Baay Fall Sufi Da'iras

Baay Fall Sufi Da’iras Voicing Identity Through Acoustic Communities

Julia Morris

All photos by the Author except where otherwise noted

nder the flickering glow of the street lamps right as she incorporates ouza into the dance, one of the hottest of a Dakar banlieu, the da’ira (religious asso- styles on the Dakar scene.3 ciation) of Baay Fall1 spiritual guide Sëriñ Another taalibe takes over as the lead vocalist. “Jërejëff Bamba” Saliou Fall2 begins to gather. The interlocking (“Thank you Bamba”), shouts a taalibe; “Waaw, Mame Cheikh rhythms of the xiin drums sound through the Ibra Fall” (“Yes, Mame Cheikh Ibra Fall”) interjects another. A night, calling Baay Fall Sufi disciples or taal- group rap begins, “Who loves Sëriñ Saliou Fall? Put your hands ibes to come together and sing their faith. A speaker dangles from in the air!” Sëriñ Saliou stands up and begins to dance to the aU tree branch, emitting a scratchy whir, through which a woman’s syncopated drumbeats and hypnotic rhythms of the dhikrs, arms voice reverberates, chanting the sacred Baay Fall dhikr (religious waving in the air. The Yaay Fall go wild, rushing up to dance chant of remembrance) Sam Fall, giving thanks to Allah. The by his side. Two groups take shape: men and women sepa- dhikr vocalist, the dhikrkatt, moves smoothly between chants, rately dancing in a fever of religious song. Fists hit the air. The with the xiin drum ensemble altering their rhythmic accompa- melodic repetition creates a hypnotic effect. In the glow of the niment accordingly. As the soloist’s voice weaves melodic lines streetlights, the frenzied movement of bodies, the soundscape in praise of Allah and Cheikh Amadou Bamba—the founder of of drum and song, taalibes become more and more a part of the the Mouride Sufi brotherhood—she clutches multiple mobiles in religious groove (Fig. 2).4 her hand, set to record her every word. Passing over your mobile Every Thursday and Friday night, Sufi prayer gatherings, orga- to the dhikrkatt is a sign of true appreciation of their vocal skills, nized by da’ira religious associations, fill most street corners of later listened to outside the space of the da’ira (Fig. 1). Dakar, bringing together taalibes of Senegal’s Sufi tariqas (orders) The xiin leader strikes a swinging rhythm with a stick in to sing their faith. In the face of rapid urbanization and the increas- his right hand, while the other drummers, the bàkkatts, add ing difficulties of maintaining religious networks between widely interlocking rhythms in a rapid succession of rolls and rests, dispersed populations at home and abroad, da’iras have become emphasizing beats that are visually punctuated by the dancers’ important features of the Senegalese social and urban landscape, movements. Cars and taxis manoeuvre around this sacred space, uniting a marabout’s (spiritual leader) taalibes in spiritual commu- sometimes stretching a hand out of their car window to pass nities both within the city and in the diaspora at large. over a 100 CFA coin. As the taalibes become more and more involved with the Uniting in PrayerfUl Song music, the once-subdued swaying is interrupted as men break The vast majority of Senegalese belong to a Sufi Muslim order in out in spontaneous dance movements in front of the power- a country in which roughly 94 percent of the population practice ful battery of drums: two Baay Fall taalibes breakdance before Islam (CIA World Factbook 2012). Islam came to Senegal from running up to Sëriñ Saliou and touching his hand to their fore- North Africa in the eleventh century (Gamble 1957) but it was heads, while a Yaay Fall (female follower) taalibe initiates new not until the arrival of the ascetic and mystical Islamic movement moves into the dance circle, swinging her arms from left to of Sufism, under the figureheads of Senegalese religious leaders,

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 42 11/28/13 9:34 AM 1 yaay Fall taalibes of sëriñ saliou Fall recording a such as the founder of the Mouride order Cheikh Amadou Bamba dhikrkatt’s religious song on their mobile phones in (1850–1927) and Tijānī founder El Hajj Malik Sy (1855–1922), that their Friday night da’ira ceremony. these recordings the majority of Senegalese converted to Islam. While several Sufi are often set as ringtones, maintaining their da’ira’s identity far beyond the ritual space. dakar, senegal, tariqas are followed in Senegal, it is the Mourides who are the February 11, 2011. most dynamic of them with regard to their prominence in cultural expression and political and commercial economy.5 Founded in 2 sëriñ saliou Fall’s taalibes dancing in circular for- mation around the dhikrkatt as she sings praises to the late nineteenth century under Amadou Bamba, the Mourides Allah, the Mouride spiritual guides, and sëriñ saliou are a uniquely indigenous social organization. Within Senegal, himself. dakar, senegal, February 11, 2011. religious affiliation follows ethnic lines and the Mouride brotherhood is mostly Wolof,6 with roots in the Cayor, Jolof, and Baol regions. The order arose in the aftermath of the Wolof army’s Iconic images of Amadou Bamba and Ibra Fall appear defeat by the French in 1886 and, with its religious ideology throughout the city (Fig. 4), from devotional murals to com- encouraging a clear code of personal conduct, gained many fol- mercial advertising, familiar and ever-present spiritual guides lowers who found an alternative authority system and leader in sutured into the urban landscape, producing a profoundly Amadou Bamba (Cruise O’Brien 1971; Villalón 1995). meaningful, daily engagement with Mouridism (Fig. 5). In A The Baay Fall are a distinct branch of the Mourides who Saint in the City: Sufi Arts of Urban Senegal (2003a), Allen F. adhere to the teachings of Cheikh Amadou Bamba and one of Roberts and Mary Nooter Roberts discuss how the visual cul- his first disciples, Cheikh Ibra Fall (1858–1930). Nicknamed the ture of the Mourides produces a sacred image-scape within the “Light of Mouridism,” Ibra Fall is the guiding light for millions city. They examine how the iconic images of Amadou Bamba of devoted Baay Fall who follow his distinct methods of Islamic construct a powerful religious imaginary, acting as symbols of practice (Fig. 3). Ibra Fall’s complete submission to Amadou devotion and prayer. Whereas the Roberts’s work concentrates Bamba is seen to represent the purest devotion of a taalibe to on the visual culture of the Mourides, I focus on the ways in his marabout, and forms the example for Baay Fall adherents, which Mouridism is experienced through music. Their notion of who dedicate their lives to adoring and serving their marabout. how the “urban space … marked and saturated with the Saint’s Like Ibra Fall himself, most Baay Fall do not observe the daily presence … renews a Mouride sense of identity and profound prayers or fasting prescribed by Islam, instead substituting con- community engagement” (Diouf 2003:13) resonates well with the stant prayers and work under the direction of their marabout. musical performance of Mouridism within a da’ira. The visual

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 43 11/28/13 9:35 AM iconography contributes to a potent religious imaginary that is powerfully sounded and felt in the space of a da’ira. The highly vivid Baay Fall da’ira ceremonies have an overtly specific character and identity and, in their song, rhythm, and dance, both produce and sustain an acoustic Baay Fall community. There is certainly no lack of literature on the Mourides. How- ever, most Mouride scholarship focuses primarily on the philo- sophical, political, and economical dimensions of the brotherhood (Behrman 1977; Copans 1980; Coulon 1981; Cruise O’Brien 1971; Piga 2002; Robinson 1991; Vilallón 1995), failing to mention musical practices in any significant way except in relation to Senega- lese pop culture, with minimal discussion on the acoustic setting of da’ira rituals.7 The word “music” certainly encounters difficulties in the context of Islamic religious practices, and the Arabic term sama better expresses the place of music within Sufi thought, a highly sacred practice used as a means of spiritual exploration within devotional exercises. Music has played an important part in voicing and constructing Mouride identity and has made a tremendous impact on the Senegalese popular music scene (see McLaughlin 1997, 2000). Senegalese Sufi music carries a strong ethnic and religious identity that is easily adopted into popular culture, and pop music videos are filled with references to Mouridism in both their musical content and visual aesthetic, yet popular culture has, in turn, fed back into da’ira rituals through a complex mix of sacred and secular practices. Thus, an analysis of da’ira musical practices brings new perspectives to the study of Mouride musical culture and furthers an understanding of Sen- egalese popular culture at large. This article, based on fieldwork with Sëriñ Saliou Fall’s da’ira in the Dakar suburb of Liberte-4 in 2011, illustrates the ways in which Baay Fall taalibes give dynamic voice to their da’ira in their public rituals. The majority of Baay Fall literature goes little beyond focusing on the sect’s “eccentric beliefs and conduct”

3 An image of cheikh ibra Fall, the baay Fall spiritual leader and foremost disciple of cheikh Amadou bamba, emerges from a dakar wall, a common sight within the city. dakar, senegal, March 3, 2011.

4 A wall painting of Amadou bamba and ibra Fall on the facade of a shoemakers shop in dakar. Many businesses feature paintings of the Mouride saints in their signage, powerful religious icons of prosperity and prayer. these two images are the lone portraits remaining of the two spiritual guides, heavily circu- lated and reproduced throughout the city. dakar, senegal, February 21, 2011.

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 44 11/28/13 9:35 AM (Cruise O’Brien 1971:141), “highly unorthodox lifestyle” (Villalón one another and the wider brotherhood in the Mouride spiritual 1995:69), and “flamboyance” (Savishinsky 1994:211).8 While some capital, Touba. Da’iras normally unite the taalibes of one particu- Baay Fall are visually recognizable by their ndjan (dreadlocks) lar marabout who, in the case of the Baay Fall, usually descends and ndjaxass (colorful patchwork clothes), this is very much a from Cheikh Ibra Fall himself, the first and most fervent follower generalization and highly dependent on the nature of the da’ira. of Amadou Bamba. However, anyone is welcome to attend their Many of Sëriñ Saliou Fall’s disciples wear regular dress by day, weekly ceremonies. Cups of café Touba, the sweetly spiced coffee and do not have dreadlocks or collect alms on the street, sav- that is a Baay Fall trademark, are liberally handed out to bystand- ing the white-and-grey robes that characterize their da’ira for ers in the hopes of attracting new disciples. their nighttime ceremonies (Fig. 6). These rituals are powerful The rituals are important, festive events for the spiritual com- celebrations of religious identity and vibrant features of Senega- munity, and ceremonies are public-oriented, taking part on the lese religious and social life, attracting mostly younger adepts. pavement or the street. Many Mourides do not adhere to one sin- Within their da’ira’s rituals, Baay Fall adepts give dramatic voice gle da’ira, or indeed may just attend da’ira rituals on some of the to their overall religious identity as both Mourides and Baay Mouride calendar’s more important religious events. However, for Falls in collectively and personally meaningful ways, directing the dedicated followers of the Baay Fall Sufi order, where adher- their religious song to their marabout, and juxtaposing religious ents are exempt from the daily prayers and fasting prescribed by practices with popular culture forms, to voice a contemporary Islam, da’ira rituals provide meaningful spaces where taalibes sense of what it means to be a Baay Fall today. express and maintain their religious connectivity (Fig. 7). A taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall commented, “I don’t pray. I have faith in Voicing identity in the da’ira SPace Ibra Fall and his teachings. Da’ira is like my mosque, it’s my way The da’ira first developed as, and largely remains, an urban of expressing my religion.”9 Importantly, as public singing is oth- institution. Initially a Tijānī creation, the first Mouride da’ira erwise primarily the work of géwéls (the West African caste of was founded in the 1940s by one of Cheikh Amadou Bamba’s professional, hereditary musician-artisans), da’ira rituals are cen- grandsons, Cheikh Mbacke. Responding to the need to maintain tral spheres of public performance for non-géwél singers.10 All of social and administrative ties between taalibes living in distant the dhikrkatts and dukkatts (dancers) I spoke to were non-géwéls, city neighborhoods, the da’ira was first conceived of as a prayer so would otherwise not usually be a part of public performance. circle. Taalibes of Cheikh Mbacke met on a weekly basis to read Thus, a da’ira ceremony is a particularly significant time for taa- the Qur’an, chant the dhikrs and khassaïds (the odes of Amadou libes to publicly express their faith and themselves through the Bamba), and to socialize (Babou 2002). Although these are still sound and motion of performance. the main activities, da’iras have become more formally institution- Gathering outside the compound of one of their da’ira’s number alized. A central organizational committee holds weekly meet- on Thursday and Friday nights, taalibes of any tariqa devote the ings to plan out the order of events for each ritual, while a main evening to the religious chanting of sacred dhikrs and khassaïds, body of followers contributes regular subscription fees. As well as often seated or standing in lines as they sing praise to Allah, the funding the da’ira itself, these monetary sums are used to assist Prophet Mohammad, the Senegalese Sufi saints, and their marabout (Fig. 8). Baay Fall da’ira rituals differ dramatically from those of other tariqas. Taalibes, clad in the vibrant checked robes 5 A dakar license plate featuring both the of their marabout, blend dhikrs with a complex battery of xiin senegalese flag and the image of Amadou drum rhythms and ritual dance movements, sounding and shap- bamba, sutured into the national psyche as ing spiritual communities around the distinctive religious prac- defining images and symbols of senegalese identity. dakar, senegal, February 26, 2011. tices of the Baay Fall. While Baay Fall da’ira ceremonies share similarities with one another in their musical practice, they differ in their programming of the musical events. Within Sëriñ Saliou Fall’s da’ira, Thursday nights are the occasions for male taalibes to ritually chant dhikrs, while Friday night is “ladies night,” when the Yaay Fall take center stage in the song and dance.11

Baay fall ritUal Voicing Weaving praises to Allah with poems to Mouride spiritual guides, Baay Fall express their specific connectivity with Islam through their ritual voicing. The devotional practice of dhikr is a central part of Sufi musical practice and characterizes the overall sound of da’ira nighttime rituals. Based on the Qur’anic injunc- tion, “Remember God with frequent remembrance and glorify Him morning and evening,” dhikr (or “remembrance” of God) refers to the repetitive singing or chanting of God’s name and attri- butes; a practice of religious voicing which aims to focus the mind on drawing nearer to God. Dhikrs have been adapted to Mouride religious beliefs, voicing genealogies of Mouride spiritual leaders

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 45 11/28/13 9:35 AM and drawing on the rich Senegalese literary tradition of Sufi devo- Fall. Like the sacred iconography of Amadou Bamba that infuses tional poetry, with Wolof words integrated into the dhikr lexicon, the streets of Dakar with the spiritual power of the Saint’s barké often in isolation or punctuated with Arabic phrases. Unlike other or divine grace, dhikrs are also imbued with blessing and the tariqas, where public rituals integrate both dhikrs and khassaïds, power of prosperity. It is by singing them that Mourides sound dhikrs comprise the entirety of Baay Fall vocal repertoire within and enact the barké of Mouride saints. The Robertses lucidly most public da’ira ceremonies. The performance of the khassaïds point this out, emphasizing that it is by ritually voicing both is the intensely sacred practice of chanting Amadou Bamba’s writ- khassaïds and dhikrs that Mourides make Amadou Bamba “pres- ings, and the Baay Fall da’iras I spoke with stressed that khassaïds ent in their lives” (Roberts and Roberts 2003b:360). In interview, remain part of the spiritual study of young taalibes, sung unac- a taalibe discussed his reasons for singing dhikrs, remarking, “I companied at the Sëriñ’s own home in recitation circles (Fig. 9). sing so that I am bestowed with Sëriñ Touba’s barké.”14 It is by Baay Fall express their particular religious focus in their dhikrs, ritually voicing dhikrs and Sam Fall that the Baay Fall meaning- which voice the memory of Amadou Bamba and Ibra Fall in com- fully sound and feel their spiritual identity. bination with praise of taalibes’ own marabouts. Lyrics praise Cheikh Ibra Fall: “Mame Cheikh Ibra Fall you are the only man. Baay fall ritUal SoUnding We trust you. We believe in you,”12 and emphasize the sect’s phi- While many Islamic practices forbid the use of drums with losophy of relentless communal work: verses of the Qu’ran, drums are commonplace in Sufi rituals. Duma julli, duma woor, buma dee ma dem aijjana. However, within Senegalese Sufism, with the exception of the I don’t pray, I don’t fast, when I die I’ll go to heaven. Baay Fall and Qadiriyya tariqas, drums are not a part of ritual 15 Ligey ci topp, Yalla la bokk. practice. Prohibited from being performed in Touba, Baay Fall Work is among the ways to adore God (Mclaughlin 1997). rituals often take place in the nearby town of Mbacké on religious events, on the fringes of the holy Mouride capital. This The chanting of the shahada13 forms an important part of the spatial geographical distancing intersects with the existen- ritual practice of many Sufi cultures yet, in the Senegalese con- tial feelings of difference that Baay Fall taalibes express in their text, while other tariqas do integrate the shahada into their ritual beliefs and practices and in their discourse. In a discussion on dhikrs, the concentration on the shahada chant itself is seen as the distinct musical practices of Baay Fall da’ira rituals, a taalibe something particular to the Baay Fall and is known in Senegal as of Sëriñ Saliou explained: Sam Fall. A taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou emphasized the importance Other tariqas don’t express themselves through the same music and that Sam Fall plays in Baay Fall da’ira practice and thought, add- dance, with the xiin. But we’re happy. We want to show everyone that ing, “We sing Sam Fall as true Baay Falls.” In the context of a Baay we’re happy by dancing, not by guarding our sentiments.16 Fall da’ira, Sam Fall is chanted by male taalibes as they move in tightly packed circles, rhythmically stomping their feet. Usually The sacred xiin drum is an intrinsic part of Baay Fall ritual prac- sung unaccompanied by the xiin drum ensemble, the Sam Fall tice and its performance is particular to the Baay Fall, immediately chant provides the central chorus around which Allah is pro- signaling Baay Fall identity and calling taalibes to prayer. A single- claimed, along with praise for the Prophet Mohammed and Ibra headed, low-pitched cylindrical drum played with one stick and

6 yaay Fall taalibes and their children wearing the grey-and-white checked robes that characterizes sëriñ saliou’s da’ira. Many of them also wear pendants featuring portraits of the sëriñ. dakar, senegal, February 18, 2011.

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 46 11/28/13 9:35 AM one hand, the xiin is said by many to be the region’s oldest talk- ing drum, and groups of xiin drummers animatedly accompany Baay Fall ritual song. While the size of the xiin ensemble depends on the da’ira or scale of the event, within Sëriñ Saliou’s da’ira, the ensemble usually consists of six bàkkatts and one or two players tapping out a timeline on the bakch metal bell. The ensemble play interlocking rhythmic lines, around which the lead bàkkatt performs occasional solo parts, all combining to create complex poly- rhythms and a powerful battery of sound. The xiin is visually similar to the sabar drum, with a virtually identical playing technique and sound. Yet, unlike the sabar, in which the main performance context is street dance events and festive occasions, the xiin is a highly sacred, ritual drum and never used for pure entertainment. Ibra Fall himself performed the xiin and authorized its use as an instrument to drive work- ers in the fields and animate religious worship. Consequently, the instrument occupies a particularly sacred place in Baay Fall thought. Mamadou, a xiin drummer in Sëriñ Saliou’s da’ira, emphasized this point, adding, “The xiin is a sacred instrument, you can’t play sexual rhythms on it, you need to assume a different character.”17 In the rituals, different rhythms correspond with different dhikrs, many of which are specific to the Baay Fall. There are specific Baay Fall rhythms. Ibra Fall would sing dhikrs when he woke up to do work, he would beat the xiin as he sang. These are the rhythms we play.18

As a musical instrument directly associated with both the mate- riality of everyday work and Baay Fall religious practice, the xiin is emblematic of the Baay Fall philosophy of hard work and prayer. Thus, the xiin’s significance lies both in its symbolic power and in 7 the sound and motion of a Friday night da’ira its literal sounding as, through performance, the Baay Fall reli- ritual, “ladies night” within sëriñ saliou’s da’ira. gious practices of hard work and prayer are animated. dakar, senegal, February 11, 2011. Interestingly, in Sëriñ Saliou’s da’ira, xiins were sometimes in short supply, and the xiin was often combined with different secular drums, most commonly the djembe (Fig. 10). While SoUnding MaraBoUtic tieS these drums are symbolically designated as sacred, this repre- Anthropological work on religious ritual emphasizes the ways sents a new move towards combining highly sacred drums with in which ritual performs authority, materializing the boundaries non-ritual drums in the ritual space. Hassan, a xiin drummer that shape and emerge from religious ideology (Bloch 2003). As in the da’ira, commented, “We can’t always get enough xiins so Mouride taalibes move and sound together, they do so within now you sometimes see the xiin played with other drums. It’s existing marabout-taalibe power structures, with musical prac- a twenty-first century da’ira!”19 This is a combination that is tices rooted in the shared religious ideology that the marabout becoming equally accepted the other way round, when the xiin is “the path to paradise” (Cruise O’Brien 1971:84). The strong is taken out of the ritual space and incorporated within popu- bond between taalibes and marabouts characterizes Sufism at lar music. However, even when the xiin is adopted into popular large, and Mouridism explicitly stresses this spiritual commit- music idioms, performers adhere to its ritual rhythmic struc- ment. The order’s very title derives from the Arabic murid, trans- tures and it is rare for popular rhythms to be transferred onto it. lating as “committed one,” and refers to a disciple’s dedication Popular Baay Fall singer and guitarist Carlou D. emphasizes the to their spiritual guide. Seen as mediators between Allah and sacred place of the xiin in the Baay Fall psyche irrespective of its humankind, marabouts act as focal points of loyalty and obe- performance context: dience for disciples, inheriting religious leadership and passing I use the xiin in many of the songs in my repertoire ... It’s a method the spiritual power of barké through the family line. The mar- of communication. It’s more than a musical instrument (Diop 2011). about-disciple relationship is highly complex and is variously described as exploitative of the disciple (Copans 1980) or sym- Both xiin combinations signal ways in which Baay Fall musical biotic, in which spiritual, material, and political benefits are practices are being adapted to the modern context: in one case, gained by both (Villalón 1995). While Sëriñ Saliou visibly wields by a more lenient attitude towards a lack of resources within rit- a great deal of authority over his taalibes, his disciples empha- ual practice; in the other, by incorporating meaningful Baay Fall sized the reciprocal nature of the relationship. In a discussion identity markers into new musical styles. on his reasons for choosing Sëriñ Saliou Fall as his marabout, a

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 47 11/28/13 9:35 AM 8 A Mouride da’ira ritual in the dakar neighbor- hood of liberte-4. Male taalibes assemble in two rows, facing each other as they ritually chant dhikrs and khassaïds. dakar, senegal, March 9, 2011.

9 younger baay Fall taalibes of sëriñ saliou Fall chant the khassaïds from Amadou bamba’s sacred writings as sëriñ saliou looks on. these recitation circles take place several times a week at the sëriñ’s house. behind sëriñ saliou is a portrait of cheikh ibra Fall. dakar, senegal, February 25, 2011.

10 in sëriñ saliou Fall’s da’ira, young baay Fall bàkkatts combine xiins, the drums performed by the standing bàkkatts, and djembes, played by the seated bàkkatt, in lieu of sufficient xiins. dakar, senegal, February 11, 2011.

taalibe explained, “He’s a good guide, he’s not complex, he makes krs often directed towards the Sëriñ himself. In one da’ira ritual, everything clear.”20 Marabouts redeem their taalibe’s devotion by taalibes sang, “Mame Cheikh Ibra Fall we are yours. Sëriñ Saliou acting as religious teachers, sharing their divine power and, at Fall we are yours,”22 while the culmination of another ceremony times, providing financial assistance. led to a spontaneous group rap in Wolof: “Who loves Sëriñ Da’ira rituals are fundamental to the Mouride socioreligious Saliou? Put your hands in the air!” The da’ira was explicit in their system, reflecting and reinforcing the Mouride social order (Vil- gearing of the ritual performances towards Sëriñ Saliou, with lalón 1995). Ritual performances are often directly linked to a one taalibe commenting, “Other da’iras only focus on the name da’ira’s marabout, highlighted by a taalibe’s comment, “We pray of god, we have a love of Saliou Fall here!”23 This focus of atten- so that God gives a long life to our marabout, when you see him tion on Sëriñ Saliou is partly a reflection of the Baay Fall ideol- you’re always happy.”21 This was perhaps even more the case in ogy of maraboutic devotion but also due to the fact that—unlike Sëriñ Saliou Fall’s da’ira. As his da’ira is relatively small, with the Prophet or the order’s founders – it is Sëriñ Saliou who is around eighty taalibes, his taalibes have a more direct relation- actively available to redeem his taalibe’s devotion (Fig. 12). ship with him and he often attends their rituals. In the da’ira rit- Christian Coulon (1988) refers to da’iras as “religious pub- uals, grey-and-white robes designate taalibes as those of Sëriñ licity agencies,” while Fiona Mclaughlin (2000) describes how Saliou, atop which many wear pendants featuring the portrait Sufi praise song dedicated to one’s marabout has led to rival- of Cheikh Ibra Fall or Sëriñ Saliou (Fig. 11). This maraboutic ries between taalibes, all promoting their marabout through emphasis is also the case in the da’ira’s religious song, with dhi- song. Within Sëriñ Saliou Fall’s da’ira, dhikrs praising the Sëriñ

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 48 11/28/13 9:35 AM were amplified on loudspeakers in the street as taalibes clearly The da’ira mobile phone practice takes the sound of the da’ira defined their shared belief in their marabout through the acous- ritual into the urban environment, facilitating the cohesion of tic space: “Your marabout shows you a good way, a good path, the da’ira community and maintaining its particular brother- so you bring more people to him.”24 As a relatively new da’ira, hood and maraboutic identity within the larger, urban context Sëriñ Saliou’s da’ira is much smaller than others and is actively of Dakar. keen to expand their taalibe base. Sëriñ Saliou gave several lec- tures at the University of Dakar to inspire new converts, and his indiVidUality and dynaMiSM in PerforMance da’ira brings together students from the University of Dakar and While rooted in a distinct belief structure, da’iras are also young professionals in a spirit of both religious devotion and dynamic spaces that integrate contemporary issues and modes entrepreneurial zeal. As well as maintaining their spiritual life of expression into ritual practice. This ritual space derives much through weekly praise and Qur’anic study meetings, their da’ira of its power from reflecting and reinforcing Mouride religious actively initiates new business ventures, from painting commis- ideology in new and dynamic ways. Discussing the dynamism sioned portraits of local dignitaries to developing student and of Sufi rituals, Stewart and Strathern illustrate how in ritual taalibe networks abroad, via an increasing online presence. practice, “adaption to change is the signature feature of human On Thursday and Friday nights, Dakar is filled with the sounds social behavior … there is an ongoing dialectic between fluid- of da’iras dedicating their song to different marabouts, battling it ity and fixity” (2005:xvi). In da’ira rituals, singing, drumming out in sound. It is now popular practice for taalibes to give their and dancing are all subject to interpretation and improvisation mobile phones to the dhikrkatt. These recordings—later set as by the performers. Although there are set dhikrs, rhythms, and ringtones or listened to outside the space of the da’ira—are por- dance moves, these vary from performance to performance. table identities that distribute and promote the da’ira in social Each performer interprets a praise text, song, rhythm, or dance spaces physically and temporally distant from the rituals them- in the context of the ceremony. Vocalists are left free to choose selves. Tong Soon Lee examines how radio transmissions of the their dhikr set list and only the opening and closing Sam Fall is call to prayer continue to define the Islamic community, regard- pre-decided. Lyrics are often flexibly oriented to address pres- less of the physical distances that separate Muslims from the ent Baay Fall concerns, lending immediacy to dhikr devotional mosque and from each other: practice: “You can think up your own dhikr, express what’s in 25 Through the use of radio, the extended and separated profiles of Mus- your heart.” New dhikrs lament the superficial trendiness sur- lims in the urban environment now formed uninterrupted acoustic rounding the order’s visual aesthetic, expressed through the space, and resultantly, a unified, social and religious space (1999:92). popular refrain, “you cannot just look like a Baay Fall, you need to behave like a true Baay Fall.”26 This focuses on the younger generation’s reinterpretation of Baay Fall religious practice and their propensity to grow dreadlocks, smoke, drink, engage in sexual promiscuity, claiming that they are Baay Fall but ignor- ing the deep underlying principles of the order. This is also the case in popular music culture, with many musicians integrating elements of the Baay Fall aesthetic into their music for popular appeal, referred to as “les Baay-faux or “false Baay Fall” (Audrain 2002). Indeed, the current popularity of “the Baay Fall look” has led to an explosion of Baay Fall-inspired music videos, feeding back into the ritual context of the da’ira through their dhikrs. Ritual theorists highlight the dynamism of ritual practice and the ways in which rituals offer spaces for participants to meaning- fully sound and shape their social realities and identities (Brosius and Hüsken 2010). Da’ira rituals do not simply reproduce power relations but produce spaces for participants to shape their own meaningful connectivity with Senegalese Sufism and global Islam at large. The adaptation of the rituals to the everyday concerns of

11 yaay Fall taalibes of sëriñ saliou Fall dance at their Friday night da’ira rituals wearing pendants that feature sëriñ saliou’s portrait. dakar, senegal, February 18, 2011.

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 49 11/28/13 9:35 AM 12 A baay Fall dhikrkatt directs dhikr lyrics to sëriñ saliou Fall during a da’ira ritual. dakar, senegal, February 18, 2011.

taalibes is certainly a factor in the ceremonies’ continued popular- Carlou D. has gone so far as to term his music muzikr, as per ity. Maguette, the da’ira’s dance leader, stressed the improvisatory the title of his most recent album Muzikr (2011), to illustrate his element of a da’ira ritual when discussing her dance choreogra- synthesis of popular and religious modes of expression. He says phy with me: “There are set moves you must learn but there is that by performing music “at the junction of music and zikrs” he also room for improvisation and innovation.”27 By incorporating aims to reach a younger generation: rap styles into their song and breakdancing and ouza into their It’s extraordinary for me to live in this age with Mame Cheikh Ibra- dance moves, Sëriñ Saliou’s taalibes express their religious fervor hima Fall, trying to understand everything that he’s done before so in ways that are personally meaningful to them. In other words, by that I’m able to explain it to this generation (Diop 2011). juxtaposing sacred practices with the secular medium of popular culture, his taalibes perform their particular sense of contempo- It is significant that da’ira rituals attract predominantly young rary Baay Fall identity, continually recontextualizing their reli- participants. The visibility and celebration of Mouridism in pop- gious identity to sound a personal connectivity to Sufi practices. ular culture continues to maintain the popularity of the rituals It is in this way that the rituals are kept alive as vibrant features of themselves. For the most part there are few criticisms of the inte- Senegalese religious and social life through ongoing processes of gration of religious elements into popular music. However, there identity-making. is seen to be a limit to how far musicians can extend this. Carlou D.’s song “Sam Fall” was heavily criticized for its direct use of the PerforMing Baay fall identitieS in PoPUlar MUSic Sam Fall chant throughout the entire song and, perhaps signifi- Mouridism is interwoven into Senegalese popular culture. The cantly, his album Muzikr was released by the French label World order’s prominence within Senegal’s commercial economy car- Village while his touring schedule as a solo artist lies predomi- ries directly over into the music industry, a sector largely run nately outside of Senegal. by Mouride businessmen. Therefore, while other tariqas maintain vibrant musical traditions, popular music is dominated by new identity forMationS: Baay fall aS raStaS Mouridism and, as an indigenously Wolof brotherhood, the Baay Fall identity has shifted in response to new identity for- Wolof language. Most popular musicians have songs in their mations in popular culture. The recent trend of aligning Jamai- repertoire that relate to Mouridism’s sacred themes, imagery, can Rastafarian and Baay Fall culture has generated a popular and symbols and the repertoire of Baay Fall popular musicians image of the Baay Fall as Rastas, giving rise to the invention of is no exception. Instantly recognizable titles such as “Lamp Fall,” new hybrid identities. In an examination of the links between “Baay Fall,” “Yaye Fall,” and “Sam Fall,” and musical practices and the Baay Fall and Rastafarianism, Neil Savishinsky discusses how imagery from the roots scene of the da’ira, are reframed into a this popular image is grounded in a shared sense of “unlimited pop music format. The particularly distinct Baay Fall sonic and freedom that transcends all sectarian and doctrinal differences” visual identity is easily adopted into popular culture, emerging (1994:216). The popularity of Rastafarian culture coincided with in a spectrum of styles that draw from a multifaceted mix of the the rise of the Set-Setal urban youth movement, which came at sacred and secular, as Baay Fall popular musicians construct and the end of the 1980s, following a time of deep political and social reinvent religious expression within new mediums. unrest in Senegal. Characterized by an invigorated sociopolitical

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 50 11/28/13 9:35 AM 13 screenshot from senegalese rapper Amdy Moustapha ngom’s music video “baye Fall,” featuring the rastafarian flag and the wolof words “yon babylon yoch Africa” (“the way to babylon has made Africa successful”). this both links the achievement of global and economic mobility with rastafarianism and merges rastafarianism and the wolof language into a unified lexicon and global baay Fall culture. iMAge tAken FroM http://youtu.be/F9cx8V0lwgs.

14 sëriñ saliou Fall’s Facebook page, created by his da’ira and featuring many photos of the sëriñ and his da’ira’s ritual ceremonies, regu- larly updated with general da’ira news and major upcoming events. iMAge tAken FroM https://www.FAcebook.coM/pAges/ wA-keur-serigne-sAliou-FAll-Mou-serigne-Modou- MoustAphA-FAll/207441739300473?FreF=ts.

consciousness and the desire to break free of old colonial modes Senegalese rapper Amdy Moustapha Ngom’s music video Baye (Diouf 1996), it was unsurprising that, within this political con- Fall (Ngom 2009) provides a valuable example of the recon- text, Rastafarianism, with its opposition to colonial oppression figuration and fluidity of the Baay Fall identity, and the ways in and domination, took hold of the popular imagination. Popular which it has now been inflected and inverted within youth hip music has both reflected and shaped these changing notions of hop culture at large, imagining a bricolaged, urban identity for identity, with many musicians combining a Baay Fall and Rasta- the Baay Fall. The video opens with a Rastafarian flag but takes farian aesthetic in their music videos, circulating and solidifying place in an upmarket Austrian hotel where Amdy appears with this reconfigured identity transnationally and having a profound his entourage. Every member touches the back of their hands to effect on the emergence of new global Baay Fall identities. each other’s foreheads in the Mouride marker of respect, blend-

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 51 11/28/13 9:35 AM ing symbols of both Mouridism and Rastafarianism within a another aspect of da’ira ritual practice that runs in tandem with, wider framework that expresses the economic aspirations and and even augments, the rituals themselves. desire for global mobility characterizing many Senegalese youth Da’ira rituals are constantly being reshaped as musical prac- (Fig. 13). Amdy synthesizes Baay Fallism and Rastafarianism in tices are reworked to voice modern social contexts, new cul- his visual appearance, dreadlocks, knitted colorful Rasta hat, tural influences are integrated into ritual song and dance styles, Baay Fall gafakas and njaxas tunic. This cultural hybridity is and new identity formations from popular culture—the current audibly configured through the song’s lexical structures, sung in trendiness of the Baay Fall and the sect’s alignment with a Rasta- both Wolof and English and lyrically integrating symbols of both farian aesthetic—impact on the rituals. Langdon Gilkey explains Baay Fall and Rastafarian culture. The Sam Fall chant is dubbed that, “cultural forces shape and even direct forms of religious over his rap, while the main chorus centers around the words belief. Without influence from culture, religious belief has little “Rasta Man / Cheikh Ibra Fall Man / Great Man Great Man / to say to the world about the world” (cited in Harrison and Tay- Touba / Dhikr,” positioning Baay Fall identity markers within the lor 1986:79). Da’ira ritual practices are made meaningful because global culture of hip-hop and Rastafarianism. Charlotte Pezeril they express Mouride identity in culturally dynamic ways. More- points out that the increase in Baay Fall converts coincided with over, they do so through animated social occasions that bring the popularity of reggae and Rastafarian culture in the 1980s, the spiritual community together. writing that: “The look of the Baay Fall from the 70s has noth- Throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the geog- ing to do with how it is now. Now, they have a very cool appear- raphy of Islam in Senegal has been radically transformed. Rapid ance” (2008:251). This representation of Baay Fall identity as urbanization has led to more dispersed communities, while new aligned with Rastafarianism has led to a new ritual aesthetic. In media and the opening of new transnational culture flows (via Sëriñ Saliou’s da’ira rituals, some of his taalibes wore Rastafarian travel, Internet and satellite) has offered new resources for “the or Jamaican flag sweatbands and knitted Rasta hats. This is an construction of imagined selves and imagined worlds” (Appa- image particularly fashionable amongst young Baay Fall that has durai 1996:3). However, rather than leading to the marginaliza- most significantly fed back into da’iras through the high num- tion of da’ira rituals, da’iras have responded to this new social ber of young Baay Fall converts and in the subsequent dhikrs and urban landscape, reshaping the Mouride world within the lamenting conversion for aesthetic appeal. ritual space but also mapping it out into multiple spaces via new forms of media. Popular music has drawn on da’iras as a cul- new tranSnational flowS: faceBook and yoUtUBe tural source, reforming Sufi styles into spaces far removed from New social media forms, particularly Facebook and YouTube, the ritual space. Yet this has in turn reinvigorated da’ira rituals, have become increasingly important social tools for da’iras, providing new cultural resources but also reinforcing their social negotiating temporal and spatial boundaries and expanding and spiritual significance. the geographies of group identity construction by offering new Underlying the movement of da’iras into new spaces is the resources for social cohesion through virtual communities. Taa- deeply intertwined relationship between music, identity, and libes of a particular da’ira can easily network together through politics. While a da’ira’s religious identity is shaped by its tariqa Internet forums, uniting and giving presence to their religious affiliation, its particular identity is defined by its marabout. As community online, regardless of their location around the world. da’iras take their ritual practices into new spaces and places, they The Internet provides a means for da’iras to promote themselves do so largely in an effort to assert and legitimize their marabout’s and advertise upcoming ceremonies on a much wider scale, and presence and power. It is this that causes taalibes to loudly direct Sëriñ Saliou’s da’ira’s Facebook page includes numerous photos their ritual performances towards their Sëriñ but that also of the Sëriñ and his da’ira’s rituals, with major upcoming cere- inspires them to extend their acoustic community through the monies often posted on the site (Fig. 14). Renowned da’ira dhikr- use of new technologies: such as mobile phones, the commer- katts, like Sokhna Khady Ba and Lamp Diop, have their own cialization of music, and the establishment of virtual communi- Facebook pages, with event walls and YouTube apps, tied into ties online. As da’iras continue to perform their religious identity their marabout’s da’ira’s pages. in new spaces, the spiritual community expands into realms far In a discussion on the impact of YouTube as a new social plat- beyond the acoustic. In his recent 2012 campaign for presidency, form, Michael Wesch (2008) points out that “anybody with a Baay Fall marabout Sëriñ Modou Kara28 took his da’ira into webcam now has a stronger voice and presence, it’s a celebration an overtly political space, organizing events that were as much of new forms of community ... global connections transcending political rallies as religious celebrations. Thus, da’iras are moving space and time.” YouTube makes it possible for da’iras from all into far more visible and audible spaces, in which they are exer- over the world to post their videos, sharing their ritual practices cising even greater cultural and political agency. on a global scale. Several da’iras have created YouTube channels that enable them to showcase their ritual videos in a single space. Julia Morris is a doctoral candidate in Social Anthropology at the Uni- versity of Oxford and a research student at the University’s Centre on This also becomes particularly significant for diasporic da’iras, Migration, Policy and Society (COMPAS). Her research explores the work who can post videos of their rituals and share them back to Sen- of civil society organizations focused on immigration detention and the egal. As da’iras establish themselves worldwide, their spiritual politics surrounding the implementation of arts programs in detention cen- communities maintain their religious identity in the diaspora ters. She also holds a Masters in Ethnomusicology from the University of by creating and sharing their religious practices through global London’s School of Oriental and African Studies. networks. These media technologies are being traditionalized as

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131127-001_42-53_CS6.indd 52 11/28/13 9:35 AM Notes 16 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall. com/news/People/carlou-d-laquo-il-faut-etre-noble- February 18, 2011. pour-devenir-baye-fall-raquo_n_42916.html, accessed This article is an extract of my MMus dissertation, 17 Interview with a xiin drummer from Sëriñ September 15, 2011. researched in Dakar in 2011. I am grateful to Lucy Durán Saliou Fall’s da’ira. March 3, 2011. for her insight and thought-provoking comments on the Diouf, Mamadou. 1996. “Urban Youth and Senegalese 18 Ibid. content of the dissertation. Warm thanks to the Cissokho Politics: Dakar 1988–1994.” Public Culture 8 (2):225–49. 19 Ibid. family for their musical wisdom and their terranga, and 20 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall. Diouf, Mamadou. 2003. “Preface.” In A Saint in the City: to Ousmane Sylla for all his help with my research in February 7, 2011. Sufi Arts of Urban Senegal, ed. Allen F. Roberts and Dakar. And, my deepest gratitude goes to the da’ira of 21 Ibid. Mary Nooter Roberts, pp. 12–14. Berkeley: University of Sëriñ Saliou Fall, without whom this work would not 22 Field notes, Dakar, February 18, 2011. California Press. have been possible. 23 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall. 1 The Baay Fall are a subsect of the Mourides Gamble, David P. 1957. The Wolof of Senegambia. Lon- February 15, 2011. who follow the teachings of Cheikh Ibra Fall, the first don: International African Institute. 24 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall. and most devoted follower of Amadou Bamba. While February 25, 2011. Harrison, Stanley M., and Richard C. Taylor, eds. 1986. the order as a whole is referred to as the Baay Fall, the 25 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall. The Life of Religion. Lanham, MD: University Press of term Baay Fall also refers to the order’s male followers, February 18, 2011. America. whereas Yaay Fall denotes its female followers. Most of 26 Field notes, Dakar, February 11, 2011. the literature on the Baay Fall uses the French spelling Lee, Tong Soon. 1999. “Technology and the Produc- 27 Interview with a xiin drummer from Sëriñ “Baye.” However, as the Baay Fall are a largely Wolof tion of Islamic Space: The Call to Prayer in Singapore.” Saliou Fall’s da’ira. February 21, 2011. brotherhood, I use the Wolof orthography “Baay.” Ethnomusicology 43 (1):86–100. 28 A grandson of Amadou Bamba, Sëriñ Modou 2 Sëriñ Saliou Fall, a great grandson of Ibra Fall, Kara is a popular but controversial Mouride marabout, McLaughlin, Fiona. 1997. “Islam and Popular Music in is the marabout of the da’ira I worked with. Sëriñ is the often referred to as General Kara, whose religious move- Senegal: The Emergence of a ‘New Tradition.’” Africa 67 title used to refer to a marabout or spiritual guide. ment promotes Baay Fall culture amongst young, more (4):560–81. 3 All the rage from 2011 onwards, the ouza dance marginalized Senegalese youth, with his taalibes visually style and corresponding sabar rhythm was created by ______. 2000. ‘‘‘In the Name of God I Will Sing distinguishable by their white, military-style clothing. mbalax drummer Ousmane “Ouza” Diallo and then Again, Mawdo Malik the Good’: Popular Music and the popularized in mbalax music videos. Senegalese Sufi Tariqas.” Journal of Religion in Africa 30 4 Field notes, Dakar, February 11, 2011. References cited (2):191–207. 5 The other principal brotherhoods are the Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large. London: Ngom, Amdy Moustapha. 2009. “Baye Fall.” YouTube. Middle Eastern Qadiriyya, Moroccan Tijānīyya, and the Public Worlds. http://youtu.be/F9CX8V0lwgs, accessed August 15, 2011. Layène, which has its roots as a Mahdist movement. It was through the Qadiriyya and Tijānīyya that Sufism Audrain, Xavier. 2002. “Baay-Fall du Temps Mondial: Pezeril, Charlotte. 2008. Islam, Mysticisme et Margin- was spread to Senegal and it is the Qadiriyya of which Individus Modernes du Senegal.” Mémoire de DEA alité: les Baay Fall du Sénégal. Paris: L’Harmattan. the Mouride brotherhood is an offshoot. d’Études Africaines. Paris 1, La Sorbonne. Piga, Adriana. 2002. Dakar et Les Ordres Soufis: Proces- 6 Wolof refers to both the ethnic and language Babou, Cheikh Anta. 2002. “Brotherhood, Solidar- sus Socioculturels et Développement Urbain au Sénégal group. The Wolof language is Senegal’s lingua franca ity, Education, and Migration: The Role of the Dahiras Contemporain. Paris: L’Harmattan. and, although Senegal is both an ethnically and lin- among the Murid Muslim Community of New York.” guistically diverse country, Wolof is now widely spoken Roberts, Allen F., and Mary Nooter Roberts. 2003a. A African Affairs 101 (403):151–70. throughout Senegal regardless of ethnicity. Saint in the City: Sufi Arts of Urban Senegal. Los Ange- 7 Roberts and Roberts 2003b provides one of the Behrman, Lucy Creevey. 1977. “Muslim Politics and les: University of California Press. few direct discussions of the traditional music of Senega- Development in Senegal.” The Journal of Modern Afri- ______. 2003b. “Music and Memory among Senega- lese Sufis but only makes a passing reference to da’iras. can Studies 15 (2):261–77. lese Sufism.” In The Interrelatedness of Music, Religion, Babou 2002 focuses on Mouride da’iras but in relation to Bloch, Maurice. 2003. Theorizing Rituals,vol. 1: Issues, and Ritual in African Performance Practice, ed. D.K. their economic success as a social organization. Topics, Approaches, Concepts, ed. J. Kreinath, J. Snoek, Avorgbedor, pp. 347–68. Lewiston, ME: The Edwin 8 The exception being Pezeril 2008, which and M. Stausber. Leiden: Brill. Mellen Press. touches on most aspects of the order, including a brief discussion of da’ira rituals. Brosius, Christiane, and Ute Hüsken, eds. 2010. Ritual Robinson, David. 1991. “Beyond Resistance and Col- 9 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall, Matters: Dynamic Dimensions in Practice. Abingdon: laboration: Amadu Bamba and the Murids of Senegal.” February 18, 2011. Routledge. Journal of African History 29 (3):415–36. 10 See McLaughlin 2000 for further elaboration of CIA World Factbook. 2012. Senegal. https://www.cia. Savishinsky, Neil. 1994. “The Baye Faal of Senegam- this point. gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ bia: Muslim Rastas in the Promised Land?” Africa 64 11 An in-depth discussion of gender roles within sg.html, accessed September 30, 2012. (2):211–19. a da’ira is beyond the scope of this paper but further research possibilities lie in examining Yaay Fall perfor- Copans, Jean. 1980. Les Marabouts de L’Arachide: La Stewart, Pamela, and Andrew Strathern. 2005. Contest- mance in da’ira ceremonies. Confrérie Mouride et Les Paysans du Sénégal. Paris: ing Rituals: Islam and Practices of Identity-Making. 12 Field notes, Dakar, February 11, 2011. L’Harmattan. Durham: North Carolina Academic Press. 13 The shahada is the Arabic term for the chant Cruise O’Brien, Donal. 1971. The Mourides of Senegal. Villalón, Leonardo A. 1995. Islamic Society and State “Laa ilaaha illaalaa” (“There is no other God than Oxford: Clarendon Press. Power in Senegal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Allah”), known in Senegal as Sam Fall. Press. 14 Interview with a taalibe of Sëriñ Saliou Fall. Coulon, Christian. 1981. Le Marabout et le Prince: Islam February 18, 2011. et Pouvoir au Senegal. Paris: Pedone. Wesch, Michael. 2008. “An Anthropological Introduc- 15 The Qadiriyya brotherhood incorporate the tion to YouTube.” YouTube. http://youtu.be/TPAO-lZ4_ Diop, Abdoulaye. 2011. “Carlou D: Il faut être noble hU, accessed August 17, 2011. Moorish tabala drum into their rituals. pour devenir Baye Fall.” Seneweb. http://www.seneweb.

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