Assessing the Quality of Democracy: a Practical Guide
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ACT of RECOMMITMENT to the WARSAW DECLARATION July 2-4, 2010
ACT OF RECOMMITMENT TO THE WARSAW DECLARATION July 2-4, 2010 We, the Participants, from: the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, the Republic of Albania, the Argentine Republic, Australia, the Republic of Austria, the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, the Kingdom of Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Federative Republic of Brazil, the Republic of Bulgaria, Canada, the Republic of Chile, the Republic of Colombia, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Cyprus, the Czech Republic, the Kingdom of Denmark, the Republic of Ecuador, the Republic of El Salvador, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Finland, the French Republic, Georgia, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of Guatemala, the Republic of Haiti, the Hellenic Republic, the Republic of Hungary, the Republic of Iceland, the Republic of India, the Republic of Indonesia, the Republic of Iraq, Ireland, the State of Israel, the Italian Republic, Japan, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Republic of Kenya, the Republic of Korea, the State of Kuwait, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lebanon, the Kingdom of Lesotho, the Principality of Liechtenstein, the Republic of Lithuania, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Malaysia, the Republic of Mali, the Republic of Malta, the Republic of Moldova, Mongolia, Montenegro, the Kingdom of Morocco, the Republic of Namibia, the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, New Zealand, the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Kingdom of Norway, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, -
Assessing the Quality of Democracy
Assessing the Quality of Democracy A Practical Guide Assessing the Quality of Democracy A Practical Guide David Beetham Edzia Carvalho Todd Landman Stuart Weir © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council Members. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden Graphic design by: Santángelo Diseño Printed by: Bulls Graphics Cover illustration © Alberto Ruggieri/Illustration Works/Corbis/Scanpix ISBN: 978-91-85724-43-7 Foreword: the state of democracy Democracy is the predominant form of government in the world to- day. For the greater part of the world democracy has been a rare or re- cent phenomenon, but successive waves of democracy throughout the 20th century meant that by the new millennium more countries were governed through democratic than through non-democratic forms of rule. Various attempts to enumerate democracies in the world agree that more than 60 per cent of all countries today have in place at least some form of minimal democratic institutions and procedures. The Community of Democracies lists more than 100 countries while the United Nations International Conference on New or Restored Democracies (ICNRD) has grown in depth, breadth and importance since it was inaugurated in 1988 as a forum for global democratic de- velopment. Increasingly, governmental, intergovernmental and non- governmental organizations emphasize that democracy is an end in itself, as well as an important means to other ends, such as economic development, poverty reduction and greater protection of interna- tionally recognized human rights. -
U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion
U.S. JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION U.S. JAPAN Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA 1819 L St NW #300 Washington, DC 20036 [email protected] U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY SASAKAWA USA SASAKAWA PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin and Daniel E. Bob ISBN 9780996656764 51000 > 9 780996 656764 U.S.-JAPAN APPROACHES TO DEMOCRACY PROMOTION Edited by Michael R. Auslin Daniel E. Bob Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA is an independent, American non-profit and non- partisan institution devoted to research, analysis and better understanding of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Sasakawa USA accomplishes its mission through programs that benefit both nations and the broader Asia Pacific region. Our research programs focus on security, diplomacy, economics, trade and technology, and our education programs facilitate people-to-people exchange and discussion among American and Japanese policymakers, influential citizens and the broader public in both countries. ISBN: 978-0-9966567-6-4 Printed in the United States of America. © 2017 by Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA LCCN Number applied for Sasakawa USA does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views expressed herein are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Sasakawa USA, its staff or its board. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by and means without permission in writing from Sasakawa USA. Please direct inquiries to: Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA Research Department 1819 L Street, N.W. Washington, DC 20036 P: +1 202-296-6694 This publication can be downloaded at no cost at http://spfusa.org/ Cover photo: © EPA/Barbara Walton Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................v Dennis Blair and Yasushi Akashi INTRODUCTION U.S.-Japan Approaches to Democracy Promotion ............................................ -
FROM the G7 to a D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’S Challenges
FROM THE G7 TO THE D-10 : STRENGTHENING DEMOCRATIC COOPERATION FOR TODAY’S CHALLENGES FROM THE G7 TO A D-10: Strengthening Democratic Cooperation for Today’s Challenges Ash Jain and Matthew Kroenig (United States) With Tobias Bunde (Germany), Sophia Gaston (United Kingdom), and Yuichi Hosoya (Japan) ATLANTIC COUNCIL A Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security The Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security works to develop sustainable, nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the United States and the world. The Center honors General Brent Scowcroft’s legacy of service and embodies his ethos of nonpartisan commitment to the cause of security, support for US leadership in cooperation with allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. Democratic Order Initiative This report is a product of the Scowcroft Center’s Democratic Order Initiative, which is aimed at reenergizing American global leadership and strengthening cooperation among the world’s democracies in support of a rules-based democratic order. The authors would like to acknowledge Joel Kesselbrenner, Jeffrey Cimmino, Audrey Oien, and Paul Cormarie for their efforts and contributions to this report. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. © 2021 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. -
Nickersonanita-E.Pdf
Submission to ERRE by Anita Nickerson In this brief I speak only for myself. My opinions are in no way a reflection of the views of Fair Vote Canada. Their views are well set out in this submission to ERRE. Sections In this brief you will find the following: About the Author The Case is not Black and White, But It’s Real Why PR What System I Prefer What System I Hope You Adopt Special Issues: ● Simplicity ● Competition/Collaboration in Multi-Member Ridings ● Local Representation ● Familiarity Bias about Systems ● Referendum, Media and Mandate Who am I? I am a 42 year old woman who lives in Kitchener, Ontario. I have bachelor degrees in Psychology and Social Work, and a college diploma in Drug and Alcohol Counselling. I worked as an addictions counsellor for 8 years. I have been at home with my 15 year old daughter with special needs (we homeschool) since 2006. My husband of 16 years is a Registered Practical Nurse. For the past year, I have been employed part time by Fair Vote Canada. I’ve been working with FVC first on a local and then on a national level since 2008. I support volunteers, help coordinate national actions, and have contributed to almost every other aspect of our national campaign. This cause is my full time passion. Around 2007 I was like most Canadians - I voted, but I paid very little attention to politics between elections. I made voting decisions based on clips of leaders I saw on TV or something I read in the paper. -
A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A
Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea. -
Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? the Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming
= = = = = = = Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms = = = = = = = = = QoG WORKING PAPER SERIES 2010:24= = THE QUALITY OF GOVERNMENT INSTITUTE Department of Political Science University of Gothenburg Box 711 SE 405 30 GÖTEBORG December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 © 2010 by Bo Rothstein and Rasmus Broms. All rights reserved. Why No Democracy in the Arab-Muslim World? The Importance of Temple Financing and Tax Farming Bo Rothstein Rasmus Broms QoG Working Paper Series 2010:24 December 2010 ISSN 1653-8919 Abstract The absence of a single democracy in the Arab-Muslim world has become a “striking anomaly” for scholars of democratization. The lack of democratization in this part of the world cannot be seen as caused religion as such since there are by now several states with a majority of Muslims that have become democracies. Several other explanations such as values, culture, economic development, rulers’ access to natural resources or the history of colonialism have been refuted. We present a novel explanation for this puzzle that is based on historical variations in “temple financing”. In Northwestern Europe, religion and also secular services managed by local religious institutions have been financed “from below” creating local systems for semi- democratic representation, transparency and accountability. In the Arab-Muslim region, religion and local secular services have been financed “from above” by private foundations that have lacked systems for representation and accountability. It is thus not religion, but how religion has been financed, that is the explanation for the lack of democracy in the Arab-Muslim world. -
Political Parties and the Transition to Democracy
POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and promote citizen participation, openness and accountability in government. POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY A Primer in Democratic Party-Building for Leaders, Organizers and Activists TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction 2 Section 1: What Makes a Political Party Democratic? 4 Section 2: The Party Constitution 6 Section 3: Party Organization 8 Section 4: Developing a Policy Agenda and Message 13 Section 5: Communication and Outreach 18 Section 6: Membership Recruitment 23 Section 7: Fundraising 27 Section 8: Training 35 Conclusion 39 Appendices 40 A. Constitution of the Progressive Conservative Association of Canada B. Organization and Structure of the Australian Labor Party and the Democratic Party of the Republic of Korea C. Sample newsletter and tips for creating newsletters from the Liberal Democrats of Britain D. Party platforms from the Alliance of Free Democrats of Hungary and the African National Congress of South Africa E. Communication techniques from the Social Democratic and Labour Party of Northern Ireland and a letter to supporters from the Labour Party of Britain F. Information on membership recruitment and activation from the Labour Party of Britain G. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Breaking out of Britain's Neo-Liberal State
cDIREoCTIONmFOR THE pass DEMOCRATIC LEFT Breaking out of Britain’s Neo-Liberal State January 2009 Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett 3 4 r Tr hink e b m m u N PIECES 3 4 Tr hink e b m u N PIECES Breaking out of Britain’s Neo-Liberal State Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett “In the big-dipper of UK politics, the financial crisis suddenly re-reversed these terms. Gordon Brown excavated a belief in Keynesian solutions from his social democratic past and a solidity of purpose that was lacking from Blair’s lightness of being” Compass publications are intended to create real debate and discussion around the key issues facing the democratic left - however the views expressed in this publication are not a statement of Compass policy. Breaking out of Britain’s Neo-Liberal State www.compassonline.org.uk PAGE 1 Breaking out of Britain’s reduced for so many, is under threat with The British Empire State Building Neo-Liberal State no state provisions in place for them. The political and even military consequences England’s “Glorious Revolution” of 1688 Gerry Hassan and Anthony Barnett could well be dire. created a framework of compromise between monarchy and Parliament. It was Nonetheless we should celebrate the followed by the union of England with possible defeat of one aspect of neo- Scotland of 1707, which joined two he world we have lived in, liberal domination. It cheered the different countries while preserving their created from the twin oil-price destruction of a communist world that distinct legal traditions. Since then the T shockwaves of 1973 and 1979 was oppressive and unfree. -
Modelling Elections Submission to ERRE: Special Committee on Electoral Reform Byron Weber Becker [email protected]
Modelling Elections Submission to ERRE: Special Committee on Electoral Reform Byron Weber Becker [email protected] Summary I have done extensive computer modelling of six different electoral systems being proposed for Canada. The detailed results inform five recommendations regarding the systems. The two most prominent are that (1) Alternative Vote violates the Effectiveness and Legitimacy test in the Committee’s mandate and (2) the Rural- Urban PR model advanced by Fair Vote Canada is highly proportional and has objective advantages relative to Single Transferable Vote and Mixed Member Proportional. When I was eighteen my family moved and needed a new home. We decided to build one of Buckminster Fuller’s geodesic domes – five-eighths of a sphere made from triangles with an unusual use of space inside the home. We decided on a dome in spite of the fact that we had only seen pictures of such a home. This lack of experience was a problem when faced with the decision of whether to build a massive, 7-meter-tall fireplace (at considerable expense) as a focal point in the middle of the dome. The answer became clear when we built a scale model of the dome out of cardboard with a removable fireplace. We could get a preview of how the home would feel with the fireplace and without the fireplace. As a result of this modelling, the fireplace was built and we were delighted with the result. Canada is now faced with designing something we have little direct experience with and considerably more complex than a geodesic dome.