Connecting with Asians and Pacific Islanders
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A Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County Addresses This Critical Challenge by Doing Two Things
2014 A COMMUNITY Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation OF CONTRASTS Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders in Orange County ORANGE www.calendow.org COUNTY This report was made possible by the following sponsors: The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation, Cyrus Chung Ying Tang Foundation, Wells Fargo, and The California Endowment. The statements and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors. CONTENTS ORGANIZATIONAL DESCRIPTIONS TECHNICAL NOTES Welcome 1 Introduction 2 Executive Summary 3 Map 5 Measuring the characteristics of racial and ethnic groups Demographics 6 Since 2000, the United States Census Bureau has allowed those responding to its questionnaires to report one or more Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Orange County Economic Contributions 9 racial or ethnic backgrounds. While this better reflects America’s diversity and improves data available on multiracial popula- The mission of Asian Americans Advancing Justice (“Advancing Civic Engagement 10 tions, it complicates the use of data on racial and ethnic groups. Justice”) is to promote a fair and equitable society for all by Immigration 12 working for civil and human rights and empowering Asian Language 14 Data on race are generally available from the Census Bureau in two forms, for those of a single racial background (referred Americans and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders (NHPI) Education 16 to as “alone”) with multiracial people captured in an independent category, and for those of either single or multiple racial and other underserved communities. -
Transformative Effects of Immigration Law: Immigrants’ Personal and Social Metamorphoses Through Regularization1
Transformative Effects of Immigration Law: Immigrants’ Personal and Social Metamorphoses through Regularization1 Cecilia Menjívar Sarah M. Lakhani University of Kansas University of California, Berkeley This article examines the enduring alterations in behaviors, practices, and self-image that immigrants’ evolving knowledge of and partici- pation in the legalization process facilitate. Relying on close to 200 interviews with immigrants from several national origin groups in Los Angeles and Phoenix, the authors identify transformations that indi- viduals enact in their intimate and in their civic lives as they come in contact with U.S. immigration law en route to and as a result of reg- ularization. Findings illustrate the power of the state to control indi- viduals’ activities and mind-sets in ways that are not explicitly formal or bureaucratic. The barriers the state creates, which push immigrants to the legal margins, together with anti-immigrant hostility, create con- ditions under which immigrants are likely to undertake transformative, lasting changes in their lives. These transformations reify notions of the deserving immigrant vis-à-vis the law, alter the legalization pro- cess for the immigrant population at large, and, ultimately, shape in- tegration dynamics. INTRODUCTION Recent scholarship has highlighted the effects of immigration law, through the legal statuses it creates, on various aspects of immigrants’ lives. Researchers 1 We would like to thank Sebástien Chauvin, Jaeeun Kim, Walter Nicholls, and Michele Waslin, as well as the AJS reviewers, for their insightful comments. We would also like to thank the audience members who commented during presentations to the Gould School of Law at the University of Southern California, the Department of Sociology at UCLA, the © 2016 by The University of Chicago. -
Who Are Cambodian Americans? April 2015
Who Are Cambodian Americans? April 2015 Cambodian Asian U.S. The Cambodian American average American average average National population1 American population U.S. residents, 2013 320,000 19.2 million 316 million grew significantly faster Population growth, 2010–2013 15.5 percent 10.9 percent 2.4 percent than the U.S. average Population growth, 2000–2013 55 percent 62 percent 12 percent between 2000 and Top states of residence2 2013, and Cambodian California 117,773 6,161,975 38,332,521 Americans are much Massachusetts 32,544 457,340 6,692,824 Washington 26,238 709,237 6,971,406 more likely to be first- Pennsylvania 16,629 447,765 12,773,801 generation immigrants Texas 15,783 1,282,731 26,448,193 than the U.S. average. Total population in these states 208,967 9,059,048 91,218,745 Educational attainment3 Less than a high school degree 37 percent 14 percent 13.4 percent High school degree or equivalent 27 percent 16 percent 28 percent Bachelor’s degree or higher 14 percent 49 percent 29.6 percent Income and poverty4 Median 12-month household income $53,700 $71,709 $53,046 Share in poverty overall 18.8 percent 12.8 percent 15.7 percent Share of children in poverty 39 percent 13.6 percent 22.2 percent Share of seniors in poverty 5 percent 13.5 percent 9.3 percent 1 Center for American Progress | Who Are Cambodian Americans? Cambodian Asian U.S. American average American average average Civic participation5 Turnout among registered voters in 2012 62 percent 79 percent 87 percent Vote in 2012 (percent Obama/Romney) 77/23 68/31 51/47 Party identification (percent Democrat/ 26/5/68 33/14/53 24/32/38 Republican/neither) Language diversity6 Speak language other than English at home 81 percent 77/70 percent* 21 percent Limited English proficiency, or LEP 44 percent 35/32 percent* 8.5 percent Percent of linguistically isolated households 17 percent 17 percent 5 percent Most common languages: Mon-Khmer/Cambodian, spoken by 205,761 people Immigration and nativity7 Share who are foreign born 59 percent 66 percent 15 percent Share who are U.S. -
Who Are Laotian Americans? April 2015
Who Are Laotian Americans? April 2015 Laotian American Asian American U.S. The Laotian American average average average National population1 population grew faster U.S. residents, 2013 246,000 19.2 million 316 million than the U.S. average Population growth, 2010–2013 6.3 percent 10.9 percent 2.4 percent between 2000 and Population growth, 2000–2013 25 percent 62 percent 12 percent 2013, and Laotian Top states of residence2 Americans are much California 79,331 6,161,975 38,332,521 more likely to be first- Texas 16,419 1,282,731 26,448,193 Minnesota 14,831 279,984 5,420,380 generation immigrants Washington 11,225 709,237 6,971,406 than the U.S. average. Georgia 8,229 420,533 9,992,167 Total population in these states 130,035 8,854,460 87,164,667 Educational attainment3 Less than a high school degree 32 percent 14 percent 13.4 percent High school degree or equivalent 30 percent 16 percent 28 percent Bachelor’s degree or higher 13 percent 49 percent 29.6 percent Income and poverty4 Median 12-month household income $58,000 $71,709 $53,046 Share in poverty overall 13.8 percent 12.8 percent 15.7 percent Share of children in poverty 39 percent 13.6 percent 22.2 percent Share of seniors in poverty 6 percent 13.5 percent 9.3 percent 1 Center for American Progress | Who Are Laotian Americans? Laotian American Asian American U.S. average average average Civic participation5 Turnout among registered voters in 2012 40 percent 79 percent 87 percent Vote in 2012 (percent Obama/Romney) 71/29 68/31 51/47 Party identification (percent Democrat/ *** 33/14/53 24/32/38 Republican/neither) Language diversity6 Speak language other than English at home 83 percent 77/70 percent* 21 percent Limited English proficiency, or LEP 41 percent 35/32 percent* 8.5 percent Share of linguistically isolated households 18 percent 17 percent 5 percent Most common language: Laotian, spoken by 150,600 people Immigration and nativity7 Share who are foreign born 59 percent 66 percent 15 percent Share who are U.S. -
Asian Americans and Internalized Racial Oppression
SREXXX10.1177/2332649217725757Sociology of Race and EthnicityTrieu and Lee 725757research-article2017 The Impact of Self and Other on Racialized Realities Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 2018, Vol. 4(1) 67 –82 Asian Americans and © American Sociological Association 2017 DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/2332649217725757 10.1177/2332649217725757 Internalized Racial sre.sagepub.com Oppression: Identified, Reproduced, and Dismantled Monica M. Trieu1 and Hana C. Lee1 Abstract Internalized racial oppression among Asian Americans is currently an understudied topic in the social sciences. In this article, the authors draw from 52 in-depth interviews with 1.5- and 2nd-generation Asian Americans to examine this phenomenon. Although previous studies have examined individuals who engage in, and reproduce, internalized racial oppression from static lenses, the present research shows that individuals can (and do) shift out of perceptions and behaviors that perpetuate internalized racism. This research pinpoints the factors that assist in this fluid process. The findings show that the factors are centrally framed around the theme of critical exposure. In particular, it is the critical exposure to ethnic and racial history, ethnic organizations, and coethnic ties that ultimately leads to the emergence of an empowering critical consciousness, which is the necessary key in diverting Asian Americans away from behaviors that perpetuate internalized racial oppression. Keywords internalized racial oppression, Asian Americans, children of immigrants, racialization, inequality, racism Our skin can be an incredible source of pride thing,” and “want[ing] the kids to have the better and power, but it is equally a source of opportunities in the States.” unbearable pain, frustration, and—in our Growing up in Cleveland, Ohio in the 1980s, weakest moments—shame. -
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT of SOUTH ASIANS in the UNITED STATES April 2019
DEMOGRAPHIC SNAPSHOT OF SOUTH ASIANS IN THE UNITED STATES April 2019 This factsheet, based primarily on Census 2010 and the 2017 American Community Survey, provides a national snapshot of the South Asian American community. We encourage community leaders, government entities, policymakers, and the media to use this data to better understand South Asian Americans and help inform their engagement with this community. Who are South Asians? The South Asian community in the United States includes individuals who trace their ancestry to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The community also includes members of the South Asian diaspora – past generations of South Asians who originally settled in other parts of the world, including the Caribbean, Africa, Europe, Canada and the Middle East, and other parts of Asia and the Pacific Islands. Population Numbers at a Glance Below are some key facts about the national population in the United States from Census 2010 data and the 2017 American Community Survey: ➢ Nearly 5.4 million South Asians live in the United States tracing their roots to Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, and the diaspora, including but not limited to Trinidad/Tobago, Guyana, Fiji, Tanzania, and Kenya.1 This is up from 3.5 million counted in Census 2010. ➢ Indians comprise the largest segment of the South Asian community, making up over 80% of the total population, followed by Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Nepali, Sri Lankans, and Bhutanese. ➢ Data is not readily available for diaspora South Asian communities specifically the Indo-Caribbean, and Indo-African communities. Population Growth The South Asian American community grew roughly 40% between 2010 and 2017. -
The Other Asian: Reflections of South Asian Americans in Libraryland Nisha Mody, Lalitha Nataraj, Gayatri Singh, and Aditi Worcester
The Other Asian: Reflections of South Asian Americans in Libraryland Nisha Mody, Lalitha Nataraj, Gayatri Singh, and Aditi Worcester Introduction In 2016, the Association for Research Libraries and the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) Library hosted the National Diversity in Libraries Conference at the UCLA campus. The conference brought together librarians interested in diversity and social justice issues from around the country, including many librarians of color. At this conference Nisha Mody (NM), a health sciences librarian, met Gayatri Singh (GS), a fellow academic librarian. They kept in touch and sought each other out when the call for proposals was announced for this book. Nisha and Gayatri were particularly interested in exploring the professional and personal experiences central to South Asian American librarians that they felt were not adequately documented in official literature. They in turn reached out to Lalitha Nataraj (LN), a librarian with experience in public and community college libraries, and Aditi Worcester (AW), an archivist who has worked in community and academic special collections and archives. This is how four women of color…four South Asian American librarians…four desis came together to invite you to peek into our insights based upon our individual professional experiences at academic and public libraries and archives. One would assume the unifying theme is the commonality of our experiences, and yet, it took us a while to agree upon a vocabulary that held the same meanings for each of us. For instance, are we Asian or South Asian? South Asian or South Asian American? Does a cultural grouping called South Asian American exist in reality, or is it a convenient way of categorizing people from a geographical region who otherwise have little in common? Because aggregate classifications can be problematic, providing context may help explain why we found these questions particularly complicated to answer. -
The Invention of Asian Americans
The Invention of Asian Americans Robert S. Chang* Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 947 I. Race Is What Race Does ............................................................................................ 950 II. The Invention of the Asian Race ............................................................................ 952 III. The Invention of Asian Americans ....................................................................... 956 IV. Racial Triangulation, Affirmative Action, and the Political Project of Constructing Asian American Communities ............................................ 959 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 964 INTRODUCTION In Fisher v. University of Texas,1 the U.S. Supreme Court will revisit the legal status of affirmative action in higher education. Of the many amicus curiae (friend of the court) briefs filed, four might be described as “Asian American” briefs.2 * Copyright © 2013 Robert S. Chang, Professor of Law and Executive Director, Fred T. Korematsu Center for Law and Equality, Seattle University School of Law. I draw my title from THEODORE W. ALLEN, THE INVENTION OF THE WHITE RACE, VOL. 1: RACIAL OPPRESSION AND SOCIAL CONTROL (1994), and THEODORE W. ALLEN, THE INVENTION OF THE WHITE RACE, VOL. 2: THE ORIGIN OF RACIAL OPPRESSION IN ANGLO AMERICA (1997). I also note the similarity of my title to Neil Gotanda’s -
Challenges of Policy and Practice in Under-Resourced Asian American
Challenges of Policy and Practice in Under- Resourced Asian American Communities: Analyzing Public Education, Health, and Development Issues with Cambodian American Women Shirley Tangt I. INTRODUCTION According to the U.S. Census Bureau's most recent American Community Survey ("ACS"), the growth of the Asian American population has outpaced that of all other racial groups in Massachusetts. From 2000 to 2005, the Asian American population increased by 23%; meanwhile, the Latino and Black populations grew by 14.5% and 6% respectively, and the White population declined by 4%.' Such growth has resulted in ever greater ethnic, socioeconomic, and language diversity for this population, which now includes recent immigrants and refugees of more than forty different ethnicities, together with those who have lived in the U.S. for generations. Limited methods of data collection and interpretation, however, have often portrayed Asian Americans as a homogeneous group, marginalizing important voices and perspectives-such as those of women who are low- income and speak little English. Such limitations perpetuate misconceptions among policymakers, researchers, and the general public. Despite numerous critiques, 2 Asian Americans are still often referred I Assistant Professor of Asian American Studies and American Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston. Tang's research and teaching focuses on war, race, migration and development in contemporary urban U.S. society. She is currently completing a book manuscript on the development and displacement of the Khmer (Cambodian) American community in Revere, Massachusetts. Tang received Honorable Mention as one of the three faculty recognized nationally by the 2004 Ernest A. Lynton Award for Faculty Professional Service and Academic Outreach. -
PEMD-94-15 Vietnamese Amerasian Resettlement I I B-247548
United States General Accounting Office GAO Report to Congressional Requesters t* March 1994 VIETNAMESE AMERASIAN RESETTLEMENT Education, Employment, and Family Outcomes in the United St&es United States General Accounting Office GAO Washington, D-C. 20548 Program Evaluation and Methodology Division B-247548 March 31,1994 The Honorable Roman0 L. Mazzoli Chairman, Subcommittee on International Law, Immigration, and Refugees Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives The Honorable Thomas J. Ridge House of Representatives About 75,000 Amerasians and members of their families have left Vietnam to resettle in the United States under the provisions of what is commonly called the “Arnerasian Homecoming Act,” enacted December 1987.’ These Amerasians have special ties to the United States because their fathers were American citizens serving in Vietnam prior to 1976, and because these very ties caused them to suffer hardships and discrimination in Vietnam. You asked us to assess both the process and outcomes of resettling Vietnamese Amerasians in the United States. We reported earlier (GAO/PEMD-93-1OR) the findings from our evaluation of the process whereby eligible Amerasians and their families become participants in the resettlement program in Vietnam, receive language training and cultural orientation in the Philippines, and finally are resettled in the United States. In the present report, we focus on the outcomes for Amerasians and their families after resettlement has taken place, particularly with regard to education, employment, -
The Amerasian Paradox
Online Conference on Multidisciplinary Social Sciences – 29-31 March 2012 Australian International Cultural & Educational Institute NOTE TO CONFERENCE ORGANIZERS: Paper Submitted 27 Feb 2012 along with Power Point Presentation and Biographies with Photographs of Dr. P.C. Kutschera and Professor Jose Maria G. Pelayo III The Amerasian Paradox P.C. Kutschera, Ph.D. 1 and Jose Maria G. Pelayo III, MASD 2 ABSTRACT Multiple anecdotal accounts and a thin body of extant empirical research on an estimated 250,000 multiple generation, mixed-heritage military Amerasians in the Philippines, and Pan Amerasians residing in other East and Southeast Asian societies, indicates substantial past and present stigmatization and discrimination – particularly Amerasians of African descent. However, a certain segment of Filipino Amerasians, females with pronounced Caucasian features, comprise a paradoxical exception. The abandoned progeny of U.S. servicemen, corporate military contractor and government male workers who occupied permanent bases for nearly a century, Africans and to a lesser extent, Anglo Amerasians, are targets of intense name-calling, verbal harassment and occasional physical violence beginning at an early age. This often transforms into a lifetime of socioeconomic marginalization and cultural isolation. Typically, Amerasians are ridiculed because of differential skin color, facial features and the stereotypical assumption that the majority were children of sex laborers and transient soldier fathers who had forsaken them. However, there is incipient research and anecdotal accounts bolstered by this five participant, purposive sample, multiple-case “pilot” study that young adult female Anglos may have not only eluded the stigmatized fate of the majority of Filipino Amerasians, African or Anglo, but in some cases actually benefitted socioeconomically and psychologically. -
Searac Crisis Report 20
National Coalition for Asian Pacific American Community Development The National Coalition for Asian Pacific Community Development (National CAPACD) is the first national advocacy organization dedicated to addressing the community development needs of diverse and rapidly growing Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) communities throughout the country. The organization is a membership-based network of more than 100 organizations and individuals in 18 states that serve and represent Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, Native Hawaiians, refugees, and immigrants nationwide. National CAPACD network groups have significant capacity in community building activities; have developed thousands of housing units in cities across the country; and have secured hundreds of millions of dollars from public agencies, foundations, financial institutions, and private investment companies for housing and commercial development projects, home mortgage loans and small business financing, social venture entrepreneurial projects, job training and workforce development, and social services programs. To support its network organizations and advance the movement for AAPI community development, National CAPACD has developed strategic partnerships with intermediaries, financial institutions, policymakers, immigrant workers’ rights groups, and other social change networks that enable us to conduct policy research, develop and support new leaders, engage in national policy advocacy, and support network organizations to build their capacity to serve diverse AAPIs