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Ethics and Politics of Algerian Sufi Brotherhoods an Ethnographic Study of Oran’S Popular Islam

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Ethics and Politics of Algerian Sufi Brotherhoods an Ethnographic Study of Oran’S Popular Islam London School of Economics and Political Science Ethics and politics of Algerian Sufi brotherhoods An ethnographic study of Oran’s popular Islam Thomas Joassin A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. London, March 2019. 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 87.751 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Marien Mettaie and David Holt. 2 Abstract This thesis is an ethnographic study of Muslim communities in Oran, a coastal city in the North-West region of Algeria. It is concerned with how the public presence of Sufi orders - notably rituals, parties, festivals and conferences - contributes to the nation- building process. It begins by looking at the Algerian state’s religious policy, exploring the limits of political legitimacy by analysing the state’s attempts to define national Islam and to associate it with the Sufi, mystical tradition. It presents the state’s ambiguous relationship with Sufi brotherhoods and explores the role played by religion in national projects of modernity. By examining people’s experiences of “baraka”, I argue that a new understanding of spiritual power, as a combination of transcendental and immanent forces, brings us to reconsider God-humans relations in our analyses of secularism. In this perspective, I show that the community’s social activities derive from the harmonious flow of divine forces in the city, and argue that the power of political rituals like presidential visits in mausoleums, and Muslim celebrations like Saints-day festivals, emerge from a blend of divine and popular energy. Nations, like religion, need to be ‘mediated’, and this thesis demonstrates religion’s ability to invoke immanent power that is potentially foundational for a fused political-religious imagination. This work thus, is also an exploration of tensions and movements between immanence and transcendence. 3 This thesis is dedicated to Bénédicte Leperre and Henri Joassin. 4 Contents Acknowledgements 7 List of figures 8 Introduction 9 A reconfiguration of the religion-politics relationship 10 Religion from a “Sufi” perspective: studying popular Islam in Oran 23 The fieldwork 32 The chapters 42 Chapter 1 Sufi sheikhs, popular Islam and the Algerian state 45 The Algerian state, Sufism and Sufi orders: top-down projects and global issues 46 Sufism and the state: civic discourse on peace and tolerance 51 Power and influence in a globalised world 56 Sufism, popular Islam and modernity 62 Regional and national imaginations of popular Islam 66 Chapter 2 If mystical power is immanent, where does it come from? 71 The verticality of power in the anthropology of Islam 73 Charisma at the zawiya Habriya 76 Power as horizontal, circulating puissance 79 Seers, healers and the baraka of ordinary mystics 82 A certain view of power and its cosmology 86 The spiritual foundations of political power? 92 Chapter 3 God’s gifts to Maraval 98 Transcendental and immanent perspectives 99 Food for the body, God for the soul: the fuqara’s baraka 105 Rootedness, work and power: connecting to a place and to the world 110 Power and territory: the wilayat of the zawiya Habriya 118 5 Chapter 4 The power of Muslim celebrations 125 Food and comradeship in the zawiya Habriya 125 The power of mystic parties: love, fraternity and politics 130 Algerian popular Islam and the power of history 137 Festivals, conferences and Algerian Islam: religious and national traditions 144 Chapter 5 God’s many faces 150 God’s presence in the world through words, texts and norms 151 God in the zawiya Habriya: a loving, accommodating norm-making figure 156 The dhikr ceremony: an ethical experience of God’s invisible power 165 Solitary encounters with the divine 172 Chapter 6 What can mystics know and experience? 177 Mystical practices in Islam: reformist and anthropological perspectives 178 Popular religion, doubt and magic: spending the afternoon with Abdel Qader Jilani 180 Science and Islamic reform in Algerian society 187 Science, biomedicine and the Sufi sheikh’s power 194 Outside the known and the visible: mystery and mysticism in Oran 200 Conclusion 211 Religion and politics in Algerian society 214 Popular Islam and the Algerian state 218 Nation and religion as practices of mediation 221 Bibliography 225 6 Acknowledgements I am immensely indebted to Sheikh Habri and the zawiya Habriya, and to the people of Oran and Algeria more generally who welcomed me and my research, and who made my fieldwork possible. I will forever be grateful to all those who invited me into their homes, their lives, and who made me feel part of this community. At LSE, I would like to thank my supervisors, Laura Bear and Mukulika Banerjee. I am grateful for the time and effort they devoted to discussing the numerous drafts of my chapters. They have been a great source of inspiration, and their guidance over these years has been invaluable. This thesis has evolved through feedback from several other professors. I owe a debt of gratitude to Deborah James, Michael Scott, Nick Long, Katy Gardner, Fenella Cannell, Mathijs Pelkmans, Gisa Weszkalnys. I would like also to thank Charles Stafford. I am grateful to my brilliant cohort at the writing-up seminar, who provided thoughtful engagement with this work in progress. In no particular order, my thanks to Valentina Zagaria, Jiazhi Fengjiang, Kari Dahlgren, Ivan Deschenaux, Clayton Goodgame, Thomas Herzmark, Sara Lenehan, Chiara Arnavas, Lewis Beardmore, Megna Mehtta, Itay Noy, Doris Okenwa, Giulio Ongaro, Branwen Spector, Lucy Trotter. Particular thanks to Yan Hinrichsen for her kindness and patience. To Marien Mettaie and David Holt for their friendship. To Ryad, Rokia, Oussama, Rahim, Yanis, Salah, Moncef, Meriem and Meriem for the warm memories in Algiers. Thanks are also due to the LSE Financial Support and the city of Bournemouth. Finally, to my family, mon père, ma mère, Victor, Espérance, who supported me without fail. This thesis is also dedicated to you. 7 List of figures All pictures contained in this thesis are the author’s. Map 1. The Algerian coast and Oran (32) Map 2. Oran and the district of Maraval (32) Map 3. The zawiya Habriya (36) Fig 1. Mostaganem: the symbolic capital of the “World Union of Sufism”? (70) Fig 2. The Algerian national anthem at the international Sufi conference in Mostaganem. (70) Fig 3. Sheikh Ahmed Habri. His family tree is behind him. (97) Fig 4. A typical Friday afternoon at the zawiya Habriya. (124) Fig 5. The wa’da of Sheikh Moulay Hassan, in Oran. (149) Fig 6. The wa’da festivities in the daylight. (149) Fig 7. Abdel Qader Jilani’s qubba, on the top of Mount Aïdour. Celebrations on a typical Tuesday. (208) Fig 8. Mount Aïdour and its cave. (209) Fig 9. Oran’s view from Abdel Qader Jilani’s cave. (210) 8 The following images have been redacted as the copyright is owned by another organisation. Map, page 32 Photo, page 97 Photo, page 124 Introduction December 2016 A Friday night, ending a week of parties and religious ceremonies, celebrating the prophet Muhammad’s anniversary (al-Mawlid al-nabawiy). I have been in Oran for almost a year, living in a flat just above the zawiya Habriya, in Maraval, a district close to Oran’s city centre. This flat is owned by the family of Sheikh Habri, the leader of the zawiya, who welcomed me into this community. But this night is special, and I do not spend it with members of the “Habriya”. Masinissa, a friendly man whom I met at the wa’da (a religious festival) of the Taybia (another zawiya in Oran), the previous summer, invited me to join him and attend the end of Mawlid celebrations, taking place at another zawiya, in the city’s suburb. On the second floor of the zawiya a large room is full of men and children, people are sitting and standing everywhere, even on the stairs. We are late and the “dhikr” ceremony has already started; it is a vibrant, noisy, enthusiastic place; people are singing and “remembering”, reciting the names of God in harmony. Towards the end, it is the children’s turn to participate in the ceremony. For half an hour, they sing, recite stories, evoke the prophet Muhammad’s history. They are serious and disciplined. Then the sheikh asks them to come, individually, and collect their presents: religious books. They each get up in turn, walk up to the sheikh, and return to their places. As the zawiya’s leader was about the call the last pupil, he surprises me by calling me to the front of the room and asking that I join him in offering the last book. I am then invited to sit down next to him. The group shifts its attention, to focus on me. I was not even aware that the sheikh knew who I was, or even that I was present at this ceremony.
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