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PDF Downloaden 3Dynamiken gewaltsamer Machtwechsel In Buch 3.41 seiner Kirchengeschichtenimmt Evagrios Scholastikos eine Anekdotezur Steuer-Politik des Kaisers Anastasius zum Anlass, die Überlegenheit des Christentums gegenüber dem alten paganen Glaubenherauszustellen. Wasals eine Erwiderung auf die Polemik seines paganen Vorgängers im Historiker-Metier,Zosimos, gegendas Christentum beginnt – dieser hatte den Niedergangdes römischen Reiches aufgrund der Vernachlässigungder traditionellenGötter verkündet –,kulminiert in der ein- drücklichen Offenlegung vonEvagios’ Geschichtsbild.¹ Die römische Vergangenheit dient ihm trotz der Anerkennungvon Leistungenherausragender Figuren wie Caesar oder Augustusalleinals Wegbereiter für die Entfaltungdes Christentums. Als Evidenz für die Wirkmächtigkeit des christlichen Glaubenskontrastiert Evagrios schließlich die – in seiner lückenhaften Darstellung – durchweg unnatürlichen und grausamen Tode der paganen Kaiser mit denen ihrer christlichen Nachfolgerund kommt zu fol- gendem Schluss: „Nunschau, ob vonder Zeit an, da der hochberühmte Konstantin die Herrschaft übernahm und die Stadt, die seinen Namen trägt,gründeteund Christus weihte, auch nur einer ihrerKaiser (außer natürlich Julian der Hierophant und Kaiser), vonden Seinen oder vonden Feinden um- gebracht wurde oder ob überhaupt ein Usurpatoreinen Kaiser überwältigthat,abgesehen von Basiliscus,der Zeno vertrieb, vondem er auch gestürztund getötet wurde. Ichglaube dir,was du über Valens sagst,der den Christen so viel Schlimmesangetan hat.Denn über einen anderen kannst nicht einmal Du etwas Schlechtes sagen.“² Im späten6.Jahrhundert,der Abfassungszeitder Kirchengeschichte, meinte Evagrios aufeine beinahe ungestörte Reihung christlicher Herrscher zurückblickenzukönnen, die alleindurch vorübergehendeIrrwege unter Julian, häretische Umtriebe wie die des Valens oder vorübergehende Störungenunter Zenon und Basiliskos getrübt worden war.Die in Mailand und Ravenna residierendenKaiser des weströmischen Reiches und deren wenigerfriedvolle Enden blendet er in seinem Überblickfreilich konse- quent aus. Evagrios geht es beinahe drei Jahrhunderte nach der HinwendungKon- stantins zum Christentum wohl kaum mehr darum, aufeine ernsthaft empfundene pagane Konkurrenz zu reagieren; auch die Wahl des fast ein Jahrhundert früher schreibenden Zosimos als Widerpart zeigt,dass es sich bei seinem Exkurs eher um Zu Evagr. Hist. eccl. 3.41 siehe Kaegi 1968, 217–223sowie die Anmerkungen in Mi. Whitby 2000c, 187–192; allgemein siehe Allen 1981. Evagr. Hist. eccl. 3.41: Ἐξ ὅτου δὲ Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ παναοίδιμος παρείληφε τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὴν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ πόλιν δειμάμενος τῷ Χριστῷἀνατέθεικεν, ἄθρει δή μοι εἴ τις τῶν ἐναὐτῇβασιλέων, Ἰουλιανοῦ δίχα τοῦἱεροφάντου σου καὶ βασιλέως, ἢ πρὸςτῶνοἰκείων ἢ τῶν ἐναντίων διεφθάρη, ἢ ὅλως τύραννος βασιλέως κατεδυνάστευσεν, ἢ μόνου Βασιλίσκου ἐξώσαντος Ζήνωνα, πρὸςοὖκαὶ κατελύθη καὶ τὸνβίον ἀπέθετο. Πείθομαι καὶ περὶ Οὐάλεντος λέγοντί σοι, τοσαῦτα κατεργασαμένου Χριστιανοὺςκακά. Περὶ γὰρ ἑτέρου, οὐδὲ σὺ αὐτὸςφῄς.Übersetzung nach Hübner 2007. OpenAccess. ©2021 NadineViermann, publiziertvon De Gruyter. Dieses Werk ist lizenziertunter der CreativeCommons Attribution 4.0 International. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110711356-004 3Dynamiken gewaltsamer Machtwechsel 79 eine rhetorische Anstrengunghandelt.³ Den eigentlichenAkzent setzt Evagrios aufdie Stabilität,Dauer und Größe der vonKonstantin in seiner neuen Hauptstadt begrün- deten Monarchie, die als Festung des (rechten) christlichen Glaubens eine heilsge- schichtlich relevanteStellungeinnimmt. Dem regierendenKaiser Maurikiospositiv gesinnt, entwirft Evagrios ein optimistisches Bild des späten 6. Jahrhunderts.⁴ Zu einem gewissen Grad deckt sich Evagrios’ Einschätzung mit dem Bild des oströmischen Reiches im 5. und 6. Jahrhundert,wie ich es im vorigen Kapitel ent- worfen habe. Vorallem im Vergleich zur weströmischen Monarchie, die dem Druck nichtrömischer Militäreliten erlag,erwiessich die hauptstädtische Konfiguration von Monarchie, wie sie sich in Konstantinopel etablierte,als widerstandsfähig.Die ver- hältnismäßig seltenen Usurpationsversuche verliefen in der Regel im Sand; einen regierenden Kaiser zu stürzen gelang nur ein einziges Mal: Im Jahr 475ergriff Zenon angesichts einerVerschwörungaus den Reihen hoher Militärs die Flucht ausKon- stantinopel; an seiner Stelle wurde Basiliskosgekrönt.Esdauerte allerdings nur etwa eineinhalb Jahre, bis es Zenon gelang,aus dem isaurischen Exil zurückzukehren und Basiliskos, dessen Rückhalt in Konstantinopel stetigschwand,zubeseitigen.⁵ Etwa ein Jahrzehnt,nachdem Evagrios seine optimistische Sicht aufdas oströ- mische Reich niedergeschrieben hatte,wendetesich jedoch das Blatt.ImNovember 602eskalierte eine Rebellion der Balkan-Truppen. Die Unruhen im Heer griffen auf Konstantinopel über; der Kaiser Maurikios wurde nach zwanzigjährigerHerrschaft gestürzt und brutal ermordet.Anseiner Stelle zog der ehemaligeZenturio Phokas im kaiserlichen Palast ein. Doch die Geschehnisse des Novembers 602warenerst der Beginn einer turbulenten Phase für die Stadt am Bosporus. Acht Jahre später,im Oktober 610, erlagPhokas seinerseitseiner Revolte, die sich um Herakleios, den Ex- archen vonKarthago, zusammengebrauthatte. Nach Jahrhunderten der relativen Stabilität ereigneten sich innerhalb kurzer Zeit zwei Machtwechsel, die jeweils in der öffentlichenHinrichtungdes gestürztenKaisers gipfelten. Ziel dieses Kapitels ist es, die Dynamiken dieserbeiden Ereignisse in ihren Kausalzusammenhängen nachzu- vollziehen. Dabei wird sich herausstellen, dass die Machtwechsel zwar oberflächlich Gemeinsamkeiten aufweisen, sich in ihren Voraussetzungen und Abläufen jedoch bei genauerer Analyse deutlich unterscheiden: Während man im Fall des Herakleios tatsächlichvon einer Usurpation sprechen kann, ist dieser Begriff, der im Folgenden noch genauer definiertwird, aufden Machtwechsel von602 nicht sachgerecht an- wendbar. Vgl. dazu Mi. Whitby 2000c, 192Anm. 166;Allen 1981,62f., 161; dagegen Kaegi 1968, 221–223. ZurStellung des Evagrios siehe Mi. Whitby 2000c, xiii–xv.Eskursierten auch gegensätzlicheDeu- tungsmuster: Der miaphysitische Kirchenhistoriker Johannesvon Ephesos etwa (Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 6.1), der dem chalkedonensischen Regime in Konstantinopel feindlich gegenüber stand, erklärtedie Kriegeund Unruhen seiner Zeit als Vorboten des kurz bevorstehenden Endes. Zu Zenon und Basiliskos siehe S. 52f. 80 3Dynamikengewaltsamer Machtwechsel 3.1 Der Sturz des Maurikios Im spätenNovemberdes Jahres 602versank Konstantinopel im Chaos. Ein aufstän- disches Heer,das sich Wochen zuvor nahe der Donaugrenze der Befehlsgewalt der kaiserlichen Heermeister entzogen hatte, rückte vonWesten aufdie Hauptstadt vor. Innerhalb der Mauernzog die Bevölkerungmarodierend durch die Straßen und skandiertegegen den Kaiser Maurikios. Ganz außergewöhnlich war eine derartige Situation nicht: StädtischeUnruhen, die in Zerstörungen ganzerStadtteile eskalierten und im Zuge derer sich kollektiverUnmut gegenden gerade regierenden Kaiser Bahn brach, stellteninder Metropole am Bosporus keine Seltenheitdar;⁶ die Balkantruppen waren bei weitem nicht das erste Kontingent,das sich gegendie Direktiven Kon- stantinopels auflehnte. Doch die Geschehnisse des Novembers 602entwickelten sollten eine ganz eigene, überraschende Dynamik.⁷ Der Prozess, der letztendlich in Maurikios’ Sturz mündete, nahm im Herbst 602 seinen Beginn in dem Befehl des Kaisers, die Balkantruppen sollten jenseits der Donauüberwintern und sich dort aufeigene Faust versorgen, anstatt wie gewohnt über die kalten Monate in die römischen Provinzen zurückzukehren.⁸ Neben mili- tärstrategischen Gründen⁹ lagen einer derartigen Anordnungauch finanzielle Über- legungen zugrunde: Ein Zweifrontenkrieg hatte über Jahrzehnte hinweg an den rö- mischen Ressourcen gezehrtund auch nach der Beilegung des Perserkrieges591 konntedie Bilanz offenbar nicht signifikant verbessert werden. Seit seinem Herrschaftsantritt 582 versuchte Maurikios, der angespannten Fi- nanzlagedurch konkrete Sparmaßnahmen Herr zu werden. Eine derartigePolitik schädigtenicht nur den Rufdes Kaisers – sowohl im Heer als auch in der Hauptstadt wurde er als Geizhals geschmäht –,¹⁰ sondern hatte bereits vor602 wiederholt zu Zu den regelmäßigstattfindenden Aufständen bzw. Randalen der Demen vgl. Al. Cameron 1976,271– 298. Den ausführlichsten Bericht zu den Ereignissen des Novembers 602gibt Theoph. Sim. Hist. 8.6–8.13;außerdem Chron. Pasch. AD 602(wichtigfür die absolute Chronologie); Joh. Nik. 102.9–12, 103.4 – 8; Theoph. Conf. AM 6094 (De Boor 283–290); Joh. Ant. fragm. 318. Weitere Quellen, die al- lerdingskeine darüber hinaus gehenden Erkenntnisse versprechen, sind aufgelistet bei Pfeilschifter 2013,261 Anm. 20.Vgl. zur Ereignisrekonstruktion Stratos 1968, 40 –56;Mi. Whitby 1988, 24–27,165 – 169; Olster 1993, 53–57;Pfeilschifter 2013,261– 269. Theoph.Sim. Hist. 8.6; Theoph. Conf. AM 6094 (De Boor 286). Siehe Whitby/Whitby 1986,173 Anm. 54,219 Anm. 30 mit Verweis aufMaurikios’ Strategikon (11.4.82ff.); ebenso Mi. Whitby 1988, 165–167. Kaegi 1981,111–113 weist darauf hin, dass das Über- wintern vonTruppen jenseits der Donauauch als Strafmaßnahme gedeutet werdenkann; vgl. De Vleeschouwer 2019,444f. Joh. Eph. Hist. eccl. 5.20 erklärt die Sparpolitik mit der Notwendigkeit,die finanziellen Lücken zu schließen,die aufgrund der Freigiebigkeit des Tiberios entstanden seien. In den posthum entstan- denen Quellen überwiegt die geradezu topische Betonungvon Maurikios’ Geiz und Habgier: Joh. Nik. 95.1,21f.etwa stellt die unbegründeteHabgier
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