Sufi Sheikhs, Sheikhas, and Saints of the Sudan

photo essay Sufi Sheikhs, Sheikhas, and Saints of the Sudan

Texts and photography by Frédérique Cifuentes Translated by G.A.W. and E.H. Morgan

he Sudan contains a multitude of Sufi movements, with diverse origins and characteristics. Some groups were formed as far back as the fifteenth century by Sufi masters originating in Iraq, Morocco, Tunisia, and Egypt. The Sudan’s social structures (number- ing more than 600 ethnic groups) have given their own character to each movement. This project is based on pho- Ttographic research carried out mainly in Khartoum and its sur- rounding regions, Jazira State and Sennar State covering Sufi movements from inside the Burhaniya, Qâdiriyya, Sammâniyya, Mîghaniyya, Khatmiyya, and Tijaniya religious communities. For many devotees, Muslim identity in the Sudan consists of an active or hereditary membership to a Sufi movement, which venerates its founder and his successors, called sheikhs. The sheikh is a teacher and the community is under his or her guid- ance. Sufism is structured into spiritual organizations, tariqas (‘spiritual paths’) which have scattered over the Muslim world to spread the teaching of the spiritual master. Every tariqa has its hierarchy of saints, its mausoleums, spiritual centers, and particular devotional practices. The sheikhs of the Sudan play an essential role in their religious communities. They advise and listen, bless, reassure, and give direction to the followers who consult them. They have a spiritual power, known as madad or baraka, which their followers hope to receive upon contact with them. They are considered to be providers of miracles, and this is the reason for their status as saints. After their deaths, sheikhs are venerated by the people at their mausoleums. These tombs are a characteristic feature of the religious landscape of the region. There are a great number of these Sudanese saints, both men and women. Their tombs, which are known as maqam, are the sites of pilgrimage for the annual Tomb. Habou Haraz, Gezira State celebration of their births (mulid), or at the festival of Holiya to

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 50 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:03:30 AM A gathering at the headquarters of Sheikh Garibala, Sammâniyya order, in Omdur- man, Khartoum State.

commemorate their deaths. The Holiya is the great annual gath- are seen as approachable and friendly. One only needs to pay a ering of disciples at the place of origin of the tariqa, where they visit to one of the most emblematic living figures in the Sudan assemble around their leader, the present sheikh. Here disciples today, Sheikh Al Buri, to understand this relationship between can deepen their relationships to their masters, and this is a fun- the holy man and his followers. Throughout the year, at the vil- damental part of their spiritual development.1 lage of Zeriba, the sheikh greets a constant stream of pilgrims The sheikhs are the omnipresent descendants of the Prophet who come in search of spiritual strength. He supplies those who Muhammad and continue his tradition and gather his spiritual are ill with little pieces of paper on which prayers are written, to power, the baraka. They are mediators between humans and the dip into water for drinking or, leaning on his stick, he recites a divine. They play a key role within eachtariqa with its individual sacred prayer. He has a kind word, a joke, or a particular point devotional rituals. One of the principle religious activities con- to make with every visitor who have made it to this village in the ducted by the Sufi followers during the Holiya is centred on the back of beyond. There are no roads up to Zeriba; it is devotion mausoleum of a saint. and faith that brings these pilgrims there. Whether dead or alive, the saints of the Sudan enjoy a pivotal Some holy sites are associated with particular powers. The vil- role in daily life: as healers, as regulators of social and commu- lage of Abu Haraz near Wad Madani is frequented by women nity life, and as mediators between humans and the divine. They who wish to enhance their fertility. There they visit the tomb of

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 51 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:03:48 AM a saint who is reputed for his blessings. Whatever the occasion, accompanied by ecstatic dancing) without the restrictions they Sudanese people consider direct contact with the sheikh in per- might feel in the presence of men. son or with the tomb of the saint to be beneficial. Sometimes, after praying, pilgrims will place their hands upon the tomb and Frédérique Cifuentes holds a masters degree in anthropology from embrace it. In Khartoum, the tomb of Sheikh Muhammad Uth- the University of Paris-X Nanterre and a postgraduate degree in photo- man Abdu al Burhani is now accompanied by that of his son, journalism from the London College of Printing. Her work reflects an Sheikh Ibrahim Muhammad Osman, who died in October 2003. approach to photography that is both traditional and original, favour- The devotee may come to the maqam simply to honor the ing long-term projects. She divides her time between working on assign- saint or to ask his benediction by reciting the Fâtiha (the first ments for magazines and commercial clients, and personal projects. info@ sura, or chapter, of the Koran), first raising his arms to heaven, taneek.com then covering his face with his hands. When the purpose is to seek the intercession of a living saint or of a sheikh, there is also Notes a ritual for the visit. The supplicant must first have paid homage 1 Readers may complement these introductory comments about Sufism in the at the tombs of his village before entering the presence of the liv- Sudan by consulting more detailed sources and bibliographies, such as Cornell 1998, ing saint. The sheikh is generally seated in a room set apart for Levtzion and Pouwels 2000, and Schimmel 1975. him to receive the faithful. He is seated on the ground, on a mat, 2 Women’s roles in Sufism and Islam more generally are discussed by many authors, with regard to particular communities in Africa and elsewhere. For informa- and is surrounded by sacred objects and by the Koran. How long tion and bibliography, see Callaway and Creevey 1994, Schimmel 1999, and Wadud one waits one’s turn will depend on the popularity of the sheikh. 1999. When the moment arrives, the supplicant approaches the sheikh barefoot, with head bowed so as to avoid looking directly at him, References cited kneels, and kisses his right hand. The sheikh then asks the pur- Amani Mohamed El Obeid, 2005. “Sufi Brotherhoods in Kassala-Gedaref: An Ana- pose of the visit and questions the supplicant a little before giv- lytical Perception.” In Land, Ethnicity, and Political Legitimacy in Eastern Sudan, ed. Catherine Miller. Place: CEDEJ. ing him advice, and the meeting concludes with the Fâtiha. The reciting of the prayer indicates that the sheikh will intercede with Callaway, Barbara, and Lucy Creevey. 1994. The Heritage of Islam: Women, Religion, and Politics in West Africa. Boulder: Lynne Reiner Pubs. God on the supplicant’s behalf. Cornell, Vincent. 1998. Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism. In the history of Sufism, there have been many instances of Austin: University of Texas Press. women saints teaching male followers.2 The great Sufi sheikh Evans-Pritchard, E.E, 1940. African Political Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Muhyidin ibn al Arabi tells of two women who instructed him Grandin, Nicole, 1995. Nord-Soudan oriental. Etudes Thématiques Numéro 4 Paris : and who were greatly revered during their lives. In Sufi poetry, Presses de l’Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient. man’s love for woman is often used as a symbol of the love Levtzion, Nehemia, and Randall Pouwels, eds. 2000. The History of Islam in Africa. between humans and God. The Sudan is also a place where Sufi Athens: Ohio University Press. women sheikhs, called sheikha, are well respected by the whole Schimmel, Annemarie. 1975. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill: University of of society and are deeply venerated as saints. One of the most North Carolina Press. well known in the Sudan is Sit Maryam, grand-daughter of al- Schimmel, Annemarie. 1999. My Soul Is a Woman: The Feminine in Islam. New York: Mirghani, the founder of the Khatmiyya Tariqa. Her tomb at Continuum. Sinkat, in eastern Sudan, is the center of great festivities by her Wadud, Amina. Qur’an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Per- women followers. Here, during the Holiya, women can practise spective. New York: Oxford University Press. the dhikr (devotional chanting in ‘remembrance of God’, here

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 52 10112_20802319 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:05:04 AM Sheikhs and Saints

(top to bottom, l–r)

Sheikh from the Sammâniyya order in Singa, Sinnar State

Sheikh from the Qâdiriyya order in Omdurman, Khartoum State

Sheikh from the Sammâniyya order in Abou Haraz, Gezira State

Sheikh from the Qâdiriyya order in Omdawanban, Khartoum State

Sheikh from the Sammâniyya order in Taiba, Gezira State

Sheikh from the Tijaniya order in Omdurman, Khartoum State

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 53 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:06:56 AM Holiya

Men gather beneath the Burhani banner during the long night of Holiya to begin the ritual of hadra, also known as dhikr, from midnight until dawn. During the hadra, disciples have to follow certain rules of conduct and spiritual exercises in order to progress towards God and to elevate themselves to the ranks of the pure. Disciples arranged in rows perform increasingly rapid rhythmic movements. They begin with a semicircular motion from right to left, and continue upright while flexing their legs.Dhikr consists of chanting the name of Allah together with these movements. The objective of dhikr is to purify the hearts of disciples and to bring them to a subtle and refined state of ecstasy. Women do not participate directly indhikr but allow themselves to be absorbed by the haunting melodies sung by the munshidin (singers).

The heartbeat of the Holiya is set by the parade and the delegates from other Sufi orders from all regions of Sudan. Banners and drums at the head of religious and tribal chieftains come to greet and honor the sheikh of the local order. Delegations file past with a joyous step, in contrast to the seriousness of the sheikh, who welcomes each group with a prayer of greeting. A variety of Sufi brotherhoods attend the Holiya: The Qâdiriyya, Sammâniyya, Mîghaniyya, and Khatmiyya orders, all come to celebrate the founding saint of the Burhani order. A sense of solidarity exists among all Sufis, and this transcends their adherence to a particular order. This religious festival is an opportunity for peoples of diverse origin to come together, a powerful testimony to Sufi ethnic diversity, which transcends differences of profession and class. Executives from the Sudanese professional elite, farmers from the countryside, small city mer- chants, women, and children all unite in the communal rituals and prayers that dictate the pace of the unfolding festivities.

The followers who attend the Holiya gather at the mausoleum, or maqam, of the founding saint. His tomb has become the bearer of his sacred influence, thebaraka . For these pilgrims who have come from all over the Sudan and throughout the world, the center of the festival is situated within the hexagonal mausoleum, which is busy night and day. The faithful have come to gather at the tomb of Sheikh Mohammed Osman. On entering this holy site, one experiences a feeling of serenity. Anyone may seek refuge here, and whoever does shares a moment of his or her life with the saint who lies beneath the dome, which has been recently ornamented with calligraphy for the occasion. A jar full of holy water accompanies the ritual of the visit to the saint’s tomb. During the long night, children, women, and men often doze off alongside their protector saint while awaiting the morning prayer that will bring the festival to its close.

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 54 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:07:53 AM Deep within the great esplanade of the Shahabi souk, a man sporting a tagya, the everyday Sudanese hat, records the sounds of the dhikr taking place in the background. The accompanying Sufi songs,qasaïds , evoke the sayings and the life of a saint, or tolerance, or describe the states of ecstasy attained during the dhikr. Qasaïds assist concentration and are sung by the orders’ finest singers, the muddah, who thus enjoy a highly respected position within the group.

The last moments before sunrise at the foot of the mausoleum. The climax of the Holiya begins from midnight on the last day. Known as “the long night,” it starts with a big hadra that lasts until dawn. One can drop in and out of the hadra in order to take a rest, sip tea, or gather at the maqam. The atmosphere gives the feeling of an immense dream. A large photograph of the founding saint, Sheikh Mohammed Osman, is set up facing the esplanade to remind each of his followers of his presence throughout the Holiya festival. But the portrait itself is not the object of veneration and is never intended to intrude between God and man. Its presence is important as an expression of the gratitude felt among Burhani Sufis. Finally, the festival of Holiya draws to a close with the dawn prayer, in a remarkable moment of silence, still marked by the ecstasy of the night’s chanting.

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 55 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:08:47 AM Sheikha and Khalwa

Nowadays, some sheikha play an influential role in the organization of Sudanese society. Training programs have been set up for women with the specific goal of changing women’s status through education. To achieve greater social and spiritual participation, both at local and national levels, some women in the Sudan use the traditional educational institution, the Quranic school called khalwa, directed by the sheika.

Among these religious institutions in Sudan, the village of Sabonabe, in Sennar state, is one such place where a sheikha is in charge of the education of the whole female community. Sabonabe was established in 1820 on the banks of the Blue Nile by two sheikhs, Ahmed and Mustapha Sabonabe. The village lives off agriculture, cattle raising, and camel breeding. A strong spiritual and religious tradition grew up in Sabonabe and it rapidly became a popular center for a Sufi order.

Today, Sabonabe is also renowned for having a khalwa for women led by a descendant of the founder, Sheikha Leila (top left). She became a Sufi spiritual teacher after completing her training in Quranic studies in the footsteps of her father. Sheikha Leila studied the Quran with her brothers at home but at the end of this “apprenticeship” she was the only one to go on and teach. She continues to the present day to devote herself to women’s education.

Education in the Quranic school concentrates on memorization of the words and the message of the Quran, literacy, the art of reciting the Quran, and other religious issues. Wooden boards are used for writing lessons and copies of the Quran are used for reading. In addition to the learning and practicing of religion, the women are trained in health care, nutrition, cooking, sewing, and handicrafts in order to help earn a living.

By attending courses in the khalwa, women are able to adjust as a group and learn to understand and accept changes in society. Most of the time, the fekaitoons—khalwa head teachers—are in charge of the school and pass on their educational and religious heritage to the women pupils in their charge. This knowledge was usually learned from fathers, brothers, husbands, or a local sheikh.

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 56 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:09:51 AM Sheikha Leila is assisted by her sisters and daughters for the daily program of the khalwa. She converted half of the family house for use by the school, but this is not only a religious institution. There are workshops in other parts of the house used to teach cooking and sewing. Sheikha Leila graduated from the Ministry of Health and gives advice on birth control and children’s education. The women attending the school come mainly from Sabonabe and sur- rounding villages. Those attending the khalwa finish their domestic work by 2 pm and return home in the early eve- ning. Students from Khartoum also come during their state- school holidays to complete religious training. Sheikha Leila organizes special sessions for these women, who stay in Sabonabe for two or three weeks.

The atmosphere in the khalwa is very relaxed and women can bring their children with them. Sheikha Leila divides her training into different areas, including religious and domestic affairs and generating family income through handicrafts. The khalwa functions much like a community center where women can support each other and build up a strong sense of solidarity. In other ways the institution reaches out to women who live in small villages. They, too, share in the experience of achieving new social goals.

One of the most significant activities in Sabonabe is the training in traditional Sufi music, poetry, and the practice of dhikr. As a major Sufi center in the Sudan, the educational training includes the teaching of Sufi songs—qasaïds—and ritual. Sheikha Leila dedicates half of her time to spreading the rich musical and spiritual Sufi heritage. On Friday after- noons, all the women meet for the dhikr. The garden of the small khalwa is suddenly animated by a group of women drummers facing another group of women who are dancing in circle. As their leader, Sheikha Leila moves around the circle to beat the rhythm of the songs and give the blessing with her beads. She believes that the performance of Sufi music is a vehicle for Sudanese culture and Sufi traditions.

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 57 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:10:52 AM The Khalwa of Omdawanban

The khalwa at Omdawanban was founded in 1867 by Sheikh Al Obeid Wad Badr, a holy man of the Qâdiriyya order who established the school after he had had a vision. The descendants of Sheikh Wad Badr believe that he possessed miraculous powers. The school is one of the most well known in Sudan thanks to its succession of famous sheikhs and the quality of its teaching.

This religious institution is the size of a small village and today welcomes more than 1250 students from Sudan, Chad, Cameroon, and Nigeria. It takes from three to six years to acquire a perfect knowledge of the Quran and to master written Arabic. The majority of Sudanese children go to state schools, but some parents choose this type of education due to religious convictions. Their religious instruction will continue after they leave Omdawanban.

Today the school is directed and financed by Sheikh El Taïb, the great-great-grandson of the founder. He continues the tradition of providing free education to his pupils. He himself initiates each pupil by presentation of the wooden “slate” (loah), used for writing the lesson, and a blessing, the Fatiha. The children learn to write Arabic for the first time on this wooden tablet using a tube of sugar cane filled with an ink made of charcoal or soot.

Islamic institutions in Sudan comprise a well-structured social organization. The sheikh is master of the premises by virtue of inheritance or spiritual qualities. He is the guarantor and he charges his khalifs with the instruction of his teachings. The syllabus is organized around memorization of the Quran and recitations known as tawjid, together with the art of pronunciation and intonation, apprenticeship in canon law, and the Hadith (a collection of the traditions of the Prophet Muhammed).

When, after many years of study, the student returns to his village he will be respected because he has learned to read and recite the holy book of Islam. In his turn, he will be able to teach the local children in the most far-flung regions of the country.

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 58 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:11:48 AM As soon as the language is acquired, students begin their study of the Quran. They must learn by heart each of the 114 chapters of the holy book and tran- scribe these onto their wooden tablets. The teachers rigorously monitor each exercise before proceeding to the next verse. To complete their education, students must write a passage from the Quran in their best script and draw a holy illustration on the wooden tablet. This charafa is presented to the master during the last few days of schooling.

At the end of each session, students wash their wooden tablets in the mahai, a basin specially reserved for the purpose, in order to be ready for the next lesson. The water blackened by charcoal is considered sacred, impregnated with letters from the Quran. It is kept separate from other waste waters and directed along a system of runnels to the outside.

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10112#AAM_p50-59.indd 59 10112_20802045 CMYK 4/9/2008 7:12:45 AM