The Ukrainian Weekly 1961
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The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations & World Anticommunist League
The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations & World AntiCommunist League The ABN logo Postwar service to empire “Prime Minister of Ukraine” Yaroslav used an an- After WWII, the CSN had to replace (Jun. 30 ~ Jul. 5, 1941) cient German its Nazi sponsors. In 1946, with OUN-B leader: Deputy Stetsko wolfsangel funding from the US, UK and West (1940-68), Chair. (1960- 68) and Pres. (1968-86) emblem. It German governments,5 the CSN Chair., ABN (1946-86) was an early became the ABN. Its “most active Exec. Board Member, group” remained the OUN(B).6 In symbol of the WACL (1966-86) Nazis and their 1951, US army intelligence said the SS divisions. OUN(B) was “composed of rough, tough younger men of strong The wolfangel was later used by AZOV convictions without white-power Aryan Nations, the Chris- the slightest aversion tian Identity movement, Ukraine’s neo- to violent murder or Nazi Social-National Party (now Svo- otherwise ruthlessly boda) and the Azov Battalion (a fascist disposing of any and militia that aided the 2014 Maidan coup all opposition.”7 and is now part of Ukraine’s military). ABN leadership was a he Edmonton-based Encyclopedia who’s who of fascists. Its president from World AntiCommunist League (WACL) of Ukraine states that the AntiBol- 1946 until his death in 1986, was Bandera’s Through the 1950s and 1960s, Stetsko attended shevik Bloc of Nations (ABN): deputy, Yaroslav Stetsko. During a 1981 visit meetings of the Asian People’s AntiCommunist T League. Created in 1954 by US-backed regimes attributes its existence and its ideologi- to the US to celebrate the 40th anniversary cal foundations to an underground con- of the OUN-B declaration of an “independ- in South Korea, South Vietnam, Taiwan and the ference of representatives of non-Russian ent” proNazi Ukraine, Stetsko summed up Philippines, it joined with Stetsko’s ABN and oth- peoples .. -
Ukrainian Far Right
Nations in Transit brief May 2018 Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy Vyacheslav Likhachev Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large ex- press their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society. • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euro- maidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society. • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, in- cluding by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities. -
Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West. -
Azov Phenomenon How Ukrai
INFORMATION GROUP ON CRIMES AGAINST THE PERSON (IGCP) INFORMATION GROUP ON CRIMES AGAINST THE PERSON (IGCP) Azov Phenomenon How Ukrainian Neo-Nazis Became Infl uential Political Force “IGCP Reports” (published since 2016) Head of the Project A.R. Dyukov. Issue 3. Editor M.A. Vilkov. Maltsev V. Azov Phenomenon How Ukrainian Neo-Nazis became Influential Political Force / Information Group on Crimes against the Person (IGCP). M.: “Istoricheskaya pamyat” Foundation, 2017. — 98 pages. There were the days when participants of right-wing and neo-Nazi groups in the Ukraine were marginal ones, being expelled to the edge of political and social life. Everything changed in 2014, during the so-called “Revolution of Dignity”. Ukrainian neo-Nazis gained money and weapon, they were given official status as Army, Police and Special Forces units, they got representatives in the Parliament. The history of “Azov” — notorious neo- Nazi detachment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukraine — became an image of such transformation. “Azov” offsprings hold leading offices in Ukrainian Police, raise the youth in neo-Nazi ideology encirclement, effectively expand their representation on the Ukrainian political field and getting ready for the struggle for power. This report is devoted to the process of Ukrainian nationalists becoming influential political power. IGCP, 2017. Contents Preface ............................................................................7 Chapter 1. Street Militants...............................................11 Social-National Party of Ukraine .................................... 13 The Social-National Assembly ........................................ 25 Chapter 2. Neo-Nazis Get Armed ..................................... 41 Chapter 3: Forced March to Power ..................................69 Preface “Any man who has once acclaimed violence as his METHOD must inexorably choose false- hood as his PRINCIPLE.” A.I. -
Olena Semenyaka, the “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism
Olena Semenyaka, The “First Lady” of Ukrainian Nationalism Adrien Nonjon Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers, September 2020 For years, Ukrainian nationalist movements such as Svoboda or Pravyi Sektor were promoting an introverted, state-centered nationalism inherited from the early 1930s’ Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (Orhanizatsiia Ukrayins'kykh Natsionalistiv) and largely dominated by Western Ukrainian and Galician nationalist worldviews. The EuroMaidan revolution, Crimea’s annexation by Russia, and the war in Donbas changed the paradigm of Ukrainian nationalism, giving birth to the Azov movement. The Azov National Corps (Natsional’nyj korpus), led by Andriy Biletsky, was created on October 16, 2014, on the basis of the Azov regiment, now integrated into the Ukrainian National Guard. The Azov National Corps is now a nationalist party claiming around 10,000 members and deployed in Ukrainian society through various initiatives, such as patriotic training camps for children (Azovets) and militia groups (Natsional’ny druzhiny). Azov can be described as a neo- nationalism, in tune with current European far-right transformations: it refuses to be locked into old- fashioned myths obsessed with a colonial relationship to Russia, and it sees itself as outward-looking in that its intellectual framework goes beyond Ukraine’s territory, deliberately engaging pan- European strategies. Olena Semenyaka (b. 1987) is the female figurehead of the Azov movement: she has been the international secretary of the National Corps since 2018 (and de facto leader since the party’s very foundation in 2016) while leading the publishing house and metapolitical club Plomin (Flame). Gaining in visibility as the Azov regiment transformed into a multifaceted movement, Semenyaka has become a major nationalist theorist in Ukraine. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2010, No.21
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: • Chicago-area Ukrainians protest Yanukovych policies – page 4. • UCC concerned about developments in Ukraine – page 9. • Nina Matvienko: the singing conscience of Ukraine – page 13. THEPublished U by theKRA Ukrainian NationalIN AssociationIAN Inc., a fraternal Wnon-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVIII No. 21 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 23, 2010 $1/$2 in Ukraine Ukraine in danger: Administration Medvedev praises Yanukovych policies curtails freedom of assembly during state visit to Kyiv by Zenon Zawada erns Ukraine’s national police force, by Zenon Zawada It was Mr. Medvedev’s first visit in six Kyiv Press Bureau began demanding lists of participants Kyiv Press Bureau years to Kyiv after boycotting Ukraine dur- from the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, the ing the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine in Danger: Ukraine’s civil opposition’s biggest force. KYIV – Russian Federation President whose cultural and foreign policies infuriat- society has begun to report on authoritar- “The new government considers a pro- Dmitry Medvedev visited the Ukrainian ed the Kremlin. The Russian president ian policies and rights abuses by the test meeting of democratic forces a crime, capital on May 17 and 18 to pursue his praised the policies of President Viktor administration of Viktor Yanukovych and based on which a criminal investigation nation’s fast-track policy of deepening the government led by Prime Minister has begun,” said Anatolii Semynoha, a cooperation and integration with Ukraine. (Continued on page 8) Mykola Azarov, which was formed on national deputy of the Tymoshenko Bloc. March 11 with the appointment of the In the few months since the Cabinet of Ministers. -
CTC Sentinel Welcomes Submissions
OBJECTIVE ·· RELEVANT ·· RIGOROUS || JUNE/JULYAPRIL 2020 2018 · VOLUME · VOLUME 13, ISSUE 11, ISSUE 4 6 FEATURE ARTICLE A VIEW FROM THE CT FOXHOLE TheInside Jihadi the IslamicThreat Donald State's 2017 Sydney LTC(R) Bryan Price to Indonesia Yamamoto Plane Plot Former Director, KirstenAndrew E. Zammit Schulze U.S.Combating Ambassador Terrorism to Somalia Center FEATURE ARTICLE Editor in Chief 1 Operation Silves: Inside the 2017 Islamic State Sydney Plane Plot Andrew Zammit Paul Cruickshank Managing Editor INTERVIEW Kristina Hummel 14 A View from the CT Foxhole: Donald Yamamoto, United States Ambassador to Somalia Jason Warner EDITORIAL BOARD Colonel Suzanne Nielsen, Ph.D. ANALYSIS Department Head 19 Overblown: Exploring the Gap Between the Fear of Terrorist Recidivism and Dept. of Social Sciences (West Point) the Evidence Thomas Renard Brian Dodwell Director, CTC 30 The Nexus Between Right-Wing Extremists in the United States and Ukraine Tim Lister Don Rassler Director of Strategic Initiatives, CTC It was one of the most ambitious and innovative international terror plots ever seen. In July 2017, Australian police arrested two brothers in Sydney CONTACT who had attempted to get a bomb on board an Etihad plane flying from Sydney to Abu Dhabi carrying around 400 passengers and were separately planning to carry out a Combating Terrorism Center poison gas attack inside Australia with an improvised chemical dispersion device. The two brothers U.S. Military Academy had been guided by Islamic State operatives in Syria, who successfully arranged for a partially con- structed bomb to be air-mailed from Turkey to Australia. In our feature article, Andrew Zammit 607 Cullum Road, Lincoln Hall draws on “newly available information resulting from the successful prosecution of the Sydney-based West Point, NY 10996 plotters” to provide the most comprehensive account to date on how the plot developed and what it Phone: (845) 938-8495 reveals about the evolution of the international terror threat posed by the Islamic State. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1998, No.20
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE:• Rep. Jon Fox meets with members of Philadelphia community — page 5. • Results of Diversity Visa lottery announced — page 6. • USAID reaches out to Ukrainian American organizations — page 8. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXVI HE KRAINIANNo. 20 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 17, 1998 EEKLY$1.25/$2 in Ukraine Ukraine successfully hosts the EBRD Ukraine’sT ParliamentU W begins new session by Roman Woronowycz Kyiv Press Bureau KYIV – The first meeting of Ukraine’s newly-elected parliament quickly took on a circus-like atmosphere as Communists walked out even before the 14th session was declared officially open. Ukraine’s second democratically-elected Verkhovna Rada met for the first time on May 12 for a plenary ses- sion dealing with organizational matters and was high- lighted by the annual state of the nation address delivered before the body by Ukraine’s president, Leonid Kuchma. Chaos erupted on the floor of the parliament, however, as soon as National Deputy Slava Stetsko took to the podium to swear-in her fellow parliamentarians and offi- cially open the 14th session. As this session’s oldest member, the 78-year-old mem- ber of Parliament assumed the responsibility of leading her fellow parliamentarians in taking the oath, a right granted to her by Ukraine’s Constitution. As Mrs. Stetsko stepped to the podium, Communist Party members began hooting and raised a banner stating, “Banderites out,” referring to a branch of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, a party in which Mrs. Stetsko was active for most of her life and one opposed to com- munism. -
Gränslös Extremism
1 2 Centrum för asymmetriska hot- och terrorismstudier (CATS) är en nationell centrumbildning inom Försvarshögskolan med uppgift att både utveckla och sprida forskningsbaserad kunskap om asymmetriska hot kopplat till samhällets säkerhet. Denna studie har genomförts på uppdrag av Center mot våldsbejakande extremism (CVE) vid Brottsförebyggande rådet (Brå). Arbetet med studien har skett med stöd från Totalförsvarets forskningsinstitut (FOI). © Författarna och Försvarshögskolan 2021. ISBN 978-91-88975-11-9 Omslag, illustration: Freepik (Freepik.com) 3 Förord Försvarshögskolan fick i december 2019 i uppdrag av Center mot våldsbejakande extremism (CVE) vid Brottsförebyggande rådet (Brå) att genomföra en studie om transnationella kopplingar till svenska extremistmiljöer. Detta innefattade att belysa kopplingar från utländska statliga och icke-statliga aktörer till samtliga av de tre svenska extremistmiljöerna – ideologiskt, operationellt samt finansiellt. Genom ett explicit fokus på de svenska extremistmiljöernas transnationella kopplingar belyser studien ett i hög grad outforskat område, vars perspektiv är nödvändigt för att förstå extremistmiljöernas förmåga, modus och utveckling. Studien undersöker dels hur de transnationella kopplingarna tar sig i uttryck, samt dels hur dessa skiljer sig åt mellan de olika extremistmiljöerna. Därtill diskuteras även implikationer för extremistmiljöerna som sådana samt för det svenska samhället. Studiens slutsatser leder också till viktiga och tänkvärda förslag om nya kunskapsbehov samt motåtgärder. Stockholm, -
The “Eastern Action” of the OUN(B) and the Anti-Jewish Violence in the Summer of 1941: the Cases of Smotrych and Kupyn
The “Eastern Action” of the OUN(b) and the Anti-Jewish Violence in the Summer of 1941: The Cases of Smotrych and Kupyn by Andriy Usach Abstract The article analyses the role of the OUN(b) activists in the commission of the anti-Jewish violence ȱȱęȱ ȱȱ£ȱȱȱǯȱȱ ȱȱǻǼȱȱĴȱȱȱ minority on the eve of the war between the Third Reich and the USSR? How was the commission ȱ ȱ Ȭ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¡ ȱ¢ȱȱȱȱ ȱ¢ȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱ ǵȱȱ ȱȱ ȱȱȬ ȱǵȱȱȱěȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱ¡ ȱȱȱȱĴȱ¢ȱȱǻǼȱȱȱȱȱȱ ¢ȬȱŗşŚŗȱ ȱȱȱ ȱ¢ȱȱ ¢ǯ Key words: ȱ ǰȱȬ ȱǰȱȱǰȱǻǼǰȱȃȄ ȱȱĴȱȱȱȱȱȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ęȱ ȱ ȱ ǯȱȱęȱȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ ¡ȱ¢ȱȱ¢ȱȱȱȱǻǼȱ ȱ ȱ ǻSluzhba bezpeky Ukrainy – SBU). ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ŗşŚŖȬŗşŚŗǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȬ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ŗşŚŗȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱęȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȱȱǯ2 The high relevance Ĵȱȱȱȱȱȱȱȱǯ ȱȱȱȱǯȱȱȱ ȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱȱȱ ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȃȱȄŗ ȱ ȱ ǻǼȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ŗşŚŗȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ěȱ ȱ ¡ȱ ȱȱȱ ȱǯ3ȱȱȱȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ǻ ǰȱȱȱȱȱȱ¢ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱȱǰȱ ȱȱ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ Ǽȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ¢ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱǯ ȱ ȱ ŗşřşǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ȭ 2 Forȱ¡, s eeDZȱ ¢ǰȱȱ ȱ ǯ Ukraintsi v ppyyolitsii v Dystrykti ȱȱ ȱȱȱȱǯȱȱ “Halychyna” (Chortkivskyi Okruh): Nimetskyi ȱȱȱȱȱȱȬ ȱ okupatsiinyi rezhym v pivdennykhy raionakh Ternopilshchynyp y y u 1941-1944 rr. -
Contemporary Nationalism in Ukraine: Why We
Contemporary Nationalism in Ukraine: Why we need a Broader Analytical Framework Taras Kuzio Center for Transatlantic Relations, School of Advanced International Relations, Johns Hopkins University, Washington DC ‘Russian and Ukrainian Nationalism: Entangled Histories.’ A Harriman Institute Workshop, Columbia University, 22 and 23 April 2013 This paper puts forward the proposal that nationalism in Ukraine should be investigated in a broader context than is traditionally undertaken by scholars who focus on one region (Western Ukraine) and one element (ethnic Ukrainian nationalism). This paper is divided into three sections. The first section surveys the phenomena of racism, xenophobia, and anti-Semitism in Ukraine. The second section analyses the failure of the émigré OUNb (Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, Stepan Bandera wing) to establish its political force in Ukraine compared with the success of the Svoboda (Freedom) political party. The third section analyses Russian and Soviet nationalism in Ukraine. Skinheads and Nazi parties and movements are included in my analysis of Russian and Soviet Nationalism because they do not espouse ethnic Ukrainian nationalist ideologies but instead propagate eclectic combinations of Ukrainian state nationalism, anti- Americanism and pan-Slavism. Racism, Xenophobia, and Anti-Semitism in Ukraine Racism Racist crimes in Ukraine against foreigners, migrants, asylum seekers, refugees, and Roma are rarely prosecuted and when they are they usually fall under the rubric of ‘hooliganism’ which leads to minor criminal charges. Racist and anti- Semitic crimes in Ukraine go unreported because of very low levels of public trust in the police1 and courts and fear of police racism and brutality. Racial profiling and individual targeting of identity checks in public places of immigrants and asylum seekers are commonplace which reduces confidence in the police and leads to under- reporting of racist attacks. -
The Extreme Right in Ukraine
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right in Ukraine MRIDULA GHOSH October 2012 n The major political forces in Ukraine do not have a well-articulated ideology. An analysis of the gradual emergence of the Svoboda (Freedom) party into the political mainstream since 2001 and as a contender in the October 2012 parliamentary elec- tions reveals that this party is the flagship of core extreme right ideology. n The economic crises, unemployment and corruption have enabled Svoboda to add a socioeconomic dimension to its ultra-nationalist agenda as well as to expand its out- reach by communicating with the grassroots rather than via elite lobby politics. This has helped Svoboda to gain power in regional legislative bodies in Western Ukraine. n Instead of distancing themselves from the rhetoric of Svoboda, the mainstream po- litical parties have entered into situation-dependent and other tacit alliances with it, either in order to win the nationalist vote or to showcase Svoboda as an »enemy« of democracy while presenting them as the only democratic alternative. The lack of consensus among the major political actors on how to combat right-wing extremist ideas has legitimised Svoboda in the public perception. n Civil society has provided some counter-strategies to the Svoboda party. However, in the absence of political consensus, these efforts have proved feeble and futile. To raise awareness of the inadmissibility of right-wing extremism in mainstream poli- tics, it is necessary to turn to the substantive socioeconomic elements of participa- tory governance. MRIDULA GHOSH | THE EXTREME RIGHT IN UKRAINE Contents 1. Introduction: Overview of the Extreme Right and Its Electoral Performance ......3 2.