The Mourides of Senegal: Work,A Gospel Solidarity of & God

Islamic religiosity is a pends on a fierce devotion of who believe, obey God, obey the phrase that often conjures up im- the talibee or, follower, to one’s messenger and those in authori- ages of patriarchal societies, con- marabout, or spiritual leader. ty” (4:59), the belief that material servative, bordering repressive Marabouts are descendants of achievements are manifestations moral tenets, angry demonstra- Mouridism’ founder, Amadu of spiritual blessing, and the firm tions, and even violence. With Bamba, and each marabout has belief that marabouts have the an estimated 1.6 billion Muslims their own following within spe- ability to understand and inter- in 2013, there are individuals cific geographic regions in Sene- pret the divine. Also, a central and clerics whose teachings and gal. The marabouts are organized practice for Mourides is addiya, adherents fit elements of these in a powerful hierarchy, their or donation to the religious order. descriptions, but many Muslim seniority based on their relation Traditionally, addiya took shape sects express their religiosity in to Amadu Bamba; the Grand as one day’s labor in a field ded- very different ways. The Mou- Marabout stands at the apex. The icated to the marabout; however, rides, a Sufi Sunni sect indig- deep reverence that followers of a due to the expansion of Mourid- enous to Senegal, is a growing marabout have for his ndiguels, ism into non-rural economies, religious order with prodigious or commands, is particular to addiya now can take the form financial resources and a strongly Mouridism and is at the heart of of a cash donation. In theory, centralized power structure de- the Mourides’ rise to power in this gift is voluntary, in reality rived from spiritual origins with- Senegal. The spiritual authori- the spiritual authority of a mar- out any violent tendencies. ty of marabouts is derived from about’s requests is tantamount to The Mouride creed de- the Quranic scripture “O you a command.

31 | Ex-Patt Magazine of Foreign Affairs violent jihad that Western govern- makes it an excellent site for trad- gious obligation that has allowed ments and societies associate with ing. The yearly Magal, or pilgrim- this norm to continue despite the Islam. age to Touba, attracts more than urbanization and modernization The third element funda- one million visitors from all over of Mouride society. Additionally, mental to the Mourides’ economic the world and is considered by many of Bamba’s proverbs exhort success is the city of Touba, which many adherents as a spiritual sub- followers to live modestly and to has specific economic, political, stitute for a pilgrimage to Mecca, not risk peace or security for pos- and spiritual connotations for the especially for those who cannot af- sible material gain. This pressure Mourides. These connotations ford such a trip. Though this view to be selfless, humble, and avoid allow Touba to flourish as a mar- may not be publically endorsed conflict is clearly demonstrated ketplace and a commercial hub for by the clerics, it has not been dis- by the example of Mouride im- Mouride traders across the world. puted either. This combination of migrants in Italy where they have Since the 17th century, Mouride a tax-free zone, wide interaction by and large earned good civic marabouts and their families between Mouride followers in reputations. This is surprising in have accumulated land that went Touba, and the marabouts’ global a society where both Africans and untaxed by the regional political networks makes Touba key to the Muslims are often negatively ste- establishment, creating a paral- success of the Mouride economy. reotyped, but acts as an example lel economy and education sys- The fourth cornerstone of of Islamic religiosity profoundly tem existing outside the purview the Mourides’ economic success is influencing people in a way that is of the secular authorities. While the priority given to the achieve- seen positively, even by a Western other independent religious city- ments of the group over those of culture. states continue to exist in Senegal, the individual. This communi- Along with this social ex- Touba is by far the largest, with ty focus reflects traditional rural pectation, marabouts propagate an estimated 620,000 residents in Wolof culture; the Wolofs being the belief that static wealth has 2010. The city uses its adherents’ the predominant ethnic group no value, so available money is addiya to pay for its school system, that makes up the majority of constantly being shared and used healthcare, municipal expenses Mourides. The late Professor Wil- by the wider Mouride communi- and, until late 20th century, its liam Foltz said of Wolof tradition- ty through their marabout’s net- water and electricity. In 2008, the al culture, “Money is important works. Amadu Bamba is said to city of Touba received more than only as something to display or have rejected personal wealth in US $20 million in remittances tax give away, not as something to be favor of contributing to communi- free, which is equal to two times sought for itself,” but the religious ty coffers. Following his example the allotted budget for Senegal’s connotation this cultural norm is is a religious expectation. The col- Ministry of Agriculture! given in Mouridism is distinctive. lection of money within the dahi- Touba has its own legal structure There is a strong belief that mate- ras provides capital and insurance governing all but the most serious rial success is generated through against failure for Mourides. The of crimes committed in the city baraka by one’s marabout, who spiritual obligation to share and and also enforces moral norms are believed to reflect God’s will. use wealth immediately also pro- that derive from religious law, such When material success occurs, it motes a sense of trust within the as not smoking. This environment, is widely interpreted as a result of community in a country where coupled with the constant return following God’s will and enjoying trust in state institutions is lacking. of the Mouride diaspora who God’s favor rather than individ- Touba itself plays a role in demon- come to consult their marabout, ual genius. It is this sense of reli- strating an example of community

Spring 2014 | 32 to Touba, underlining the sig- and are integral to the group’s nificance of Touba to Mourides. success. Centralization of the Mouride brotherhood in Touba is legiti- Economy mized partly by Touba’s spiritu- Four major factors lie behind al identity and relics, which are the Mourides’ growing econom- subjects of pilgrimage. Another ic power: a spiritual devotion to reason for the concentration of hard work, a perception of mi- Mouride leadership in Touba is gration as a means of jihad, Tou- the focus and example of Ama- ba’s status as a tax-free zone and du Bamba. His choice to live in the strong social safety net that a rural setting and shun public provides capital and insures ad- limelight has influenced today’s herents against failure. First, the Mouride leadership to remain in motto proclaimed by the Mou- the yet rural city of Touba. rides, “Work and Discipline,” Mourides have a partic- stems from a belief that work is ularly tight-knit social structure a moral and spiritual act of wor- that ensures community, cama- ship that helps one strive toward raderie, and a strong connection paradise. Mouridism came about with Touba and its religious au- shortly after France’s decision to thorities. As the Mourides ex- abolish slavery, severely weaken- panded from their rural base, ing the economy of the regional they formed dahiras, or religious Wolof Kingdom, leading to its associations, in their new settings. eventual collapse. Many of the This is the only known photo of Ahmadu Inspired by the original commu- early converts to Mouridism were The marabouts all live in Touba, nities that congregated around former Wolof slaves. Some aca- Senegal the capital of Mouridism that acts marabouts, dahiras are purpose- demics argue that these former as the epicenter for the religious doctrine ful religious communities for slaves were attracted to Mourid- and economic influence fundamental to worship and economic solidarity. ism because social class was not the four to five million faithful Mourides Each week, these communities emphasized, resources were dis- world-wide. The influence of the city on meet for dhikrs, which consists tributed, and labor was rewarded Mouridism and its adherents cannot be of prayers, recitation of qusa’id (a after several years by title to land overstated. It is in Touba that marabouts collection of Amadu Bamba’s reli- and profit sharing. What is clear host their talibee who come to seek advice gious poems), and religious con- is that Bamba’s decision to classify and baraka, or blessings for one’s person- versation. These meetings also steadfast dedication to hard work al or professional life. Touba is the center act as a means of collecting addi- as religious education allowed for the trading empire that Mourides have ya for the marabout. Marabouts many individuals without Ara- built throughout the world. While two visit these dahiras frequently to bic language or formal religious thirds of Touba’s residents are profession- encourage their talibee, dispense study to feel religiously pious. ally involved in trade, it is the marabouts baraka and enhance solidarity Bamba’s disciples, who took the that are the epicenters of networking be- among members. These social initiative to create dahiras, cap- tween Mourides from different places and structures also reinforce the val- italized on this mass appeal to from different areas of employment. It is ues of humility, endurance, and Mouride values and the oppor- estimated that up to 30% of a Mouride sharing, which are promoted vo- tunities the community offered. emigrant’s income is spent on phone calls ciferously by Mouride marabouts These dahiras were originally

33 | Ex-Patt Magazine of Foreign Affairs formal communities consisting of command to “Pray as if you were holds in the 1970s to urban areas young, unmarried men who ded- going to die tomorrow, work as if and overseas occurred due to a dev- icated themselves wholly to their you were never going to die” has astating drought that crippled the marabout for study and work. To- influenced generations of Mou- Mourides’ peanut-farming econo- day this same sense of loyalty to rides and continues to serve as the my. Mourides began to draw par- marabout through one’s dahira mantra of the sect. This is certainly allels between their migration and continues but they have evolved to an example of religion being used the two periods of exile of its found- a monetized economy in urban ar- to encourage an extreme reaction er. Bamba portrayed his exile as a eas of Senegal and in the Mouride from its adherents, but it is not a part of a Muslim’s greater jihad to diaspora outside of a marabout’s di- common stereotype of life choices submit to God. Specifically, he saw rect employment. At times, talibee inspired by Islam. his exile as an opportunity to gain would go as far as dedicating their A second factor behind more knowledge, and he compared children to be raised, educated and Mouridism’s success is the empow- it to that of Mohammed’s hijra from put to work by the marabout. To- erment its followers internalize as Mecca to Medina. Mourides see day, poor, rural peasants will send they migrate from their homelands. the economic challenges they face their children far away for this pur- Amadu Bamba interpreted his own in rural Senegal, as well as in cities pose, though often times the deci- two periods of exile to Mauritania and overseas, as their own personal sion is reflective of the family’s eco- and Gabon as spiritual journeys opportunities to deepen the con- nomic woes as much as the family’s and Mourides seek to understand nection to their faith and practice religious piety. Bamba is believed contemporary migration in a sim- jihad. This sense of spirituality in to have a spiritually elevated status ilar manner. Embracing migration migration enhances the Mourides’ just below, and sometimes equiva- allowed the Mourides to evolve sense of unity and promotes com- lent to, that of a prophet. Mourides from a remote, agrarian-based so- munity gain over that of individu- also believe that Bamba could com- ciety to a sophisticated, global so- al gain, which is a critical value for municate directly with the prophet, ciety whose strength is primarily their economic success. Although ensuring his words have spiritual in trade. The first major emigration this interpretation of jihad is un- as well as historic authority. His from the Mouride rural strong- orthodox, it looks nothing like the

Image supplied by author Fall 2013 | 8 as promoted by marabouts. In Touba, social of violence against minority religious groups services are free and marabouts disperse their within Senegal today. In 1882, upon his fa- addiya freely so as to demonstrate this sense ther’s death, Bamba was asked to inherit his of sharing publicly. Without the strong sense father’s official role and instead stated, “I do of safety and trust inspired by Wolof culture not have the habit of mingling with rules, and and reinforced by Mouride spirituality, Mou- I do not expect any help from them.” This is ride adherents would not have access to the one of the clearest and earliest examples of capital and networks needed for their eco- Bamba’s hands-off approach to the secular, nomic success. political world. Bamba continued to gain a strong following from both former tradition- Politics al leaders and peasants who were attracted to Politically, the Mourides can be de- Bamba’s teachings and spirituality, yet Bamba scribed as quietists: there is no Mouride po- himself never sought to exert political power. litical party nor do they make donations to A few quotes from Amadu Bamba specific parties or candidates, yet they retain illustrate his dedication to the principle of strong political influence. Similar to their non-state intervention and his belief in reli- economic success, their political influence gion as a private affair. A French informant owes itself to tradition and the religious con- in 1893 quotes Bamba as saying, “They (the notation attached to this tradition. First, it is followers) were told to behave well toward vital to look at the time period in which Mou- the whites because they never harm those ridism emerged and statements attributed to who submit to them. If they respect you, you Mouridism’s influential founder. Second, we are left in peace, but those who disobey them must look at developments since Senegal’s are punished.” Bamba similarly sought a rec- independence to understand the Mourides’ onciliatory tone by demanding his followers understated approach to politics today. obey the law and religious practices of the Amadu Bamba was not a stranger to time so as to avoid conflict with the Senega- power or influence; his father was an influ- lese authorities put in power by the French. ential marabout of the Qadriya brotherhood In the mid-1880s, during the last armed con- (the oldest and most powerful Muslim orga- flict between Wolof states and the French, nization or, “brotherhood” in Senegal) and Bamba refused to be drawn into the conflict. served in royal Wolof courts. Throughout Upon being called into the court by one of the Bamba’s childhood and youth, Islamic states Wolof Kings in 1886 to give a blessing to the expanded into territory previously controlled Muslim-Wolof army, Bamba is said to have traditional kingdoms across Senegal. These prayed only for peace rather than a particular self-proclaimed jihads spread Islam across victor. The fact that this Muslim-Wolof leader virtually all of Senegal, causing great shifts ended up being killed in battle, leading to his in cultural norms, social class, and politics. army’s defeat and eventually to peace, is seen Bamba’s father was the marabout for the by Mourides as evidence that peace itself is to court of Lat Joor, King of one of the last in- be prioritized above all religious and political dependent Wolof states, and leader of two vi- interests. olent revolts against the French government. Bamba was also fond of the following Bamba’s rejection of violent jihad as religious- hadith, “The best kings are those who visit the ly appropriate is almost certainly a reflection ulama [religious leaders] and the worst ulama of his youth. In fact, Bamba believed that the are those who visit kings,” which continues to jihad for the soul was the only legitimate jihad influence the leadership style of the Grand to be waged, which helps explain the absence Marabout and his subordinates today. Bamba

35 | Ex-Patt Magazine of Foreign Affairs is also famous for having said, “I would be em- barrassed if the angels saw me before the door of the king for a purely secular affair.” The im- pact of this quote is significant as marabouts are wary of commenting on or engaging in politics unless the Mouride organization or religion is substantially impacted. This clear demarcation between politics and religion seems to have been infused into Mourides’ political affairs, though its form has evolved since his death. Even now, neither the Grand Marabout nor lower-ranked marabouts go to Dakar to visit government officials. Instead, each year, poli- ticians seek out their marabout in Touba and during the Magal there are special ceremonies in which sitting government officials as well as opposition leaders pay homage and the Grand Marabout publicly recognizes their leadership. Upon Amadu Bamba’s death in 1927, his eldest son, Mamadu Mustapha, inherited the role of Grand Marabout and began in ear- nest to establish the Mouride organization as we know it today. This change of leadership was not universally accepted and Mamadu’s suc- cess required significant political maneuvering. Unlike his father, Mamadu actively sought po- litical significance and, though religiously edu- cated, he did not live a life dedicated to med- itation and austerity like his father. Mamadu concentrated power in Touba, fostered his fa- ther’s status as a saint, and encouraged talibee devotion to their marabout. In his second year of power, he purposefully recalibrated the date of the Magal to coincide with the date of Bam- ba’s exile to Gabon in order to draw parallels be- tween Mohammad’s hijra from Mecca to Medi- na and Bamba’s life. Although construction of the Grand Mosque (the largest in sub-Saharan Africa) at Touba had begun while his father was still alive, it was Mamadu who initiated intense fundraising and encouraged followers to dedi- cate themselves to its construction. Perhaps most importantly, Mamadu was a shrewd political leader and courted the French colonial leaders and their Senegalese deputies deftly. Recognizing France’s interest

Spring 2014 | 36 in exploiting an export-heavy pro- talibee to push Mouride interests. Mamadu Moustapha and his two duction of peanuts, Mamadu used The primary tool used by mar- successors, a Grand Marabout his influence over his talibee and about, and particularly the Grand ruled for only one year each be- Mourides in general to encour- Marabout, to influence followers fore Saliou Mbacke came to pow- age them to move to rural parts of is the ndiguels that their followers er. Saliou Mbacke was the last of Senegal and grow peanuts. These are required to obey. While these Bamba’s sons to reign and he shift- fields generated substantial prof- are generally religiously-oriented, ed Mouride politics significant- its for both the Mourides and the Mamadu Mustapha and the next ly when, in the 1993 election, he French government. France re- three Grand Marabouts used this became the first Grand Marabout turned this favor by granting an power shrewdly to demonstrate to refrain from issuing an ndiguel ever-expanding amount of land their influence to secular author- supporting a candidate. This end- to the Mourides and recognizing ities. The reign of the Catholic ed a 30-year tradition of granting and enhancing the unique benefits Leopold Senghor provides a clear public support to a candidate of Touba enjoys. With the goodwill example. Mamadu’s issuance of an choice, support that had come to built through this cooperation, ndiguel to vote for Senghor result- be expected. Even in 2012, when Mamadu ensured that France’s ed in a large increase in electoral Abdoulaye Wade, a devout Mou- representatives in the region support and in return Senghor ride who had proved very friend- would be friendly to him rather enacted policies meant to advance ly to Mouride interests in his 12 than Sheikh Anta, the younger Touba and Mouride interests. So years of power, faced a hotly con- brother of Amadu Bamba, an ear- strong was the influence of the tested election, the Grand Mar- ly confidant and disciple of Bam- Grand Marabout on Senghor, that about remained silent. This new, ba, and the only other significant Senghor is said to have consulted quieter form of political Mourid- pretender to Amadu Bamba’s au- with the Grand Marabout over ism is more able to freely direct its thority. Eventually Mamadu was political appointments. Even af- economic affairs from the power- able to persuade the French to ter Senghor consolidated power, ful city-state of Touba and use its arrest Sheikh Anta and force him and votes were not as important, influence through its dahiras and into exile. Without Mamadu’s the Mourides maintained their dispensing of baraka to influence shrewd political skills and success- influence through their ability to politicians and adherents at large. ful economic relationship with give out baraka to their followers, the French, the internal divisions including Mouride politicians and Questions facing Mouridism within the Mourides may have businessmen. Mouridism has proven doomed their success. Mamadu’s During the 1980s, chang- resilient to changes in economic leadership as Grand Marabout ing economic and environmental realities, political environment, from 1927 until his death in 1945 conditions forced a modification and demographics, but today it provided stability as Mouridism in the relationship between the faces significant challenges. The developed, expanded, and for- Senegalese central government first challenge is leadership. With malized many of its practices and and the Mourides. As a result, the an increasingly large and dispa- community. basis of the Mouride’s economic rate list of descendants of Amadu Mamadu’s aggressive po- strength transitioned from agri- Bamba, choosing the Grand Mar- litical involvement was in stark culture (which mandated close about by consensus is becoming contrast to his father’s reclusiveness government support and subsi- more and more difficult. Second, and proved influential throughout dies) to trade and close control marabouts’ need to focus on trade, the colonial and early independent over its increasingly dispersed maintain close relationships with periods. In particular, Mamadu diaspora. At the same time, after their global talibee, and collect ad- utilized marabouts’ influence over stable, two decade-long reigns by diya competes for time with their

37 | Ex-Patt Magazine of Foreign Affairs traditional duty of religious study. its its transnational religious and trast Mouridism with the hardline, These dueling priorities may cause economic potential. The sixth and conservative and anti-Western Is- schisms between marabouts and final challenge is what will happen lamic sects that dominate Western have the potential to damage if a secular government comes to headlines. Significant challenges the Mourides’ spiritual reputa- power that attempts to take away face Mouridism and the secular tion. Third, Mourides’ continued the economic privileges of Touba, state of Senegal as they co-evolve strength depends heavily on fund- other smaller Mouride city-states, but it seems evident that the Mou- ing from its international diaspo- and the expansive quasi-legal mar- ride vision of religiosity will con- ra, which is estimated to make up kets that Mourides operate in Da- tinue to play a central role in the to 20% of Senegal’s direct foreign kar and other cities within Senegal. future of both. investment. As these emigrant Could a government impose such populations age and their children changes and how would Mourid- Mark Titus Hoover was born and are increasingly raised in other ism react? Despite Mouridism’s raised in the Democratic Republic of nations, the Mourides will have to strength today, it is clear that that the Congo. He is now a first-year grad- find ways to retain their appeal to the next fifty years pose significant uate student at The Fletcher School of the next generation or manage to challenges. Law and Diplomacy. His studies focus on the role of religion in African poli- continue sending substantial pop- tics and conflict resolution. ulations overseas to maintain this Conclusion income stream. Mouridism offers a clear A fourth challenge is how example of the often-overlooked the Mourides can sustain their diversity that exists in the umma quasi-parallel redistributive state or Islamic world. This paper does within Senegal. Its success is cru- not argue that Mouridism is good cial to Mouride influence, but is or bad, nor does it argue that it dependent on sufficient addiya represents ‘true’ Islam. Instead, it to meet the needs of a growing demonstrates how Mouridism’s body of talibee. Recent years have values of obedience, self-sufficien- seen the Mourides cede some of cy and hard work, along with the their autonomy in Touba to Sen- condemnation of violence, con- egal: allowing the state to charge for electricity, allowing the state to implement public health mea- sures during the Magal, and most significantly, allowing French lan- guage government schools into the city for the first time in 2013. A fifth challenge facing Mourid- ism is whether its success is depen- dent on Wolof identity or if it can further expand its following and power by converting large num- bers of other ethnic groups. At this point, only a small percentage of A portion of the proceeds benefit Lexington Humane Society! Mourides belong to non-Wolof ethnic groups and this greatly lim-

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