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The Mourides of Senegal: Work,A Gospel Solidarity of & God

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The Mourides of Senegal: Work,A Gospel Solidarity of & God The Mourides of Senegal: Work,A Gospel Solidarity of & God Islamic religiosity is a pends on a fierce devotion of who believe, obey God, obey the phrase that often conjures up im- the talibee or, follower, to one’s messenger and those in authori- ages of patriarchal societies, con- marabout, or spiritual leader. ty” (4:59), the belief that material servative, bordering repressive Marabouts are descendants of achievements are manifestations moral tenets, angry demonstra- Mouridism’ founder, Amadu of spiritual blessing, and the firm tions, and even violence. With Bamba, and each marabout has belief that marabouts have the an estimated 1.6 billion Muslims their own following within spe- ability to understand and inter- in 2013, there are individuals cific geographic regions in Sene- pret the divine. Also, a central and clerics whose teachings and gal. The marabouts are organized practice for Mourides is addiya, adherents fit elements of these in a powerful hierarchy, their or donation to the religious order. descriptions, but many Muslim seniority based on their relation Traditionally, addiya took shape sects express their religiosity in to Amadu Bamba; the Grand as one day’s labor in a field ded- very different ways. The Mou- Marabout stands at the apex. The icated to the marabout; however, rides, a Sufi Sunni sect indig- deep reverence that followers of a due to the expansion of Mourid- enous to Senegal, is a growing marabout have for his ndiguels, ism into non-rural economies, religious order with prodigious or commands, is particular to addiya now can take the form financial resources and a strongly Mouridism and is at the heart of of a cash donation. In theory, centralized power structure de- the Mourides’ rise to power in this gift is voluntary, in reality rived from spiritual origins with- Senegal. The spiritual authori- the spiritual authority of a mar- out any violent tendencies. ty of marabouts is derived from about’s requests is tantamount to The Mouride creed de- the Quranic scripture “O you a command. 31 | Ex-Patt Magazine of Foreign Affairs violent jihad that Western govern- makes it an excellent site for trad- gious obligation that has allowed ments and societies associate with ing. The yearly Magal, or pilgrim- this norm to continue despite the Islam. age to Touba, attracts more than urbanization and modernization The third element funda- one million visitors from all over of Mouride society. Additionally, mental to the Mourides’ economic the world and is considered by many of Bamba’s proverbs exhort success is the city of Touba, which many adherents as a spiritual sub- followers to live modestly and to has specific economic, political, stitute for a pilgrimage to Mecca, not risk peace or security for pos- and spiritual connotations for the especially for those who cannot af- sible material gain. This pressure Mourides. These connotations ford such a trip. Though this view to be selfless, humble, and avoid allow Touba to flourish as a mar- may not be publically endorsed conflict is clearly demonstrated ketplace and a commercial hub for by the clerics, it has not been dis- by the example of Mouride im- Mouride traders across the world. puted either. This combination of migrants in Italy where they have Since the 17th century, Mouride a tax-free zone, wide interaction by and large earned good civic marabouts and their families between Mouride followers in reputations. This is surprising in have accumulated land that went Touba, and the marabouts’ global a society where both Africans and untaxed by the regional political networks makes Touba key to the Muslims are often negatively ste- establishment, creating a paral- success of the Mouride economy. reotyped, but acts as an example lel economy and education sys- The fourth cornerstone of of Islamic religiosity profoundly tem existing outside the purview the Mourides’ economic success is influencing people in a way that is of the secular authorities. While the priority given to the achieve- seen positively, even by a Western other independent religious city- ments of the group over those of culture. states continue to exist in Senegal, the individual. This communi- Along with this social ex- Touba is by far the largest, with ty focus reflects traditional rural pectation, marabouts propagate an estimated 620,000 residents in Wolof culture; the Wolofs being the belief that static wealth has 2010. The city uses its adherents’ the predominant ethnic group no value, so available money is addiya to pay for its school system, that makes up the majority of constantly being shared and used healthcare, municipal expenses Mourides. The late Professor Wil- by the wider Mouride communi- and, until late 20th century, its liam Foltz said of Wolof tradition- ty through their marabout’s net- water and electricity. In 2008, the al culture, “Money is important works. Amadu Bamba is said to city of Touba received more than only as something to display or have rejected personal wealth in US $20 million in remittances tax give away, not as something to be favor of contributing to communi- free, which is equal to two times sought for itself,” but the religious ty coffers. Following his example the allotted budget for Senegal’s connotation this cultural norm is is a religious expectation. The col- Ministry of Agriculture! given in Mouridism is distinctive. lection of money within the dahi- Touba has its own legal structure There is a strong belief that mate- ras provides capital and insurance governing all but the most serious rial success is generated through against failure for Mourides. The of crimes committed in the city baraka by one’s marabout, who spiritual obligation to share and and also enforces moral norms are believed to reflect God’s will. use wealth immediately also pro- that derive from religious law, such When material success occurs, it motes a sense of trust within the as not smoking. This environment, is widely interpreted as a result of community in a country where coupled with the constant return following God’s will and enjoying trust in state institutions is lacking. of the Mouride diaspora who God’s favor rather than individ- Touba itself plays a role in demon- come to consult their marabout, ual genius. It is this sense of reli- strating an example of community Spring 2014 | 32 to Touba, underlining the sig- and are integral to the group’s nificance of Touba to Mourides. success. Centralization of the Mouride brotherhood in Touba is legiti- Economy mized partly by Touba’s spiritu- Four major factors lie behind al identity and relics, which are the Mourides’ growing econom- subjects of pilgrimage. Another ic power: a spiritual devotion to reason for the concentration of hard work, a perception of mi- Mouride leadership in Touba is gration as a means of jihad, Tou- the focus and example of Ama- ba’s status as a tax-free zone and du Bamba. His choice to live in the strong social safety net that a rural setting and shun public provides capital and insures ad- limelight has influenced today’s herents against failure. First, the Mouride leadership to remain in motto proclaimed by the Mou- the yet rural city of Touba. rides, “Work and Discipline,” Mourides have a partic- stems from a belief that work is ularly tight-knit social structure a moral and spiritual act of wor- that ensures community, cama- ship that helps one strive toward raderie, and a strong connection paradise. Mouridism came about with Touba and its religious au- shortly after France’s decision to thorities. As the Mourides ex- abolish slavery, severely weaken- panded from their rural base, ing the economy of the regional they formed dahiras, or religious Wolof Kingdom, leading to its associations, in their new settings. eventual collapse. Many of the This is the only known photo of Ahmadu Inspired by the original commu- early converts to Mouridism were The marabouts all live in Touba, nities that congregated around former Wolof slaves. Some aca- Senegal the capital of Mouridism that acts marabouts, dahiras are purpose- demics argue that these former as the epicenter for the religious doctrine ful religious communities for slaves were attracted to Mourid- and economic influence fundamental to worship and economic solidarity. ism because social class was not the four to five million faithful Mourides Each week, these communities emphasized, resources were dis- world-wide. The influence of the city on meet for dhikrs, which consists tributed, and labor was rewarded Mouridism and its adherents cannot be of prayers, recitation of qusa’id (a after several years by title to land overstated. It is in Touba that marabouts collection of Amadu Bamba’s reli- and profit sharing. What is clear host their talibee who come to seek advice gious poems), and religious con- is that Bamba’s decision to classify and baraka, or blessings for one’s person- versation. These meetings also steadfast dedication to hard work al or professional life. Touba is the center act as a means of collecting addi- as religious education allowed for the trading empire that Mourides have ya for the marabout. Marabouts many individuals without Ara- built throughout the world. While two visit these dahiras frequently to bic language or formal religious thirds of Touba’s residents are profession- encourage their talibee, dispense study to feel religiously pious. ally involved in trade, it is the marabouts baraka and enhance solidarity Bamba’s disciples, who took the that are the epicenters of networking be- among members. These social initiative to create dahiras, cap- tween Mourides from different places and structures also reinforce the val- italized on this mass appeal to from different areas of employment.
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