EMORY UNIVERSITY Dept. of History HISTORY 320W-001: the SOVIET
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Connections Between Gilles Lipovetsky's Hypermodern Times and Post-Soviet Russian Cinema James M
Communication and Theater Association of Minnesota Journal Volume 36 Article 2 January 2009 "Brother," Enjoy Your Hypermodernity! Connections between Gilles Lipovetsky's Hypermodern Times and Post-Soviet Russian Cinema James M. Brandon Hillsdale College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://cornerstone.lib.mnsu.edu/ctamj Part of the Film and Media Studies Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Brandon, J. (2009). "Brother," Enjoy Your Hypermodernity! Connections between Gilles Lipovetsky's Hypermodern Times and Post- Soviet Russian Cinema. Communication and Theater Association of Minnesota Journal, 36, 7-22. This General Interest is brought to you for free and open access by Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication and Theater Association of Minnesota Journal by an authorized editor of Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato. Brandon: "Brother," Enjoy Your Hypermodernity! Connections between Gilles CTAMJ Summer 2009 7 “Brother,” Enjoy your Hypermodernity! Connections between Gilles Lipovetsky’s Hypermodern Times and Post-Soviet Russian Cinema James M. Brandon Associate Professor [email protected] Department of Theatre and Speech Hillsdale College Hillsdale, MI ABSTRACT In prominent French social philosopher Gilles Lipovetsky’s Hypermodern Times (2005), the author asserts that the world has entered the period of hypermodernity, a time where the primary concepts of modernity are taken to their extreme conclusions. The conditions Lipovetsky described were already manifesting in a number of post-Soviet Russian films. In the tradition of Slavoj Zizek’s Enjoy Your Symptom (1992), this essay utilizes a number of post-Soviet Russian films to explicate Lipovetsky’s philosophy, while also using Lipovetsky’s ideas to explicate the films. -
Of Russian Literaturepart I Russian Literature: Background, Foreground, Creative Cognition
The Mythopoetic “Vectors” of Russian LiteraturePART I Russian Literature: Background, Foreground, Creative Cognition Chapter 1 The Mythopoetic “Vectors” of 27. Russian Literature1 Any national literature is to some significant extent a mirror held up to its people’s collective countenance: its myths, aspirations, national triumphs and traumas, current ideologies, historical understanding, lin guistic tra- ditions. But it is also more than that — more than a reflection in the glass of what has come before and what is now, even as one glances into it, passing from view. It is, in a real sense, generative of new meaning, and thus capable of shaping that countenance in the future. For the society that takes its literary products seriously, the text of a novel or poem can be a kind of genetic code2 for predicting, not concrete outcomes or actual progeny, but something no less pregnant with future action: the forms of a culture’s historical imagination. The variations seem limitless, and yet how is it we are able to determine any given work of literature is clearly identifiable as Russian? Why could Flaubert’s Emma Bovary in some sense not be imagin- ed by the great realist who created Anna Karenina? How is Dostoevsky’s 1 Originally appeared 2 See Chapter 4 in Part 1 as part 1 of the essay/chapter of the present volume with its “Russian Literature,” in Cambridge discussion of how genes and Companion to Modern Russian “memes” work together to create Culture, ed. Nicholas Rzhevsky an individual’s and a culture’s (Cambridge: Cambridge University views of itself. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1960
WARNING: DICTATOR KHRUSHCHEV, THE GREATEST PERPETRATOR OF CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY AGAIN DESECRATES AMERICAN SOIL! HANGMAN OF UKRAINE COMES TO THE UNITED NATit IS TO REVILE AMERICA AND SELL HIS GENOGIDAL PROPAGANDA THE PEOPLE vs. KHRUSHCHEV CRIMES OF KHRUSHCHEV HE WANTS TO BURY US! Editor's Note: The following chronological dates of Khrushchev's criminal deeds against the Ukrainian and other AGAINST THE UKRAINIAN peoples are extracted from Handbook for "Summit," compiled, documented and edited by SPX Research Associates in Washing PEOPLE ton for the Minute WonWn of the United States of America, Inc. on the basis of House Committee on Un-American Activities U. S. OFFICIAL DOCUMENT REVEALS HIS CRIMINAL Reports. 1-6, entitled, The Crimes of Khrushchev: ATTACKS ON UKRAINIANS BEFORE, DURING AND AFTER WORLD WAR II Evidential Outline, Chronology of Criminal Record and Associations 1894 — Born, Kalinovka, United States in a pressured Kursk, Russia, parents agri reversal of established Amer cultural workers. Three years ican foreign policy. of grade school equivalence. Results of the man-made 1912 — Conscript, Russian famine in Ukraine: — Imperial Army. 4,800,000 human deaths. De 1917 (Summer) — Deserter; crease of resources: Horses —, returns to Kursk (Autumn) — 5.300,000 (1928), 2,600.000 The Revolution, (1933); Cattle — 8.600,000 1918 — Drafted in Red (1928). 4,400,000 (1933); — Army. Sheep — 8,100,000 . (1928), , 1920 (Oct.) — Khrushchev 2,000.000 (1933); Swine .— discharged from Red Army. A 7,000,000 (1928), 2,000,660 member.of the Cac party, goes (1933). to work in mines aa laborer. 1934 — Promoted to mem 1920 (Nov.) ~ Ukraine bership in CPSU Central Com seized by Moscow and Georgia mittee. -
Incommensurate Russia
perry anderson INCOMMENSURATE RUSSIA t will soon be a quarter of a century since Russia left com munism behind. Its present ruler has been in power for fifteen years, and by the end of his current term in office will have all but equalled the tenure of Brezhnev. From early on, Western Iopinion of his regime divided sharply. That under Putin—after a period of widespread misery and dislocation, culminating in near state bankruptcy—the country had returned to economic growth and political stability, was evident by the end of his first term; so too the popularity he enjoyed because of these. But beyond such bare data, there was no consensus. For one camp, increasingly vocal as time went on, the pivots of Putin’s system of power were corruption and repres sion: a neoauthoritarian state fund amentally inimical to the West, with a wrapping of legal proprieties around a ramshackle pyramid of klep tocracy and thuggery. This view prevailed principally among reporters, though it was not confined to them: a representative sample could be found inEconomist editor Edward Lucas’s The New Cold War (2009), Guardian journalist Luke Harding’s Mafia State (2012), Standpoint contributor Ben Judah’s Fragile Empire (2013), but expressed no less pungently by a jurist like Stephen Holmes. For Lucas, Putin, having seized power with a ‘cynical putsch’, and maintained it with the ‘methods of terrorists and gang sters’, had ‘cast a dark shadow over the eastern half of the continent’. For Harding, under Putin’s tutelage, ‘Russia has become bullying, violent, cruel and—above all—inhuman’. -
'Socialism in One Country': Komsomol'tsy
Youthful Internationalism in the Age of ‘Socialism in One Country’: Komsomol’tsy, Pioneers and ‘World Revolution’ in the Interwar Period Matthias Neumann On the 1st of March 1927, two Komsomol members from the Chuvash Republic, located in the centre of European Russia, wrote an emotional letter to Comrade Stalin. Reflecting on the revolutionary upheavals in China, they attacked the inaction of the Komsomol and the party and expressed their sincere determination to self-mobilise and join the proletarian forces in China. ‘We do not need empty slogans such as “The Komsomol is prepared”’, ‘We must not live like this’ they wrote and boasted ‘we guarantee that we are able to mobilise thousands of Komsomol members who have the desire to go to China and fight in the army of the Guomindang.’ This was after all, they forcefully stressed, the purpose for which ‘our party and our Komsomol exist.’1 These youngsters were not alone in their views. As the coverage on the situation in China intensified in the Komsomol press in March, numerous similar individual and collective letters were received by party and Komsomol leaders.2 The young authors, all male as far as they were named, expressed their genuine enthusiasm for the revolution in China. The letters revealed not only a youthful romanticism for the revolutionary fight abroad and the idea of spreading the revolution, but often an underlying sense of disillusionment with the inertia of the revolutionary project at home. A few months earlier, in 1926 during the campaign against the so-called eseninshchina3, a fellow Komsomol member took a quite different view on the prospect of spreading the revolution around the world. -
Soviet Political Memoirs: a Study in Politics and Literature
SOVIET POLITICAL MEMOIRS: A STUDY IN POLITICS AND LITERATURE by ZOI LAKKAS B.A. HONS, The University of Western Ontario, 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of History) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA June 1992 Zoi Lakkas, 1992 _________________ in presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department. or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. V Department of The University of British &‘olumbia Vancouver, Canada Date 1L4( /1 1q2 DE-6 (2/88) ii ABS TRACT A growing number of Soviet political memoirs have emerged from the former Soviet Union. The main aim of the meinoirists is to give their interpretation of the past. Despite the personal insight that these works provide on Soviet history, Western academics have not studied them in any detail. The principal aim of this paper is to prove Soviet political memoir’s importance as a research tool. The tight link between politics and literature characterizes the nature of Soviet political memoir. All forms of Soviet literature had to reform their brand of writing as the Kremlin’s policies changed from Stalin’s ruthless reign to Gorbachev’s period of openness. -
Raisa Gorbacheva, the Soviet Union’S Only First Lady
Outraging the People by Stepping out of the Shadows Gender roles, the ‘feminine ideal’ and gender discourse in the Soviet Union and Raisa Gorbacheva, the Soviet Union’s only First Lady. Noraly Terbijhe Master Thesis MA Russian & Eurasian Studies Leiden University January 2020, Leiden Everywhere in the civilised world, the position, the rights and obligations of a wife of the head of state are more or less determined. For instance, I found out that the President’s wife in the White House has special staff to assist her in preforming her duties. She even has her own ‘territory’ and office in one wing of the White House. As it turns out, I as the First Lady had only one tradition to be proud of, the lack of any right to an official public existence.1 Raisa Maximovna Gorbacheva (1991) 1 Translated into English from Russian. From: Raisa Gorbacheva, Ya Nadeyus’ (Moscow 1991) 162. 1 Table of contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 3 2. Literature review ........................................................................................................................... 9 3. Gender roles and discourse in Russia and the USSR ................................................................. 17 The supportive comrade ................................................................................................................. 19 The hardworking mother ............................................................................................................... -
Download Thesis
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Representations of the Holocaust in Soviet cinema Timoshkina, Alisa Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 25. Sep. 2021 REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HOLOCAUST IN SOVIET CINEMA Alissa Timoshkina PhD in Film Studies 1 ABSTRACT The aim of my doctoral project is to study how the Holocaust has been represented in Soviet cinema from the 1930s to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. -
Cannibalism in Stalin's Russia and Mao's China*
East European Quarterly, XLI, No. 2 June 2007 CANNIBALISM IN STALIN'S RUSSIA AND MAO'S CHINA* Steven Bela Vdrdy Agnes Huszar Vardy Duquesne University We have already published a number of scholarly studies about the horrors of the slave labor camps in the Soviet Gulag.' We have also written several newspaper articles on this topic for various Hungarian and Hungarian-American publications.^ But we have not as yet explored specifically the presence of cannibalism in these slave labor camps, which appears to have been a rather widespread phenomenon. Development ofthe Soviet Gulag The roots of the Soviet Gulag reach back to the Bolshevik Revolu- tion of 1917, and more specifically to the secret police organization, the Cheka, established and directed until his death by the Polish renegade, Felix Dzerzhinski (1877-1926). The first of such camps was established in 1918 in the Solovesky Monastery on the Solovki Island ofthe White Sea, when that remote monastery and much of that small island was transformed into a slave labor camp. The goal was to collect the repre- sentatives of the old Czarist regime, and either "reeducate" or extermi- nate them as potential opponents to the Soviet regime. In this monastery, and in the scores of temporary shelters established after 1918 on that island, about twenty thousand political prisoners perished during the 1920s under the most gruesome circumstances. The creation of this "death camp" on Solovki Island in 1918 was soon followed by the establishment of many hundreds, and later many thousands of such camps throughout the Soviet Union. In 1934 a special organization, the Glavnoy Upravneliye LAGerey [GULAG] (Chief Ad- ministration of Labor Camps), was established specifically to administer this network of forced labor camps. -
Stalin's Baku Curve: a Detonating Mixture of Crime and Revolution
Stalin’s Baku Curve: A Detonating Mixture of Crime and Revolution by Fuad Akhundov A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Education Leadership Higher and Adult Education, OISE University of Toronto © Copyright by Fuad Akhundov 2016 Stalin’s Baku Curve: A Detonating Mixture of Crime and Revolution Fuad Akhundov Master of Arts in Education Leadership Higher and Adult Education, OISE University of Toronto 2016 Abstract The Stalin’s Baku Curve, a Detonating Mix of Crime and Revolution presents a brief insight into the early period of activities of one of the most ominous political figures of the 20th century – Joseph Stalin. The major emphasis of the work is made on Stalin’s period in Baku in 1902-1910. A rapidly growing industrial hub providing almost half of the world’s crude oil, Baku was in the meantime a brewery of revolutionary ideas. Heavily imbued with crime, corruption and ethnic tensions, the whole environment provided an excellent opportunity for Stalin to undergo his “revolutionary universities” through extortion, racketeering, revolutionary propaganda and substantial incarceration in Baku’s famous Bailov prison. Along with this, the Baku period brought Stalin into close contact with the then Russian secret police, Okhranka. This left an indelible imprint on Stalin’s character and ruling style as an irremovable leader of the Soviet empire for almost three decades. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work became possible due to the tremendous input of several scholars whom I want to hereby recognize. The first person I owe the paper Stalin’s Baku Curve, a Detonating Mix of Crime and Revolution to is Simon Sebag Montefiore, an indefatigable researcher of former Soviet and pre-Soviet history whom I had a pleasure of working with in Baku back in 1995. -
The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism
Edinburgh Research Explorer The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism Citation for published version: Riga, L 2008, 'The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the “Russian” Revolutionary Elite', American Journal of Sociology, vol. 114, no. 3, pp. 649-705. https://doi.org/10.1086/592862 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1086/592862 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: American Journal of Sociology Publisher Rights Statement: © Riga, L. (2008). The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the “Russian” Revolutionary Elite. American Journal of Sociology, 114(3), 649-705 doi: 10.1086/592862. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 28. Sep. 2021 The Ethnic Roots of Class Universalism: Rethinking the “Russian” Revolutionary Elite Author(s): Liliana Riga Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 114, No. 3 (November 2008), pp. 649-705 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/592862 . Accessed: 22/01/2014 06:01 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . -
Intellectual Culture: the End of Russian Intelligentsia
Russian Culture Center for Democratic Culture 2012 Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri N. Shalin University of Nevada, Las Vegas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture Part of the Asian History Commons, Cultural History Commons, European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, Political History Commons, Slavic Languages and Societies Commons, and the Social History Commons Repository Citation Shalin, D. N. (2012). Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia. In Dmitri N. Shalin, 1-68. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture/6 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Article in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Russian Culture by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri Shalin No group cheered louder for Soviet reform, had a bigger stake in perestroika, and suffered more in its aftermath than did the Russian intelligentsia. Today, nearly a decade after Mikhail Gorbachev unveiled his plan to reform Soviet society, the mood among Russian intellectuals is decidedly gloomy.