N values of adults from the Cathedral (n = 4) are more elevated than the δ15N values of other

Medieval adults (n = 57) at a statistically significant level (Mann-Whitney U, p = 0.012).

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However, the δ13C values of adults from the Cathedral are not significantly different than the from δ13C values of other Medieval adults (Mann-Whitney U, p = 0.42). Statistically analysis should be interpreted conservatively as the sample size of the Cathedral n = 4) is quite small.

7b. Early Modern Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo

There are only two burials that are thought to date to the Early Modern period, and both are subadults (see Figure 20). While the exact burial location or time period of the subadult burials could not be determined from the archaeological report, excavation

Figure 20. Bivariate plot of Early Modern subadults from the Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo. The teeth of b. 78 have considerable wear, while the teeth of b. 79 have no discernible wear pattern.

155 conducted in 1991 recovered the remains of these two subadults (b. 78 and b. 79) from within or nearby the chapel of St. Eulalia that was constructed within the cathedral in the seventeenth century (Garcías de Castro Valdés 2002:120). For this reason, these subadults are assumed to date to the Early Modern period.

The teeth of b. 78 have considerable wear, while the teeth of b. 79 have no discernible wear pattern. These two subadults also have different diets. The subadult with wear (b. 78) has more negative δ13C and lower δ15N than the subadult with less worn teeth. It appears that subadult b. 78 consumed a low-protein diet based on C3 terrestrial resources. The diet of b. 78 may have been abrasive or this subadult could have been using his or her teeth for other purposes (i.e., “teeth as tools”).

Unfortunately, there is very little documentation regarding these two burials; however, in AD 780 King Silo of Asturias transferred the relics of St. Eulalia, a young 12 to 14 year old martyr from Mérida Spain, to Oviedo where she became the patron saint of the city in 1693. As the patron saint of runaways it is interesting that these two subadult burials may be associated with her chapel. The exact date and location of these two subadults is unknown.

8. Church and Hospital of San Juan Bautista in Oviedo

The church and hospital of San Juan Bautista is located in Oviedo on the same plaza as the Cathedral de San Salvador. The hospital and church were established in AD

1096 to provide pilgrims with a place of respite. This site has both Medieval and Early

Modern individuals that will be discussed separately.

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8a. Medieval San Juan Bautista

There are six adult burials from the Medieval cemetery associated with the church and hospital of San Juan Bautista (see Table 18). Of these six adults, one is identified as male. The isotope signature of these individuals indicates that diet consists

15 of C3 terrestrial plants and animal protein (see Figure 21). The δ N values of adults from

San Juan Bautista (n = 6) are more elevated than the δ15N values of other Medieval adults

(n = 55) at a statistically significant level (Mann-Whitney U, p = 0.007). The δ13C

Figure 21. Bivariate plot of Medieval adults from San Juan Bautista. Isotope values suggest consumption of animal protein from a C3 terrestrial ecosystem with little 15 influence of C4 plants or marine protein. Elevated δ N may indicate some consumption of freshwater fish.

157 values of adults from this site are approaching statistically significance in comparison to

δ13C values of other Medieval adults (Mann-Whitney U, p = 0.079).

Members of the clergy or monastic community operated most post-modern hospitals and spiritual healing was considered as important, if not more important than physical medical care. If the individuals buried here were hospital clergy they may have consumed foods that were brought into the city of Oviedo, the capital of Asturias, for sale. These foods may have included high trophic level foods from animals raised in the county, but consumed in the capital.

8b. Early Modern San Juan Bautista

Sixteen Early Modern burials were sampled for study including nine adults, six subadults, and one perinate (see Tables 19 and 20). Some of the burials from the Early

Modern period are from within the church of San Juan Bautista; however, these

Table 19 Summary of Early Modern adults and subadults from San Juan Bautista.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 9 -17.7 ± 2.5 -19.7 -13.5 10.0 ± 8.1 11.0 0.9 Subadult 6 -17.3 ± 1.2 -18.9 -16.0 10.0 ± 9.1 10.5 0.5

Table 20. Single Early Modern perinate from San Juan Bautista.

Age Group n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Perinate 1 -17.5 11.2

158 burials cannot be defined as “ad sanctos” as burial customs in the Early Modern period differed from the Middle Ages and burial location became less representative of status over time. Moreover, burial location within a church affiliated with a hospital may have had more to do with discreetly expediting the burial process, rather than honoring a person with a specific burial location. However, it is unknown if these burials represent patients, clergy, or lay people.

Nevertheless, it appears that adults in the Early Modern period had more elevated δ13C values than individuals buried at San Juan Bautista during the Middle

Ages; although, this difference is not statistically significant (Mann-Whitney U, p =

0.38). Two individuals (b. 32 and b. 92) have distinctly elevated δ13C (see Figure 22).

One possibility to explain the δ13C of these individuals is that they are non-locals who died in Oviedo after living most of their lives in another location where C4 plants were consumed in greater quantities.

In contrast, there is a statistically significant difference in δ15N between Early

Modern (n = 9) and Medieval (n = 6) adults buried as San Juan Bautista (Mann-Whitney

U, p = 0.025). The δ15N values of Early Modern adults are low in comparison to

Medieval adults. This trend suggests that Early Modern individuals who were buried at

San Juan Bautista consumed protein from lower trophic levels than people in the past.

Summary

Based on these results it does appear that dietary differences exist between the

Medieval and Early Modern periods. Individuals consuming the highest trophic level foods are from the Cathedral of Oviedo and the church and hospital of San Juan Bautista,

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Figure 22. Bivariate plot of Early Modern individuals from San Juan Bautista. Note that b. 92 and b. 32 are adults with elevated δ13C.

15 13 also located in Oviedo Foods with elevated δ N and low δ C values come from C3 terrestrial and aquatic freshwater ecosystems. Foods from these ecosystems include omnivorous animals, such as pig or goat, weanling animals like suckling pig, and high trophic level freshwater fish. This suggests that individuals with the greatest access to high trophic level foods were buried in the capital of Asturias rather than in the rural countryside.

The medieval sites with the most elevated δ13C is San Pedro de Plecín.

Because δ15N values are not substantially elevated it may be that this site had access to

160 some C4 plants or animals fed a C4 diet, such as chickens fed on millet or sorghum and their eggs.

While some Medieval individuals were consuming freshwater fish, it does not appear that marine fish or C4 plants contributed substantially to the Medieval diet for most people. In general, it appears that people from rural sites are eating food resources that are locally available. For example, signatures for freshwater fish were only found in people living near freshwater rivers. In contrast, individuals in the city of Oviedo may have been consuming high trophic level goods brought to the city for commerce.

There are only four sites with Early Modern components presented in this thesis and overall sample size for Early Modern adults (n=19) is modest. In general, there is a trend toward more elevated δ13C in the Early Modern period. One possible explanation for this may be increased consumption of C4 plants, or animals fed on C4 plants (i.e., chickens) during the Early Modern period. These trends will be further explored in the following chapter, which seeks to incorporate these results into a broader thematic context.

CHAPTER VIII

RESULTS AND INTERPRETATIONS

The purpose of this chapter is to discuss more broadly some of the conclusions drawn from the results of stable isotope analysis. I propose to look specifically at five research questions that include assessing the differences between time periods, regions, sexes, age groups, and socioeconomic classes. This will situate the data in a larger temporal and historical context.

Temporal Change

The Medieval period in this thesis spans AD 600 to AD 1499. The Early

Modern refers to samples dating from AD 1500 to AD 1800. Of the eight Medieval sites studied, only four had Early Modern components. There is a statistically significant difference between the δ13C of Early Modern (n = 78) and Medieval individuals (n = 32) when members from all age groups are included for analysis. Early Modern individuals have more elevated δ13C (Mann Whitney-U, p = 0.003), while the difference in δ15N is not significant (Mann Whitney-U, p = 0.15).

Comparisons between Medieval sites indicate that there are statistically significant differences in δ15N values between sites (Kruskal Wallis, p = .001). A boxplot illustrates how individuals who consumed the highest trophic level foods are from the

Cathedral of Oviedo and the church and hospital of San Juan Bautista, also located in

161 162

Oviedo (see Figure 23). These two sites also have low δ13C values. Foods with elevated

15 13 δ N and low δ C values come from C3 terrestrial and aquatic freshwater ecosystems.

Figure 23. Boxplot of Medieval Asturian adult δ15N values by site.

Foods from these ecosystems include omnivorous animals, such as pig or goat, weanling animals like suckling pig, and high trophic level freshwater fish. Similar isotope values have been found in other Medieval communities in both Spain, and the United Kingdom

(Mundee 2010; Müldner and Richards 2005). This suggests that individuals with the greatest access to high trophic level foods were buried in the capital of Asturias rather than in the rural countryside.

Overall, there are no statistically significant differences in δ13C between sites.

The Medieval sites with the most elevated δ13C values is San Pedro de Plecín. The best

163 explanation for this is consumption of C4 plants rather than marine resources because

15 δ N values are not substantially elevated. It may be that this site had some access to C4 plants or animals fed a C4 diet, such as poultry. Historical documentation and findings at other sites in Spain indicate that chickens were fed millet, a C4 plant (Mundee 2010,

Alexander 2014). Based on other studies it does appear that C4 plants do contribute to diet in northern Medieval Spain. López Costas found (2012:410) that elevated δ13C was likely related to the consumption of millet, a C4 crop commonly used as animal fodder rather than for human consumption.

While some Medieval individuals consumed freshwater fish, it does not appear that marine resources or C4 plants contributed substantially to the diet. With the exception of a few outliers, it appears that most people from rural sites consumed food resources that were locally available. For example, signatures for freshwater fish were only found in people living near freshwater rivers.

There are only four sites with Early Modern components presented in this thesis and overall sample size for Early Modern adults (n = 19) is modest. There are no statistically significant differences in δ13C or δ15N between Early Modern sites (Kruskal

Wallis, p = 0.13 and p = 0.76). In general, there is an emerging trend toward more elevated δ13C in the Early Modern period.

It was hypothesized that Early Modern individuals would have elevated δ13C values compared to Medieval people due to an increase in maize consumption, a C4 plant.

However, collagen and apatite results indicate that, while the Early Modern population

13 does have slightly more elevated δ C overall, C4 plants appear contributed very little to

Asturian diet. Historical documents record that maize consumption in Early Modern

164

Europe increased drastically; and by the seventeenth century was consumed in every country in Europe (Tannahill 1973). However, only a very slight increase in C4 resource consumption is detected in the Early Modern sample. This finding may speak to the isolation of rural Asturian villages. This isolation both protected Asturias from the scourge of the Black Death, but may have also prevented the widespread introduction of new crops.

Regional Variation

Steep mountain ranges and remote valleys characterize the Asturian landscape. As Asturian communities were for the most part rather insulated due to geography, it was hypothesized that regional differences between sites would reflect their isolation. To explore differences between sites only adults were included in the Kruskal

Wallis test. There are statistically significant differences in δ15N, and differences in δ13C that are approaching significance between Medieval sites (Kruskal Wallis test p = .001 for δ15N, and p = .054 for δ13C). These results are illustrated in two boxplots (see Figures

24 and 25).

Each site appears to have its own unique isotope signature due to regional variation in diet. This likely reflects the difficulties in transporting goods through the mountainous regions of Asturias. Despite the treacherous conditions, numerous pilgrimage routes between Asturian communities were well-traveled during the Middle

Ages. As explicated in the previous chapter, individuals that fall beyond of the typical range of values for each site are noted as outliers. These outliers may be non-local pilgrims or traveling village priests. Unfortunately, the sample size for the Early Modern

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Figure 24. Boxplot of Medieval Asturian adult δ13C values by site.

period sites is too small to draw any meaningful statistical comparisons regarding outliers.

In general, Medieval individuals tend to have elevated δ15N and low δ13C values, while Early Modern individuals have low δ15N and more elevated δ13C (see

Figure 25). This trend suggests that individuals in the Early Modern period consumed more low trophic levels foods. In contrast, elevated δ15N values for Medieval individuals may be attributed to the consumption of high trophic level animal protein from C3 terrestrial ecosystems or freshwater fish; however, it may also be an indicator of cultural practices surrounding animal grazing and crop fertilization. Elevated nitrogen levels in humans may indicate consumption of grazing animals in a salt marsh environment, or may be a byproduct of amending soil with manure.

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Figure 25. Bivariate plot of Medieval and Early Modern adults. Note the elevated δ15N values for the Medieval individuals.

Sex Differences

For the purposes of this thesis “probable female” and “probable male” are grouped together as female and male, respectively. In many cases the sex of adults could not be ascertained due to poor skeletal preservation. Unless otherwise noted, sex estimations were conducted by Passalacqua (2012). Of the 80 adults selected for study 29 were identified as male and only 15 were identified as female (see Table 21).

There are no statistically significant differences between males and females

(Mann-Whitney U, p = .12 for δ15N, and p =. 65 for δ13C). Moreover, this lack of dietary difference between the sexes persists throughout time. There are no differences in diet

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Table 21. Summary of female and male stable isotope values from Medieval and Early Modern Asturias.

Sex n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Female 15 -18.1 ± 1.6 -19.7 -13.5 9.7 ± 0.9 8.1 11.6 Male 29 -18.2 ± 1.8 -20.0 -13.1 10.3 ± 1.2 9.1 13.9

between Medieval and Early Modern females, and no difference between Medieval and

Early Modern males.

However, there is a group of four Medieval males who have elevated δ15N values (see Figure 26). The highest δ15N value is recorded from an individual buried at

San Miguel de Lillo (b. 112) from a location that was not within the church building. This individual is unique in that he has the highest δ15N of any of the Asturian samples, but a

Figure 26. Boxplots of δ15N values for Medieval and Early Modern males. Note the four Medieval male outliers with elevated δ15N.

168 low δ13C value. This isotope signature suggests consumption of high trophic level freshwater fish.

Two other outliers are males from the Cathedral of San Salvador in Oviedo.

One male (b. 20) has a median age-at-death of 55 and the other male (b. 19) has a median age-at-death of 65. Both males were buried ad sanctos in the cathedral. Like the male buried at San Miguel de Lillo (b. 112) they likely consumed a diet rich in freshwater fish and high trophic level animal protein from a C3 terrestrial environment.

A fourth outlier is the 51-year-old male from the church and monastery of San

Salvador de Valdediós (b. 5). His isotope values are unlike all of the individuals he was buried alongside and he likely consumed high trophic level animal protein from a C3 terrestrial ecosystem or high trophic level freshwater fish. For more information about all four of these individuals people see the previous chapter. Overall, there are no differences in diet between the sexes; however, there most certainly were differences between the classes, and those in power were most often male.

Age Differences

Medieval and Early Modern individuals are grouped by age category. Adults

(age 21-64) and young adults (age 12-20) were grouped together for statistical purposes.

Age categories are shown in Table 22. Not all individuals could be grouped into these specific categories.

There are no statistically significant differences between the δ13C and δ15N values of Medieval individuals when they are grouped by age categories (Kruskal Wallis, p = .61 for δ13C, and p = .12 for δ15N). Adults (12-64), Adults 65 and older, and subadults

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Table 22. Summary of individuals grouped by age category.

Group Age Adult 13-64 Adult 65+ 65+ Subadult 1-12 Perinate Birth to 3 months

all have similar isotope values (see Table 23). This indicates that once children were weaned, they consumed the same diet as adults and that this diet was consumed throughout life.

Table 23. Medieval individuals grouped by age categories (n = 34).

Sex N δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 11 -18.7 ± 0.9 -20.2 -17.1 10.2 ± 8.8 13.0 1.3 Adult 6 -18.7 ± 1.1 -19.6 -16.5 9.9 ± 1.3 9.2 12.5 65+ Subadult 14 -18.1 ± 1.8 -20.0 -12.4 10.6 ± 9.2 12.2 1.1 Perinate 3 -16.0 ± 3.7 -20.3 -13.3 11.4 ± 11.2 11.6 0.2

The same grouping by age category is applied to Early Modern individuals

(see Table 24). There is a statistically significant difference in δ13C between groups, but no significant difference in δ15N (Kruskal Wallis, p = .007 for δ13C, and p = .43 for δ15N).

These findings are illustrated visually in the boxplot below (see Figures 27 and28).

Subadults and perinates have the most elevated δ13C (see Figure 8.5). These values reflect the maternal diet that the fetus acquires in utero (Fuller et al. 2006).

Elevated values may be a reflection of increased freshwater fish or possibly some C4

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Table 24. Early Modern individuals grouped by age categories (n = 24).

Sex N δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 10 -18.4 ± 1.4 -19.7 -14.7 10.1 ± 0.9 8.1 11.6 Adult 1 -16.8 - - 9.3 - - 65+ Subadult 9 -16.1 ± 2.7 -18.9 -13.2 9.8 ± 0.5 9.1 10.5 Perinate 4 -13.7 ± 2.7 -17.5 -11.5 11.4 ± 0.2 11.2 11.6

Figure 27. Boxplot of δ13C for Early Modern individuals by age category (n = 24).

plants or animals, like poultry, that may have been fed a C4 diet, consumed by the mother during pregnancy.

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Figure 28. Boxplot of δ15N values for Early Modern individuals grouped by age category.

In contrast, the δ15N values of the perinates and subadults are not significantly elevated over the Early Modern adult δ15N (see Figure 8.6). An increase of 3 permil is expected in the δ15N of infants and children during breastfeeding (Fuller et al. 2006). This lack of discernable elevation in δ15N may indicate that mothers during the Early Modern period consumed low trophic level foods and had relatively low δ15N values themselves.

Alternatively, this sample may simply have Too many subadults of a post-weaning age that blur the weaning signal of younger members of their cohort.

Differences Between High and Low Status Individuals

Exploring differences between those individuals buried ad sanctos and those buried in common graves may be one way to address inequalities between social classes.

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Burial ad sanctos was practiced predominately during the Medieval period. Although the practice continued into the Early Modern period, its social significance changed over time and became less indicative of status. This was due in part to changing socioeconomics that enabled those who could afford it to simply purchase a prestigious burial location irrespective of nobility or position in the church hierarchy. For this reason, only results from Medieval burials are compared (see Tables 25 and 26).

Table 25. Medieval adults and subadults from ad sanctos burials.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 9 -17.3 ± 1.9 -19.0 -13.0 10.6 ± 1.5 0.9 13.0 Subadult 3 -16.8 ± 3.8 -19.2 -12.4 9.0 ± 0.5 9.2 10.3

Table 26. Medieval adults and subadults from common burials.

Age n δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) Group Mean Min Max Mean Min Max Adult 51 -18.4 ± 1.8 -20.2 -10.7 10.3 ± 1.1 8.8 13.9 Subadult 11 -18.4 ± 1.0 -20.0 -17.2 10.8 ± 1.2 9.4 13.2 Perinates 3 -16.0 ± 3.7 -20.3 -13.3 11.4 ± 0.2 11.2 11.6

Subadults will be discussed first. Wealthy families typically buried their children in family crypts in the churches they financed and supported. In the Medieval cohort there are eleven commonly buried subadults and three ad sanctos buried subadults. The differences in δ13C and δ15N between commonly buried and ad sanctos buried subadults are not statistically significant. Subadults who were buried ad sanctos,

173 likely as a result of their families’ wealth and status, died despite having greater access to material resources. This early period of life corresponds to increased stress for both high and low class individuals.

It was hypothesized that ad sanctos burials of adults will have isotope values that differentiate them from common burials because elevated δ15N is a reflection of consumption of high trophic level terrestrial and aquatic resources (see Figure 29).

However, it was not δ15N, but δ13C values that distinguish common burials from ad sanctos burials. The difference in δ13C values are statistically significant between burial

Figure 29. Plot of Medieval adults categorized by burial location. Note that eight individuals with elevated in δ15N approximately two permil over the average δ15N for all Medieval adults.

174 location, where ad sanctos burials have more elevated δ13C than commonly buried individuals (Kruskal Wallis, p = .021). These elevated δ13C values suggest that those buried in places of prestige consumed greater amounts of marine and freshwater fish.

In the Middle Ages, fish was a high status food that was available only in large quantities to the aristocratic clergy and nobility. Fish, especially if it was fresh rather than preserved in salt, was a highly esteemed gift between the nobility and the aristocratic clergy (Woolgar 2000). In lieu of meat, fish would have been consumed during periods of fasting that included Lent, Advent, Wednesdays, Fridays, and the eves of all major feast days. This fasting regime amounted to abstinence from meat for nearly half the year. Monastic communities and the aristocracy were the greatest consumers of the expensive marine resources that would have been inaccessible to the lower classes.

Although the difference in δ15N values between ad sanctos and commonly buried adults is not statistically significant there is a cluster of eight individuals that have

δ15N values elevated approximately two permil above the mean. This group of eight individuals comes from both ad sanctos and common burials, but those burials are located in only three locations: Oviedo (either at the Cathedral or in the Church of San

Juan Bautista), San Miguel de Lillo (b. 112) 5 kilometers from Oviedo, and San Salvador de Valdediós (b. 5). Both b. 112 from San Miguel de Lillo, and b. 5 from San Salvador de

Valdediós are outliers in their respective burial locations. All individuals are either male or of indeterminate sex. None of the apatite results for these individuals indicated a significant contribution of marine resources to the diet; therefore, isotope values reflect high trophic level animal protein from a C3 terrestrial or freshwater aquatic ecosystem.

175

This group of eight individuals with more elevated δ15N among a sample with general lower δ15N values mirrors the results found by López Costa (2012) at the high status chapel of Lugo Cathedral. López Costa (2012:396) found that elevated δ15N values of the small group were significant different from that of the larger group, a difference that could not be accounted for by age or sex. The statistically significant differences in

δ15N between these two groups is attribute to difference dietary intake between high and low social classes, where the upper class consumes more meat and/or dairy products

(López Costa 2012:397).

This pattern of social stratification in diet is not unique to Medieval Spain.

The isotope values of the eight individuals from Oviedo compare favorably to the values obtained from the Medieval bishops of Whithorn cathedral in the United Kingdom

(Müldner et al. 2009) and King Richard the III (Lamb et al. 2014). The Medieval bishops of Whithorn lived in the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries and were buried in prestigious locations within the Whithorn Cathedral. The two individuals Müldner et al. (2009:1122) identified as bishops have an average δ15N value of 13.5 permil and an average δ13C of -

19.5 permil. The authors attribute the elevated δ15N to marine resources in the diet

(Müldner et al. 2009:1125).

Of particular interest is burial b. 112 from San Miguel de Lillo. Although this individual was not buried ad sanctos, he was buried at a chapel originally built to accompany a royal country palace. Burial b. 112 has the most elevated δ15N in the sample at 13.9 permil, and his δ13C value is -18.8 permil. These values were obtained from a non-diagnostic part of the left pubis. In comparison, the femur of King Richard III yielded isotope results of 13.5 permil for δ15N, and -18.8 permil for δ13C (Lamb et al.

176

2014:561). The authors attribute this isotope signature to consumption of high trophic level marine and freshwater fish, and wildfowl (e.g., heron, crane) (Lamb et al 2014:563).

Neither King Richard III, not burial b. 112 were buried ad sancto, illustrating how burial location alone is not sufficient evidence to infer status.

Overall, this group of eight Asturian individuals consumed the highest trophic level foods in the entire sample, probably consisting of high trophic level animal protein from C3 terrestrial and freshwater aquatic resources. Possible sources of high trophic level protein include pork, and weanling animals like suckling pig or kid goat. Freshwater fish were both rare and expensive, but much in demand by the clergy due to strict fasting practices. Because fish was exorbitantly expensive these individuals are likely members of the aristocratic clergy who had access to the most expensive resources, while still maintaining adherence to the fasting protocols of the medieval Catholic Church. They may also have spent much of their lives in Oviedo and moved to more rural locations later in life. In general, individuals buried in common locations generally have lower

δ15N values than those buried ad sanctos. With a larger sample size, this difference may be statistically significant. However, burial location alone is not enough to infer the status of the decedent.

Summary

This thesis explored variations in diet and resource exploitation in rural

Medieval and early modern Asturias using stable isotope analysis, and compared these results to written and archaeological evidence within the context of medieval Iberia and

Western Europe. The importance of diet to individual and social identity cannot be

177 understated. Food is more than simply the substance that supports life. Food signals to others one’s social status, religious piety and inclusion within a community. Through exploring the isotope signatures of individuals who lived during this time, one can investigate the complexities of society during the Medieval and Early Modern periods.

Among burials dating to the Medieval period there was a statistically significant difference between the δ13C values of common burials and ad sanctos burials.

Ad sanctos burials have more elevated δ13C values, which is most likely due to consumption of low trophic level marine fish rather than C4 plants in the diet, as C4 plant sources were limited at this time. Fish was a high status resource in the Middle Ages and much in demand by monastic communities during periods of fasting. Nevertheless, the dead do not bury themselves. These individuals held onto their high status after death as their wishes, or their communities’ wishes, for high status burial locations were honored.

For the researcher, burial location alone is not enough to determine social status. Other factors must be taken into account, and stable isotope analysis is one method to further explore differences between social statuses.

Throughout Medieval and Early Modern time periods there are no statistically significant differences between the diets of males and females; however individuals with the most elevated δ15N values happen to be males. This may suggest that while most males and females consumed similar diets, males of special status had access to high trophic level food sources (e.g., marine fish, suckling pig). With the exception of these male outliers, data suggest that despite the patriarchal nature of Medieval and Early

Modern society, men and women could access the same types of food resources. Simply

178 put, equal access to resources should not be taken as a proxy for gender equality in

Medieval and Early Modern society.

Although there are no statistically significant differences between Medieval and Early Modern diet there is a general trend toward more elevated δ13C values in the

Early Modern population, which indicates increased consumption of C4 plants or animals fed C4 plants.

CHAPTER IX

CONCLUSIONS

This thesis is the first application of stable isotope analysis to human and faunal samples from Asturias, Spain. Moreover, it is an international collaboration between California State University Chico, Michigan State University, and the Museo

Arqueológico de Asturias, Oviedo. This thesis employed a social bioarchaeological approach to develop research hypotheses that could be explored using scientific methodology. The technique of stable isotope analysis to reconstruct diet is particularly effective in providing empirical evidence to address social and cultural questions about past lifeways. The purpose of this chapter is to summarize these research finding, bring to light the limitations of the study, and pose suggestions for future research.

A Summary of the Medieval and Early Modern Menu

The diet of most Medieval and Early Modern Asturians was predominately based on plants and animal protein from local C3 terrestrial environments. Cereal grains were the foundation of diet, with rye for the peasant classes and wheat for the upper classes, supplemented by seasonal animal protein during fast-free periods. Some C4 plant resources do contribute to diet either as plant foods or as feed for animals. In the

Medieval period, this C4 signature is likely indicative of millet or sorghum, which may have been supplemented or displaced by maize in the Early Modern period. Dietary

179 180 differences between the Medieval and Early Modern period are likely a reflection of greater C4 plant consumption in the Early Modern period. However, this contribution is slight, as most individual appear to have continued to eat in the same ways as those before them, primarily eating foods that were locally available.

Marine resources appear to have contributed little to diet overall. Individuals who could afford marine fish probably consumed it on occasion, perhaps during periods of fasting, but marine resources were not a dietary staple. However, results suggest that some individuals, namely those buried in locations of privilege, did consume freshwater fish in addition to other high trophic level animal protein from C3 terrestrial ecosystems.

While no significant differences were noted between the diets of members from different age groups, or between the diets of males and females, social hierarchies in

Medieval society are reflected in the stable isotope values because access to high trophic level resources was linked to social status. The relationship between food and status was well define in the Medieval period, but became more opaque during the Early Modern period as greater access to consumer markets and improved infrastructure enabled people to purchase various goods.

Limitations

Limitations to this study include difficulties in dating burials, poor skeletal preservation, and small sample sizes. Dating of graves by stratigraphy is complicated, as burials in this study were subject to both intentional disinterment and re-interment of remains, the re-use of graves, and looting during both the Medieval and Early Modern periods. For example, the archaeological report for San Pedro de Plecín specifically notes

181 difficulties in dating the site due to damage from looting activities (Adan Alvarez 1995).

For this reason, the only precise way to date burials is through radiocarbon dating of remains; however, this technique is both cost prohibitive and destructive.

In general, skeletal preservation in Asturias is poor due to acidic soils. While diagenesis on a chemical level does not appear to have impacted the results of stable isotope analysis, poor preservation creates difficulties when trying to age and sex the skeleton. Assessment of sample quality was used to exclude samples that may have been diagenetically altered. In doing so, the sample is biased toward skeletons that were better preserved. Furthermore, many individuals could not be assessed for age and sex, which reduces the sample size available for comparing these different members of society.

Sample size was particularly poor for fish remains. No freshwater fish could be identified during sampling of the collection, and only two marine fish bones were encountered. Overall, more faunal samples from each location should be analyzed to create a faunal baseline unique to each site, as each site appears to have its own local dietary isotope signature. Small sample sizes are also a challenge when analyzing the human samples. For example, only four of the eight sites contained an Early Modern component with a limited number of individuals. Such small samples sizes make statistical analysis less meaningful.

Future Research

The possibilities of exploring more questions with this dataset are unlimited.

As discussed above, increasing the sample size of both faunal and human samples would be of great value to future examinations of this study. Possible areas for future research

182 include additional studies of these samples using other isotopes, such as sulfur or strontium, to differentiate locals from non-locals and explore patterns of migration.

Further work could also be done on the perinate and subadult individuals from this site to answer questions regarding weaning and early childhood mortality.

Fortunately, 19 human teeth were sampled from the collection to aid in both of these endeavors. Future research will explore stable isotope analysis from tooth enamel as differences in the enamel of subadults and perinates will be compared to the molar enamel adults who survived childhood. This will provide a better understanding of diet over the lifetime of individuals who lived into adulthood.

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APPENDIX A

202

APPENDIX B

Data Codes

Variable Code in Database Unique ID A number arbitrarily assigned to the sample. Catalog number A number associated with the remains, or the provenance of the remains, or location where the remains are curated. Site 1. San Salvador de Valdediós 4. San Miguel de Lino 5. Cathedral de San Salvador, Oviedo 6. San Pedro de Plecín 7. San Juan Bautista, Oviedo 9. San Julian de Viñón 10. San Pedro de Nora 13. Castro de Chao Samartín Sex 1. Female and Probable Female 3. Male and Probable Male 5. Subadult, sex unknown 6. Adult, sex unknown 9. Perinate, sex unknown Median age-at- Provided by Passalacqua (2012) death Burial Location 1. Common 2. ad sanctos Time Period 1. Medieval (AD 600 – AD 1499) 2. Early Modern (AD 1500 – AD 1800)

204

Median Unique Catalog % collagen Adj δ13C Age-at- Burial Time ID Number Site δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) C/N yield Apatite Sex Death Location Period 1 SSV 1 1 -20.22 8.42 3.73 1 -13.26 3 60 1 1 2 SSV 4CP 1 -19.3 9.45 3.44 2 - 1 53 1 1 3 SSV 5 1 -19.01 9.99 3.29 3 -14.22 1 - 1 1 4 SSV 12 1 -19.58 9.38 3.22 2 -15.5 3 65 1 1 5 SSV 13 1 -17.97 12.21 3.28 4 -15.04 3 51 1 1 6 SSV 16 1 -18.96 9.39 3.25 4 -14.76 6 - 1 1 7 SSV 17 1 -19.01 9.15 3.24 10 -14.22 3 73 1 1 8 SSV 18 1 -18.6 9.51 3.29 3 -14.07 3 40 1 1 9 SSV 19 1 -19.17 9.71 3.26 3 -14.28 3 60 1 1 10 SSV 22 1 -19.16 8.82 3.27 4 -13.8 1 30 1 1 11 SML 29P 4 -17.58 10.08 3.29 20 -14.39 3 53 1 1 12 SML IP 4 -17.24 10.11 3.28 14 -13.59 6 - 1 1 13 SML 1 4 -18.87 11.48 3.32 4 -14.43 1 - 1 1 14 SML 2 4 -19.3 9.38 3.4 12 -14.42 3 66 1 1 15 SML 3CP 4 -19 9.92 3.3 - -14.62 3 75 1 1 16 SML 4 4 -17.08 10.25 3.26 17 -11.73 1 48 1 1 17 SML 5 4 -18.98 9.54 3.29 1 -14.72 1 - 1 1 18 SML TSCP 4 -19.54 8.28 3.8 - - 1 52 1 1 19 CdO 1 5 -18.85 12.45 3.27 - -13.47 3 65 2 1 20 CdO 2 5 -18.78 12.99 3.29 27 -12.21 3 55 2 1 21 CdO 3 5 -18.49 10.31 3.23 - -12.72 3 17.5 2 1 22 SPP Ct 2 6 -12.98 9.78 3.34 4 -9.5 6 - 2 1 23 SPP 11 6 -14.66 10.04 3.32 5 -10.51 3 47 2 2 24 SPP 23 6 -13.16 9.38 3.25 - -9.89 5 6 2 2 25 SPP 28 6 -13.06 10.06 3.32 - -9.57 3 - 2 2 26 SPP 41 6 -21 8.2 4.37 - - 3 45 2 1 27 SPP 42 6 -14.14 9.58 3.2 17 -10.84 5 9.5 2 2 28 SPP 46 6 -12.4 9.91 3.34 4 -9.9 5 11 2 1 29 SPP 47 6 -16.75 9.04 3.29 1 -11.56 3 - 2 1 30 SJ 6 7 -18.55 8.07 3.3 6 -13.59 1 20 1 2 31 SJ 7CP 7 -18.55 10.23 3.2 1 - 6 - 1 2 32 SJ 12 7 -13.46 9.4 3.48 2 -9.66 1 - 1 2 33 SJ 17CP 7 -19.44 10.53 3.34 - - 3 40 1 2 34 SJ 25 7 -19.06 12.36 3.26 2 -13.29 6 - 1 1 35 SJ 28 7 -20.14 9.99 3.4 1 -13.94 3 26 1 1 36 SJ 31CP 7 -20.35 11.26 3.86 1 - 1 60 1 2 37 SJ 34CP 7 -19.72 10.47 3.46 - - 1 15 2 2 38 SJ 35CP 7 -20.4 7.58 4.79 2 - 1 59 2 2 39 SJV 2 9 -16.5 9.16 3.24 8 -11.76 1 70 2 1 40 SJV 5CP 9 -18.5 9.6 3.4 40 - 3 60 1 2 41 SJV 7 9 -17.63 9.72 3.39 1 -11.84 1 55 1 2 42 SJV 8 9 -19.33 9.59 3.23 6 -15.02 3 50 1 2 43 SJV 11 9 -18.64 10.82 3.6 0 - 6 50 1 2 44 SJV 27CP 9 -16.8 9.33 3.32 - - 1 74 1 2 45 SJV 37 9 -18.96 11.58 3.26 6 -14.73 1 20 1 2 46 SJV 60 9 -18.98 8.96 3.35 4 -13.93 1 - 1 2 47 SJV 65 9 -19.07 8.55 3.95 - - 3 54 1 2 48 SJV 68 9 -18.53 9.96 3.22 4 -15.07 1 48 1 2 49 SPN 11 10 -18.97 10.73 3.31 11 -14.12 5 12 1 1 50 SPN 98 10 -18.83 11.3 3.26 16 -14.75 6 - 1 1 51 SPN HET 10 -18.85 11.02 3.29 18 -14.79 6 - 1 1 52 SPN Osar 10 -19.11 11.16 3.3 16 -14.84 6 - 1 1 53 SPN II 10 -13.13 9.44 3.33 3 -7.05 3 - 1 1 54 SPN TI 10 -19.83 8.8 3.34 2 -15.02 6 - 1 1 55 SPN NIII 10 -18.75 11.2 3.35 3 -13.7 6 - 1 1 56 SPN Inh5CP 10 -19.71 9.16 3.3 7 - 3 40 1 1 57 CCS 27 13 -19.3 9.91 3.35 1 -14 6 - 1 1 58 CCS 28 13 -19.28 9.64 3.32 2 -14.77 6 - 1 1 59 CCS 40 13 -18.8 10.04 3.31 2 -13.88 6 - 1 1

205

Median Unique Catalog % collagen Adj δ13C Age-at- Burial Time ID Number Site δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) C/N yield Apatite Sex Death Location Period 60 CCS 41 13 -20.11 10.08 3.97 0 -14.13 6 - 1 1 61 CCS 42 13 -17.76 9.84 3.29 - -12.8 6 - 1 1 72 CCS T38 13 -18.83 10.19 3.31 11 -13.88 6 - 1 1 73 CCS T52 13 -17.81 13.23 3.31 21 -14.01 5 - 1 1 74 CCS T43 13 -14.45 11.23 3.46 28 -9.88 9 - 1 1 75 CCS T52 13 -18.98 9.56 3.21 26 -15.22 5 - 1 1 76 CCS T43 13 -18.93 11.35 3.3 8 -14.1 6 - 1 1 CdO box 77 0016 5 -18.37 12.11 3.31 13 -14.06 6 - 2 1 CdO SC. 78 309-91 5 -19.18 9.2 3.23 11 -15.36 5 - 2 2 CdO SC. 79 309-91 5 -18.91 10.26 3.23 14 -14.09 5 - 2 2 80 SJ 38 7 -19.35 10.74 3.33 8 -14.76 3 - 2 2 81 SJ 20 U46 7 -19.29 9.47 3.34 11 -14.3 6 - 2 2 83 SJ T15 U38 7 -19.4 10.65 3.29 14 -14.03 6 - 1 1 84 SJ T27 U84 7 -17.17 12.54 3.29 4 -13.88 6 - 1 1 85 SJ T26 U84 7 -19.35 11.46 3.3 9 -14.24 6 - 1 1 86 SJ T27 U83 7 -18.93 12.96 3.28 3 -13.45 6 - 1 1 SJ Superior box 4662 87 C13 7 -17.47 10.95 3.3 7 -13.2 3 - 3 2 SJ Superior box 4662 88 C13 7 -17.3 10.15 3.29 23 -13.35 5 - 3 2 SJ Superior box 4662 89 C13 7 -18.91 10.27 3.27 13 -14.29 5 - 3 2 90 SJ 00 T2 7 -17.49 11.2 3.25 9 -13.43 9 - 3 2 91 SJ 00 T2 7 -18.47 10.49 3.49 - -12.81 5 - 3 2 92 SJ 00 T2 7 -13.5 10.05 3.27 16 -11.41 6 - 3 2 SJ T39 93 U129 7 -16.03 10.16 3.27 13 -12.43 5 - 3 2 SJ T37 94 U125 7 -16.43 9.92 3.3 14 -12.98 5 - 3 2 SJ T36 95 U123 7 -16.58 9.05 3.3 10 -12.1 5 - 3 2 SJV 96 05/A/E1 9 -18.97 9.79 3.28 12 -14.67 3 - 2 1 SPP 97 Derrumbe 6 -11.49 9.44 3.28 36 -9.14 9 - 3 2 SML 90-29- 98 1 4 -13.3 11.52 3.27 32 -9.89 9 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 99 3 4 -18.21 10.31 3.3 16 -14.17 6 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 100 14 4 -18.17 10.29 3.3 6 -14.28 6 - 1 1 101 SML 5-9 4 -19.99 9.37 3.35 16 -15.05 5 - 1 1 SML 89-5- 102 11 4 -17.83 10.72 3.3 4 -13.65 5 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 103 24 4 -17.4 10.28 3.3 9 -13.9 5 - 1 1 SML box 104 2815 4 -12.21 9.17 3.29 24 -8.07 6 - 1 1 SML 89-18- 105 6 4 -10.66 10.89 3.29 18 -6.98 6 - 1 1 106 SML TA7 4 -19.51 9.82 3.3 10 -14.82 6 - 1 1 SML 90-27- 107 2 4 -20.26 11.55 3.37 22 -13.46 9 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 108 11-2 4 -17.33 10.53 3.39 11 -13.83 3 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 109 21 4 -18.56 9.53 3.32 9 -14.17 3 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 110 16 4 -19.32 10.45 3.3 16 -15.48 3 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 111 16 4 -19.54 11.48 3.25 16 -16.04 5 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 112 16 4 -18.75 13.89 3.26 15 -15.31 3 - 1 1 SML 90-26- 113 11-1 4 -17.29 9.75 3.29 2 -13.54 5 - 1 1 114 SPN 82 10 -16.37 10.15 3.31 14 -13.83 6 - 2 1 115 SPN 98 10 -18.63 10.65 3.28 32 -15.23 6 - 1 1 116 SPN ap c81 10 -18.7 11.12 3.27 24 -15.05 6 - 1 1

206

Median Unique Catalog % collagen Adj δ13C Age-at- Burial Time ID Number Site δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) C/N yield Apatite Sex Death Location Period 117 SPN A8 10 -17.15 10.03 3.3 24 -12.82 5 - 1 1 118 SPN A8 10 -18.5 11.57 3.27 22 -14.15 5 - 1 1 SPN 119 91/D4/Inh5 10 -18.6 10.24 3.41 9 -13.54 3 - 1 1 SPN Zone I- 120 7 10 -19.64 8.92 3.33 5 -13.78 6 - 1 1 SPP estroctura 121 Cata E 6 -17.92 8.66 3.3 12 -13.34 6 - 3 1 122 SSV T6 1 -18.94 9.48 3.34 11 -14.68 6 - 1 1 SPP box 123 026-0014 6 -12.07 10.12 3.51 18 -8.01 9 - 3 2 SPP Trina 124 N2 6 -13.9 9.7 3.3 - -10.25 9 - 3 2 SPP Trina 125 N2 6 -13.49 9.42 3.32 8 -9.54 5 - 3 2 SSV Oseos 126 T6 1 -18.79 9.57 3.31 14 -14.75 3 - 1 1 127 SSV T21 1 -19 11.68 3.34 9 -15.17 5 - 1 1 SSV Cata X 128 T17 1 -19.14 9.23 3.26 13 -15.49 6 - 1 1

207