For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 49 / Winter 2005–06 / £5.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Election spending under scrutiny Dr J Graham Jones Honiton, Dumfriesshire and the Lloyd George Fund 1929 election Russell Deacon The slow death of Liberal Wales 1906 – 1979 Dr John Powell A squire in the House of Lords Biography of Lord Kimberley (1826–1902) Graham Lippiatt Joseph Chamberlain and the Unauthorised Programme Meeting report Frank Trentmann, Tony Little and Mark Pack Poverty, Palmerston and elections Book reviews Liberal Democrat History Group history group meetings programme 2006

Winter Spring Summer (1) Scottish Liberal Club Blissful dawn? The 1906 Defender of liberties: Free trade, citizenship election Charles James Fox and social inclusion: From Duncan MacLaren Political and historical On 7 February 1906, the counting 2006 also sees the bicentary MP to Henry Campbell- perspectives of the 1906 of votes was completed in the of the death of the Whig leader Bannerman PM: How a 1906 general election, and the Charles James Fox. A proponent Liberal landslide long tradition led to a Liberal Party had obtained a of the supremacy of Parliament, A National Liberal Club majority of 132 over all other the freedom of the press and triumph participative symposium to mark parties. In addition, for the the rights and civil liberties of the centenary of the Liberal Marking the centenary of the first time, 29 Labour MPs were the people, and and a believer in victory, chaired by Evan Davis, Liberal victory of 1906, the John G elected and shortly afterwards the reform, rationalism and progress, BBC Economics Editor, with Gray Lecture will be given by Willis Parliamentary Labour Party was rather than repression, the ideas Dr Frank Trentmann (Birkbeck Pickard. founded. To mark this anniversary, he defended – particularly over College, London) on free trade, the Corporation of London is the challenge of the state to the 6.15pm Thursday 16 February Professor Jose Harris (University organising a lecture to which all liberties of the individual in time of City Chambers, High Street, of Oxford) on citizenship and Liberal Democrat History Group war – are as relevant to our own Edinburgh. Dr Stefan Collini (University of members are invited. times as to those of the Britain of Cambridge) on social inclusion. 200 years ago. Speaker: Lord Kenneth Morgan Commentators on contemporary (author of definitive biographies Speaker: Frank O’Gorman comparisons will include Professor Journal of Keir Hardie and Jim Callaghan, (Emeritus Professor of History, Robert Skidelsky (Warwick and one of the foremost historians Manchester University) University) and Baroness Shirley subscriptions of twentieth-century Britain) Williams. 8.15pm Friday 3 March Our apologies for the late 6.00pm Tuesday 7 February Queen’s Suite Room 5, Harrogate 1.00 – 5.00pm Wednesday 17 despatch of this issue of the (followed by reception at 7.30pm) International Centre. For more May Journal of Liberal History. It details, see back page. National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall was held back until mid- Old Library, Guildhall, London EC2. Place, London SW1A 2HE January to allow us to circulate For more details, see back page. papers for the AGM in the Registration fee £20; more details same mailing, but then was in the next Journal. further delayed by events not unconnected with the Liberal Democrat leadership election. Email mailing list The next issue (spring 2006) Summer (2) is due out in early April, and If you would like to receive up-to-date information on the Liberal then we will resume normal Democrat History Group’s activities, including advance notice of The Suez crisis of 1956 service, with the summer issue meetings, and new History Group publications, you can sign up out in July. to our email mailing list: visit the History Group’s website (www. and the Liberal Party liberalhistory.org.uk) and fill in the details on the ‘Contact’ page. Date to be confirmed, but early or mid July. National Liberal Club, London. Old heroes for Journal online subscriptions a new leader now available As we did in 1999, we are approaching all the Liberal The Liberal Democrat History Group is pleased to announce the Autumn Democrat leadership availability of a new subscription service: online subscriptions. candidates to write a short In addition to printed copies, online subscribers will be able to The Dictionary of Liberal piece on their favourite access pdf files of current and pastJournals via the Group’s website, Thought historical figure or figures –the www.liberalhistory.org.uk. Online subscribers will be sent a password ones they feel have influenced (changed each year) for access to the protected area of the site. Launch of the History Group’s their own political beliefs most, latest publication. Date to be and why they have proved Online subscriptions cost £35.00 per year. Overseas (non-UK) online confirmed, but probably Sunday important and relevant. Their subscriptions are available for £40.00 per year, or £100 for three 17 September. articles will appear on the years. History Group’s website, www. Brighton (fringe meeting at Liberal liberalhistory.org.uk, in mid- Older copies of the Journal will continue to be available to all visitors Democrat conference). to the site. Issues 1–24 are currently available as pdf files. February.

 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 Journal of Liberal History Issue 49: Winter 2005–06 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Honiton, Dumfriesshire and the Lloyd George 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Fund Deputy Editor: Sarah Taft Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Dr J. Graham Jones looks at how Lloyd George’s fund was used to assist Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Liberal candidates in two constituencies in the 1929 election. Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Deputy Reviews Editor: Tom Kiehl Letters to the Editor 11 Bribery and Berwick (Willis Pickard); Death duties in 1894 (Patrick Patrons Jackson) Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent The slow death of Liberal Wales 1906 – 1979 12 Editorial Board How Liberalism first flourished, then held on more strongly than in other parts of Britain, then slowly declined, from 1906 to 1979; by Russell Deacon Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; A squire in the House of Lords 24 Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr John Powell analyses the political life of John Wodehouse, First Earl of Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Jaime Kimberley (1826–1902) Reynolds; Iain Sharpe

Editorial/Correspondence Report: Joseph Chamberlain and the 34 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and Unauthorised Programme book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed with Peter Marsh and Terry Jenkins; report by Graham Lippiatt publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Reviews 38 Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ Stedman Jones: An End to Poverty? A Historical Debate, reviewed by Dr Frank email: [email protected] Trentmann; Chambers: Palmerston: ‘The People’s Darling’, reviewed by Tony Little; Robinson and Fisher: General Election 2005 – What the Voters Saw, All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. reviewed by Mark Pack; Richards: Tony Blair: In His Own Words, reviewed by Mark Pack; British Elections and Parties Review, volumes 13 and 14, Advertisements reviewed by Mark Pack Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please contact the Editor. Cover illustration: ‘The Party Chest’, Punch, 10 July 1929 Mr MacDonald: ‘This is our new design, sir. I understand that you favour dress-reform?’ Subscriptions/Membership Mr Lloyd George: ‘I do, but I shouldn’t care to expose my chest like that’. An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £15.00 (£7.50 unwaged rate). This (The Prime Minister [MacDonald] has stated that any consideration of electoral includes membership of the History Group unless you reform would include an inquiry into the use of ‘huge central funds’ employed for party inform us otherwise. The institutional rate is £25.00. purposes.) Overseas (non-UK) subscribers should add £5.00; See Dr J Graham Jones’ article in this issue. or, a special three-year rate is available for £55.00 (individuals) or £85.00 (institutions).

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Patrick Mitchell 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] Liberal Democrat History Group The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of historical topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o occasional publications. 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Printed by Kall-Kwik, records of meetings and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 426 Chiswick High Road, London W4 5TF www.liberalhistory.org.uk. January 2006 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06  Honiton, Dumfriesshire and the Lloyd George Fund

Dr J. Graham Jones uses correspondence in the Lloyd George Papers at the National Library of Wales to examine the use of the infamous Lloyd George Fund to assist the Liberal candidates in the Honiton and Dumfriesshire parliamentary constituencies in the general election of 30 May 1929. He helps to show how, for nigh on forty years, the existence of the Lloyd George Fund caused much debate and anxiety within the Lloyd George ranks of the Liberal speaking at Caernarvon Castle Party. in 1929

 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 Honiton, Dumfriesshire and the Lloyd George Fund

s soon as he became himself appointed and dismissed, a large personal fund, although Prime Minister in to exercise close personal control When Lloyd he was not at the time the leader December 1916, over the use of this fund. of the Liberal Party; while the Lloyd George began Thus, when Lloyd George George party itself, led by Asquith, was building up a substan- fell from office in the autumn fell from in abject poverty, dreading the Atial ‘political fund’, soon obtaining of 1922 (permanently as it so inevitable trauma and expense large sums of money from wealthy happened), he retained the office, he of the next general election individuals who considered that near-ownership of a large politi- ­campaign. he alone was capable of winning cal fund that he regarded as a retained the war effort or who looked to resource which he might employ the new coalition government for any political cause he chose. the near- Use of the Fund to counter the growing forces of It certainly amounted to several The Fund had not, however, ‘bolshevism’ and ‘socialism’. More million pounds. In 1924 Vis- ownership lain idle in the meantime. It had particularly, the money came count Gladstone, at the heart of of a large been used to help establish no from those who simply wanted the Liberal Party organisation, fewer than 224 constituency honours, especially peerages, and referred to Lloyd George as pos- politi- Coalition Liberal associations soon discovered that they could sessing ‘power to raise a million in the country (and a group of now be instantly obtained from in cash’,2 and it may well be that cal fund regional councils), but few of a simple cash transaction.1 The the total fund assets amounted these remained genuinely active money was subscribed to the to some £3 million. (This was that he and rooted in the localities.3 The Coalition Liberal Party in office the estimate of its size by Viv- regarded highly precarious electoral base just as it had been donated to ian Phillipps, a shrewd observer of the Coalition Liberals had the Conservative Party and to of political life and a future Lib- as a been potently revealed in a string the Liberal Party before the war eral chief whip, in his volume of crucial by-elections between – it was the traditional means of of reminiscences entitled My resource 1919 and 1922, following which financing political parties – but Days and Ways.) Large sums of constant dreary reports were Lloyd George’s ‘sin’ was that he money had been invested very which received of the weakness of Coa- pushed the system much further profitably in the Daily Chroni- he might lition Liberal organisation in the and much more blatantly than cle which had much increased constituencies. A new journal, the either his predecessors or his suc- the size of the original fund and employ for Lloyd George Liberal Magazine, was cessors. Moreover, the Coalition had also provided Lloyd George also established. Shortly before Liberal Party of 1916–22 pos- with a subservient newspaper. any politi- the collapse of the coalition gov- sessed only a skeletal organisation, By this time a highly anomalous ernment in the autumn of 1922, a deficiency which enabled Lloyd situation had developed. Lloyd cal cause Lloyd George, anxious to have George, via the trustees whom he George retained ownership of he chose. control of the most influential

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06  honiton, dumfriesshire and the lloyd george fund newspaper in the country during For Lloyd The New Liberalism which is devoted to the control of an expected period in opposition, By this time, Lloyd George had the Lloyd George Fund. Sir John had attempted to make further George, his found another, potentially more Davies (better known as J. T. Dav- use of the Fund to purchase The rewarding, use for his politi- ies) is appointed Chief Trustee of Times newspaper, but this had Fund was cal fund. Ever since the spring the Fund, and the other trustees eventually come to nothing. As of 1924 in fact, he had assumed are to be Sir William Edge, Henry a result of the Prime Minister’s the one responsibility for setting up and Fildes, Major Gwilym Lloyd audacity, The Times was converted material financing a number of autono- George (LG’s son) and Charles into a trust permanently safe mous investigative committees to McCurdy. (Edge, Gwilym LG and from the intrigues of any single weapon examine the social and economic McCurdy were all former Liberal individual. The callous, cavalier ills of the nation and evolve radi- Party whips.) The Trustees declare amassing of the Lloyd George which he cal new policies for their remedy. that the Fund is to be ‘held by us Fund had in itself seemed bla- Their successive reports duly to be used under [Lloyd George’s] tantly to debase the standards of could use appeared, among them Coal and direction for the furtherance of public life and decency. After the against the Power (1924), Towns and the Land political action of the following general election campaigns of (‘the Brown Book’) (1925) and causes …’. A long list of political 1922 and 1923, the Independent Asquithian The Land and the Nation (‘the objectives follows: peace, the unity Liberal organisation had been Green Book’) (1925). From these of the Empire, increased produc- nigh on bankrupted, incapable of Liberal ‘old substantial tomes, and the later tion, improved transport, land waging a further general election Britain’s Industrial Future (‘the Yel- settlement, forestry, housing, edu- campaign on a broad front. Lloyd gang’. low Book’), which was published cation, improved levels of wages, George was only too well aware in February 1928, were evolved etc. Should Lloyd George die, the of this fact; it gave him a trump dramatic, far-reaching new pol- trustees are to make use of the card to play. icy initiatives on which the Lib- Fund for these purposes. Author- For Lloyd George, his Fund eral Party was eventually to fight ity is vested in the Chief Trustee was the one material weapon the general election of 30 May who is empowered, together with which he could use against the 1929. Back in November 1925 one of the other trustees, acting Asquithian Liberal ‘old gang’. Lloyd George had also set up an in unison, to disburse the assets He was certainly not prepared independent propaganda body of the Fund and to make trans- tamely to hand it over to prop up under his own presidency called fers. Lloyd George personally was the authority and (in his view) the Land and Nation League, to be responsible for nominating outworn ideas of his politi- equipped with a large fleet of pub- three of the trustees. This docu- cal enemies. Far better to retain licity vans and charged to cam- ment suggests that the Fund was control of it until the Liberal paign up and down rural England then regarded as a trust rather than Party was ready to accept him as and Wales to drum up support for a Liberal Party chest. its leader and then to make good the highly contentious ‘Green Overall, it has been estimated use of it to formulate and imple- Book’ proposals. This campaign that no less than £650,000 was ment his own new radical policy was reputedly given an up-front taken from the replete coffers of initiatives. donation of £80,000 from the the Lloyd George Fund to finance Eventually, when the first Lloyd George Fund and charged the policy committees; £240,000 minority Labour government to hold no fewer than 5,000 pub- was donated to run the Land and collapsed at the end of 1924, pre- lic meetings before the occasion Nation League; £60,000 was used cipitating yet another general of the Liberal Land Convention to assist the near-bankrupt Lib- election campaign, Lloyd George in 1927. Many local Liberal Asso- eral Party headquarters; and some made available the miserly sum of ciations and Liberal candidates £300,000 was set aside to finance £50,000 from his Fund, which, looked askance at these audacious the next general election cam- together with some £40,000 in moves inaugurated by Lloyd paign.4 This embarrassingly lavish donations and £30,000 from its George in dictator-like fashion use of the fund during the second own severely depleted resources, and financed by lavish handouts half of the 1920s led to pointed enabled the Liberal Party to put from the infamous Fund, while, questions about its origins and up a total of only 343 candidates. conspicuously, a ‘Liberal Million control. Most blatantly, ‘an embar- The severe financial handicap Pound Fund’ appeal, launched by rassed old fogey’ in the shape of was compounded at constituency party headquarters in 1925 in a Lord Rosebery, Liberal Prime level by a simple failure of nerve last-ditch attempt to put the party Minister way back in 1892–95, to fight, even in localities where back on an even keel financially, truly a voice from the long dis- the Liberals were within striking languished miserably. tant past, wrote a letter to The distance of victory. The frenzied Among the Lloyd George Times in February 1927 enquir- exchanges and negotiations over Papers in the custody of the Parlia- ing deftly, ‘ What is this sum, how the Lloyd George Fund which mentary Archive at the House of was it obtained, and what was its had preceded the election con- Lords is a copy of an ‘instrument’ source? On such a matter there tinued, unrelieved, after it. (Lloyd George Papers G/86/3) should be no possibility of doubt.

 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 honiton, dumfriesshire and the lloyd george fund

… An authoritative statement should be furnished as to the source of this Fund’.5 Rosebery, however, received no direct reply, and further probing was regularly sidestepped. But the use of the Fund had at least enabled the Liberal Party to face the electorate in May 1929 with an impressive, original pro- gramme, and more than 500 can- didates in the field, a substantial increase on the number which it had been able to put forward in 1924. The Lloyd George Fund was indeed poured into the pre- election and election campaigns and, in a sense, enabled the Lib- eral Party to offer for the last time a wholly credible alterna- tive government, potentially far higher in calibre than either the Conservative or the Labour front benches. As Trevor Wilson justi- fiably wrote of the Liberal Party appeal in 1929, ‘It is unlikely that the British electorate has ever been paid the compliment of a more far-sighted and responsible Honiton Liberal Party HQ in In January 1910 Sir John was party programme.’6 Dr Henry Pelling calculated that action during the succeeded by A. C. Morrison-Bell As Michael Kinnear wrote in 1929 campaign the Honiton division of Devon who had represented the division his impressive analysis of British (sometimes known as Devon ever since. The constituency had general election campaigns, ‘The East), with an average Con- therefore experienced a marked chief feature of the 1924 elec- servative poll of 61.6 per cent in continuity of personnel and rep- tion was the virtual elimination general elections from 1885 to resentation. In 1918 Morrison- of the Liberals’, now reduced December 1910, was the safest Bell was re-elected unopposed to just forty MPs, a net loss of Conservative seat of the fourteen as a Coalition Conservative, but 119 seats.7 Four and a half years parliamentary divisions in Devon in subsequent elections the seat later, it was essential for the party and Cornwall.8 Indeed, through- had begun to appear much more to reverse this trend if it was to out the period of Dr Pelling’s marginal. The Liberal candidate stand any prospect of remaining study, the division consistently had polled 10,404 votes (44.5 per a major political party. In 1924 returned a Conservative MP to cent) in 1922, 12,177 (49.4 per the Liberals had been demor- Westminster, on three occasions cent) in 1923, and 12,025 (44.8 alised, divided and lacking a (1886, 1895 and 1900) unop- per cent) in 1924. Indeed, in its programme. In 1929 they were posed, on every other occasion reunion year of 1923, the Liberal ostensibly (if temporarily) united, by a substantial majority over a Party had come within 293 votes in good heart and endowed with sole Liberal opponent.9 Situated of capturing the seat. On each a highly imaginative, radical new on the eastern side of Devon and of these occasions the Liberal programme. Their best prospect thus susceptible to church influ- aspirant was J. George L. Halse, of winning seats was in agricul- ence emanating from Exeter, the a native of the county who had tural areas, notably in the Celtic cathedral city of the diocese, it spent his entire career as a local fringe – Wales, Scotland and the appeared solidly Conservative. Its businessman, never living outside West Country of England. This Member of Parliament until 1910 the borders of Devon. He was article now focuses on two rural was Sir John Kennaway, a coun- also well known locally as a long- constituencies which were typi- try gentleman based at Ottery serving member of the Devon cal of those which the Liberals St Mary and the owner of an County Council, the Honi- needed to capture if they were to estate amounting to 4,045 acres.10 ton Board of Guardians and the stand any prospect of making a Towns such as Exmouth and Sid- Sidmouth UDC. In 1924, Halse national comeback in 1929: Hon- mouth were also thought to vote had told the electors of Honi- iton in Devon and Dumfriesshire solidly Tory. ton, ‘I shall hold myself free as an in south-west Scotland.

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06  honiton, dumfriesshire and the lloyd george fund ­Independent Liberal to support Organisation Committee, for a Honiton his constituency, and he does not any measures which I have advo- grant of £4,000 towards the con- wish to press for payment of his cated, no matter from what quar- siderable expenses of the election. was pre- accounts during the Election. ter of the House of Commons An interview between Samuel On the other hand his original they are introduced.’11 and Lord St Davids, chairman of cisely the request to Sir Herbert Samuel Honiton was precisely the the trustees of the Lloyd George was for the sum of £4,000 so I kind of constituency which the Fund, followed, but proved fruit- kind of fear his business is not in a very Liberals needed to capture if less. Overwhelmed by a rash of constitu- flourishing state.18 they were to make any real head- insistent appeals and an array of way in 1929. A new element of begging letters, the St Davids ency which Reluctantly, Viscount St Dav- uncertainty was provided in that Committee felt unable to accede ids approved a loan to Halse of election by the nomination of a to such requests.16 the Liber- £2,000 – ‘though I hate doing Labour candidate for the first time Some days later Halse, still so’ – and a cheque was promptly ever in the history of the division the victim of substantial outgo- als needed despatched.19 ‘This means a very – Alderman F. Rose Davies of ings, now appealed for a loan of to capture great relief to me’, responded a far-distant Aberdare in the south £2,000, offering to repay £1,000 ‘very grateful’ Halse, ‘& I will Wales valleys, a person who had within three months of the date if they were repay it earlier than six months no previous connection what- of the election, and the remaining if I can conveniently do so. I am ever with Honiton. It is evident £1,000 within six months. He to make glad to say that in spite of the that the Liberal Party looked to outlined his case in very reason- intervention of a Labour Candi- Devon and Cornwall as the scene able, compelling terms: any real date we have great hopes of win- of an array of potential victories headway in ning this seat for Liberalism for in May 1929.12 It earmarked eight As you are aware during the last the first time in the history of the divisions in the counties as likely three elections I have paid about 1929. Division.’20 Liberal gains: Barnstaple, Honiton, £1300 / £1500 towards my elec- A whole year later, how- South Molton, Tavistock, Bod- tion expenses & I need scarcely ever, none of the debt had been min, Camborne, North Cornwall, say that my campaigns have cost repaid, and the administrators of and Penrhyn and Falmouth. All me directly & indirectly a very the Lloyd George Fund pressed had Conservative majorities of great deal besides this. This seat Halse to make repayment.21 It less than 2,800; all except Honi- has never in its history returned a would seem that, as Halse had ton had been held by the Liberals Liberal and the fact that it is now failed to capture Honiton for the previously.13 Honiton contained a looked on as a seat that should Liberal Party in May 1929, the substantial agricultural vote: at the be won at the forthcoming elec- Fund’s trustees were unprepared time of the 1921 census 35.2 per tion will I think be agreed by to write off the loan. A somewhat cent of its occupied male popula- everyone is almost entirely due embarrassed Halse – ‘during the tion was engaged in agriculture.14 to my personal efforts and sac- last nine months the grain trade Yet, at the end of the day, Sir Clive rifices these last four years. I do has been extremely depressed and Morrison-Bell, the beneficiary of hope therefore that you will be this has made things very difficult a substantial personal vote and a able to kindly arrange for the for me’ – offered to commence thoroughly overhauled county loan I have asked for. repayments in instalments begin- Conservative organisation, was ning in August.22 In August, he re-elected with a majority of He even offered to travel to Lon- wrote again: 1,558 votes (4.4 per cent). Labour don for a meeting with Sir John ‘intervention’ had not deter- Davies, one of the trustees and Unfortunately since you were mined the outcome of the poll, administrators of the Fund, to kind enough to lend me the for Mrs Rose Davies polled only make out his case, although he money the grain trade has been 915 votes (2.6 per cent) and easily was naturally reluctant to do so – exceedingly depressed, in fact forfeited her deposit. ‘I want to put in all the time I can I suppose worse in many ways The official Return of Elec- in work in the constituency’.17 than for 30 years and as a conse- tion Expenses for 1929 revealed Colonel Tweed, on reflection, quence my previous losses have that Morrison-Bell had incurred agreed to support Halse’s request been added to. I am glad to say total expenses of £1031, Halse for a loan: things are now beginning to £721 and Mrs Davies just £185.15 turn round a little and I quite Halse’s expenditure was in addi- I think Halse’s promise to repay hope that the next few months tion to his expenses of £686 in can be relied upon – he is a very will show a substantial improve- 1922, £931 in 1923 and £980 in decent sort of person – and I ment in my position, but I am 1924. Small wonder, therefore, understand that the reason for afraid for a time things will be that at the height of the 1929 his financial stringency is due very difficult. general election campaign he had to the fact that he has a lot of appealed earnestly to Sir Herbert bills owing to him by farmers He offered to repay £250 every Samuel, as chairman of the Liberal (Halse is a Corn Merchant) in other month until £1,000 was

 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 honiton, dumfriesshire and the lloyd george fund repaid and then to make every had acted as special correspond- the election campaign had come effort to repay quickly the second ent to The Times in the 1912 Bal- to hand and been evaluated, Dr £1,000. This offer was accepted, kan War. Hunter wrote a lengthy letter to and there are no other references As its candidate in this key, Sir John Davies. He explained the to the matter in the Lloyd George highly marginal constituency and background to his selection as can- Papers.23 But it is clear that the natural Liberal territory, the party didate and the pressure placed on trustees and administrators of the had chosen Dr Joseph Hunter, him by Lloyd George to continue Lloyd George Fund continued a medical man who was excep- as candidate although at the time to badger the beleaguered Halse tionally well known locally as the he was serving as Director of the to repay the loan a full fifteen long-serving medical officer of party’s Campaign Department: months after the date of the elec- health for Dumfries from 1902 tion in spite of his straightened until 1926 and as physician to the When Mr Lloyd George asked circumstances. ‘We are very badly Dumfries and Galloway Royal me to become a member of in need of funds at the moment’, Infirmary.28 In 1927 he had taken his Political Staff, he expressed J. T. Davies had written to the up a new post as Director of the a desire that I should be the unfortunate Halse (who was, in Liberal Campaign Department candidate here and although I the event, to contest the Honiton centrally, a pivotal position during found it difficult to combine division yet again in 1931) at the the run-up to the 1929 general the duties of Director of the end of June.24 election campaign when he was Campaign Department with one of the party’s national organ- the responsibilities of a distant isers. His 1929 election address constituency, and asked that I Dumfriesshire bore the bold slogan ‘Vote for the might be relieved of the latter, he The Dumfriesshire constituency Doctor, the Man you Know’, and instructed me to persevere with in the south-west of Scotland was ‘The dif- carried an endorsement from Sir the candidature as he was most usually held by the Liberals, but it Herbert Samuel who had spoken anxious that the seat should be also contained a substantial Con- ficulties on Hunter’s behalf at Dumfries won. At the 1924 Election the servative minority. It was won by on 29 April 1929: Liberal vote had gone down to Liberal Unionist candidates in facing a 8000 and only exceeded that of 1886, 1892 and 1900 and a Coa- There is no man who has done Labour by a comparatively small lition Conservative in 1918. It Liberal more to promote the complete margin, while a Conservative reverted to the Liberals in 1922 candidate & lasting reunion of the Liberal member had been returned with and 1923, but in the Conservative Party. Dr Hunter has made great a majority of more than 4000. landslide of 1924 fell to the Tories were thus financial & personal sacrifices to The difficulties facing a Liberal by a majority of 4,246 votes (15.4 devote himself to political life. I candidate were thus very formi- per cent). At the beginning of very for- hope the people of Dumfries- dable and it was thought rightly the twentieth century 25.2 per shire will recognise the value of or wrongly that I was the only cent of its occupied male popu- midable these sacrifices & that devotion Liberal who would have a chance lation was engaged in farming, and it was & will give him a full measure of of success in what was consid- and a further 16.4 per cent was support at the Election.29 ered a key constituency. As you employed as farm servants and thought are aware the result exceeded all shepherds.25 By 1921, 31.1 per The official Return of Election expectations. The Liberal Vote cent was still engaged in agricul- rightly or Expenses for 1929 revealed that was doubled at the Election and ture.26 Like Honiton, it was pre- Dr Hunter had spent a total of the adverse majority of 4000 was cisely the kind of constituency wrongly £1106 (£5 in fact in excess of the turned into a majority in my which the Liberal Party desper- that I was prescribed legal limit), Charteris favour of over 3,000. ately needed to recapture in the £1061 and W. H. Marwick, the political circumstances of 1929. the only Labour candidate, £415.30 On Referring to the ‘continued The party had held nine Scottish this occasion, however, the outlay strenuous effort’ which he had seats in the 1924–29 parliament, Liberal who was justified as the Liberals com- made in the constituency, he and set as its target a recapturing fortably recaptured Dumfriesshire went on: of nine further divisions, eight would have by 3,190 votes (8.9 per cent), a from the Conservatives and one a chance of spectacular achievement after a The constituency had become (Stirling and Clackmannan) from keenly contested three-cornered semi-derelict and you will Labour.27 The defending Con- success in contest. Of the thirty-two new remember that when Mr Lloyd servative MP at Dumfriesshire, constituencies captured by the George decided that I must go Brigadier General John Char- what was Liberals in May 1929 from one of on with the fight, I explained teris, had seen extensive service in the other parties, the majority at the position to you and received India as a member of the Royal considered Dumfriesshire was the third most your kind promise of financial Engineers from 1896, had been a key con- substantial. help. I carried out a complete head of the Intelligence Depart- The following August, when process of reorganisation in what ment during the Great War, and stituency.’ all the bills in connection with is a very widely scattered area

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06  honiton, dumfriesshire and the lloyd george fund

– formed committees in every Lloyd George to make his Fund but this move, apparently, came parish – held a continuous series available in toto to the Liberal to nothing. In the following year, of meetings since 1928 and dis- Party, but these were, predictably, both Lord St Davids and Sir John tributed literature to practically decisively repelled. ‘How can you Davies died within three days of every home in addition to a get people to subscribe’, asked a one another, and the Fund then complete application of the Sur- frustrated Vivian Phillipps, ‘when ran to about £470,000.35 vey Scheme. This necessitated they think that Ll.G. has got all In 1939, reflecting on the the employment of a man and that money – and that it really sources of the income enjoyed by woman organiser and the use of belongs to the [Liberal] Party?’34 the other political parties, Lloyd a motor car every day. From the But Lloyd George was resolutely George claimed that his Fund beginning of April till the Elec- determined that the Asquithians was ‘the only clean political fund tion day, I myself travelled 3000 were not to get their hands on his existing today’,36 on the grounds miles and addressed 150 meet- personal treasure chest. that it was not attached to a par- ings. This all involved expense After the political and consti- ticular political party, but was to an extent that I am unable to tutional crisis of the summer of rather devoted to certain politi- bear personally and the money 1931, which brought about the cal ends. By the time of Lloyd has actually been paid up to date formation of the National Gov- George’s death in the spring of by my agents who are solicitors ernment, Lloyd George went his 1945, the Fund had been severely and members of a firm which own way, leading a tiny rump of depleted. The executors of his has acted as political agents here just four independent Liberal will requested details of the Fund, since 1832. I shall be greatly MPs, all members of his own fam- which then stood in the name obliged if you will ask Lord St ily circle, in the House of Com- of his second son Gwilym Lloyd Davids if he can give me a grant mons. He consciously distanced George, but were refused details to cover the expenses. The Con- himself from the mainstream by the bank on the grounds that servative organisation in Dum- group of Liberal MPs, now led the Fund did not constitute part friesshire is considered to be by Herbert Samuel, and changed of Lloyd George’s estate. The the best in Britain and without the official name of the Fund Inland Revenue appears to have spending money it would have from ‘National Liberal Political accepted without haggling that been impossible to counter it. Fund’ to ‘Lloyd George Political the Fund was not Lloyd George’s I am satisfied after going over Fund’. He laid down that grants In 1939, personal property, but a trust. every account that the expendi- should henceforth be made from reflect- Thereafter the fate of the Fund ture was justifiable. the Fund for ‘political purposes is shrouded in some uncertainty. which would advance Liberalism ing on the It certainly remained in exist- Claiming that the cost of the in this country’. ence after Lloyd George’s death, campaign, inclusive of the cost of Lloyd George was soon to sources of beyond the control or reach of the the use of a motor car, amounted devote his energies to launch- struggling post-war Liberal Party, to £1050, he appealed for finan- ing his ‘New Deal’ proposals and the income but it was very depleted by this cial assistance.31 A cheque for this his non-party Council of Action enjoyed by time. To some extent, rumours amount was immediately des- for Peace and Reconstruction of its continued existence poi- patched to Hunter, clearly as an which he set up in 1934. Much the other soned relations within the Liberal outright donation, and was grate- of the Lloyd George Fund must Party during the late 1940s and fully received.32 The fact that he have been given over to these political throughout the 1950s – the party’s had won the seat probably meant initiatives. Much must have been doldrums period – when it was that, unlike the unfortunate Halse, used, too, to run his London parties, often felt that it might be quar- he was not required to reimburse office, with its extensive staff of Lloyd ried to bail out the party. Some the Lloyd George Fund. (often about twenty) secretar- potential donors were reluctant to ies, researchers and assistants, and George contribute to party funds as they which cost him about £20,000 a argued that the infamous Fund The Lloyd George Fund after year to maintain. This activity was claimed should be used up before they 1929 organised by his Principal Private dipped into their own pockets After the 1929 general election, Secretary A. J. Sylvester. Consid- that his to assist the ailing party. It never it was estimated in a letter from erable resources were expended Fund was became the preserve of the post- Lord St Davids to Sir Herbert during the long 1930s, too, on the war Liberal Party. Indeed, for nigh Samuel, dated 9 July 1929, that the researching and drafting of the ‘the only on forty years the existence of the Fund then stood at just £765,000, mammoth War Memoirs, a formi- Lloyd George Fund had caused together with some 279,000 ordi- dable undertaking. In 1937, Lloyd clean polit- much debate and anxiety within nary shares in the Daily Chronicle. George sought to appoint Dr the ranks of the Liberal Party. In At that time, it yielded an annual Christopher Addison (an old ally, ical fund the exaggerated language of Mr income of about £30,000.33 After by now a member of the Labour existing Frank Owen, ‘This Fund was the the election was over, attempts Party) and his daughter Megan as tragedy of Liberalism in Britain. It were again made to persuade additional trustees of the Fund, today’. was the political tragedy of Lloyd

10 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 honiton, dumfriesshire and the lloyd george fund George. In part, perhaps, it was a Indeed, See also ibid., f. 56, Halse to Sir John 30 Cmd. 114, PP 1929–30, Vol. XXIV, p. tragedy for Britain.’37 Davies, 25 May 1929. 845. 20 Ibid., ff. 57–58, Halse to Sir John 31 NLW MS 22,532E, ff. 40–44, Dr for nigh on Davies, 25 May 1929. Joseph Hunter to Sir John Davies, 2 Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archi- 21 Ibid., f. 59, J. T. Davies to Halse, 26 August 1929. vist and Head of the Welsh Political forty years May 1929 (‘Private’) (copy). 32 Ibid., ff. 45–50, letters, 7–19 August Archive at the National Library of 22 Ibid., ff. 60–61, Halse to Sir John 1929. Wales, Aberystwyth. the exist- Davies, 3 June 1930. 33 See Frank Owen, Tempestuous Journey: 23 Ibid., ff. 64–65, Halse to Sir John Dav- Lloyd George, his Life and Times (Lon- ence of ies, 4 August 1930; ibid., J. T. Davies to don, 1954), p. 689. 1 There is much valuable material Halse, 2 September 1930 (‘Personal & 34 British Library, Viscount Gladstone on the Lloyd George Fund in John Confidential’) (copy). Papers, Vivian Phillipps to Gladstone, Campbell, Lloyd George: the Goat in the Lloyd 24 Ibid., f. 63, Davies to Halse, 23 June 26 July 1929. the Wilderness (London, 1977), Roy 1930 (copy). 35 Owen, Tempestuous Journey, pp. 691– Douglas, The History of the Liberal George 25 Pelling, Social Geography, p. 398, table 93. Party, 1895–1970 (London, 1971) 48. 36 Parliamentary Archive, House of and Trevor Wilson, The Downfall of Fund had 26 Kinnear, The British Voter, p. 119: ‘The Lords, Lloyd George Papers G/3/7/2, the Liberal Party, 1914–1935 (Lon- Agricultural Vote in 1921’. Frances Stevenson to W. S. Belcher don, 1966). For a most helpful, brief caused 27 Manchester Guardian, 7 May 1929: ‘An (amended by Lloyd George), 16 Feb- overview of the Liberal Party dur- electoral survey’. ruary 1939. ing these years, see also Paul Adel- much 28 The Times, 1 June 1929. 37 Owen, Tempestuous Journey, p. 707. man, The Decline of the Liberal Party, 29 Election address of Dr Joseph Hunter, 1910–1931, 2nd ed. (London and New debate and May 1929. York), 1995. Useful also are Barbara Bliss, ‘The Lloyd George Fund’, New anxiety Outlook, November 1966, and Chris Cook, ‘Lloyd George’s last great bat- within the tle’, ibid., May 1970. 2 Bodleian Library, Oxford, Asquith ranks of Papers, Viscount Gladstone to Asquith, 1 August 1924. the Liberal 3 See Chris Cook, The Age of Alignment: Electoral Politics in Britain, 1922–1929 Party. letters (London, 1975), pp. 43–45. 4 See Sir Ivor Jennings, Party Politics, Vol. 2 (London, 1965), p. 265. Bribery and Berwick to know that I have taken such 5 The Times, 16 February 1927. Bribery may not have affected precautions and securities as will 6 Wilson, Downfall, p. 345. the political allegiance of many prevent the possibility of any like 7 Michael Kinnear, The British Voter: result on the present occasion. an Atlas and Survey since 1885, 2nd ed. Victorian voters (‘Berwick- (London, 1981), p. 46. upon-Tweed: A Venal Borough?’, 8 Henry Pelling, Social Geography of Brit- Journal 48, autumn 2005) but it Whether such determination to ish Elections, 1885–1910 (London, 1967), could upset people. In Berwick be honest this time – or his past p. 164, table 14. Only Totnes or Devon in 1857 a much respected Dis- record of venality – was the rea- South, with an average of 61.3 per son, Forster, one of three Liberal cent, came close to this figure. senter clergyman, Rev John 9 For these voting figures, see F. W. S. Cairns, who became a national candidates for the two-member Craig (comp.), British Parliamentary leader of the United Presbyteri- seat, came bottom of the poll, Election Results, 1885–1918 (London, ans, wrote to one of the Liberal beaten even by a bribing Tory. 1974), p. 257. candidates, Matthew Forster, Willis Pickard 10 Pelling, Social Geography, p. 172. 11 Election address of J. G. H. Halse, saying that he could not support October 1924. him because he had been turned 12 Manchester Guardian, 1 May 1929. out of Parliament for bribery Death duties in 1894 13 Ibid. five years previously (Alexan- A small correction, if I may. In his 14 Kinnear, The British Voter, p. 119: ‘The der MacEwen, Life and Letters of review of Harcourt and Son (Jour- Agricultural Vote in 1921’. nal 48), Martin Pugh incorrectly 15 Cmd. 114, PP 1929–30, Vol. XXIV, p. John Cairns, DD, LLD (London, 755. 1895)). Forster wrote to Cairns: states that in the 1894 budget the 16 National Library of Wales (hereafter graduated scale of death duties NLW) MS 22,532E, f. 51, Colonel I am grieved at the loss of a sup- peaked at six per cent on estates T. F. Tweed to Halse, 30 April 1929. porter of whom I have always of a million pounds. The correct 17 Ibid., ff. 53–53, Halse to Tweed, 11 figure is eight per cent, Harcourt May 1929. been so proud, but I thank you 18 Ibid., f. 54, memorandum from Tweed for the frank and kind terms in having abandoned a proposed to Sir John Davies, 16 May 1929. which you notify that loss. If top rate of ten per cent after rep- 19 Ibid., f. 55, Viscount St Davids to J. T. you knew all the circumstances resentations from Rosebery (p. Davids, 22 May 1929. He went on, attending the decision to which 253). Professor Pugh criticises a ‘Please ask Miss Pitt not to put “very ‘remarkably brief treatment’ of secret” outside envelopes to me. I am you allude, I think the conclu- sure it must whet the curiosity of sion you have come to would the budget, but I do at least try to local post-masters, and add materially have been a little more merci- get my facts right! to the risk of a letter being opened’. ful. But it may be a satisfaction Patrick Jackson

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 11 The Slow Death of Liberal Wales by Dr Russell Deacon 1906 – 1979

12 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 The Slow Death of Liberal Wales 1906 – 1979

any parts of the this record to be fully reversed; by we see in their places under the United King- the general election of May 1979 guidance so generously provided dom can claim there was not one seat in Wales by the Principality of Wales.2 a strong Liberal which the party could claim had heritage. In some been held continuously since In the late 1940s and 1950s the Mareas such as the West Country, that great Edwardian landslide. Welsh Liberal MPs were so Liverpool and Scotland, Liberal- Although the same was also true closely tied up with keeping the ism once dominated, then disap- for the Liberals of both Scotland national party alive that there was peared rapidly but has since come and England, Liberal strength in little time for any clear distinc- back in sizeable strength. The case Wales was much stronger and the tions between the development of Wales is somewhat different. process of attrition in Wales much The case of Liberalism in Wales and that Liberalism survived here in con- slower than anywhere else. Table of Wales is occurring elsewhere. Yet at the siderable vigour for several dec- 1 shows that Liberal strength in same time in Wales Liberalism ades after it had almost vanished Wales was far in excess of any somewhat was rapidly fading, in part aided elsewhere in Britain; in a number other region of the United King- by the fact that its MPs were also of Welsh constituencies it pro- dom in 1906. It was the only part different. having to dedicate so much time vided post-war British Liberalism of the UK to hold a significant to ensuring the survival of the with some of its best opportu- Liberal presence in the post-war Liberalism national party. nities for recovery. In the event, election of 1945 right up until survived however, there was no significant the 1959 general election. revival, and this article therefore Without the Welsh Liberal here in The strength of Welsh looks at the main reasons behind presence of the immediate post- Liberalism what can justly be described as war era it is difficult to see how consider- The Welsh historian K.O. Mor- ‘the slow death of Liberal Wales’. the wider Liberal Party in Brit- gan noted of Liberalism in Wales ain could have survived. On 7 able vigour between 1880–1914 that it ‘per- March 1950, a former Liberal MP for several meated Welsh life at every point How Liberal was Wales? acknowledged Welsh Liberal- during this period. Every major In 1906 the Welsh Liberals ism’s importance in the House of decades transformation in Welsh life owed achieved an electoral feat in Wales Commons; Winston Churchill, in something to it.’3 As we noted at that had never been seen before replying to the Liberals upon an after it the start the ultimate evidence and has never been seen since. issue of policy, said: of Welsh Liberal domination Thirty-three of Wales’s thirty-four had almost occurred in 1906 when the Welsh parliamentary seats were taken by I must guard myself carefully vanished Liberals gained a massive 97 per MPs who took the Liberal Whip against any suggestion of uttering cent of all Welsh parliamentary in Parliament.1 The Liberals had what are called blandishments to elsewhere seats. From the opening up of the MPs in every constituency in the nine representatives of the franchise via the Electoral Reform Wales. It took seven decades for Liberal Party, most of whom in Britain. Acts of the nineteenth century,

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 13 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

Table 1: Percentage of Liberal seats held by region in the general elections nity and subsequently a perma- of 1906, 1945 and 1959 nent split.

1906 1945 1959 County of London 64 0 0 Who were Welsh Liberals? From the late 1880s onwards Rest of the South of England 69 1.6 0.5 Welsh Liberal parliamentary rep- North of England 66 1.1 1.2 resentation consisted of mainly Midlands 67 0 0 Welsh-born non-public-school- Wales 97 17 8 educated men drawn either Scotland 82 0 1.4 from the legal profession or from business. They were also mainly Northern Ireland 16 0 0 nonconformist in religion and University 0 14* n/a had become considerably more * University of Wales seat nationalist in outlook than their Source: David Butler and Gareth Butler, Twentieth-Century British Political Facts 1900–2000 predecessors.7 After the Second (Macmillan 2000), pp. 240–41 World War, Welsh Liberal MPs were to come predominantly Welsh Liberalism had developed Lloyd George’s People’s Budget, from backgrounds connected to cover virtually every shade of the exemption of working men’s with the legal world. Although political opinion present in Wales. clubs from Sunday closing laws the most famous Welsh Liberal Stuart Rendel, the first Chair of and the repeal of the anti-trade MP David Lloyd George was a the newly formed ‘Welsh Parlia- union law. These all appealed to solicitor, Liberal MPs were nor- mentary Party’ in a speech on 28 those working-class voters who mally barristers-at-law. Of the June 1892 to his constituency at would later endorse Labour in nine Welsh Liberal MPs elected Newtown, defined the nature of such vast numbers. between 1945 and 1979 five were the Welsh Liberal MPs: Liberals were the friends of the barristers. Between 1951 and capitalists. For the politics of the 1974 only barristers-at-law repre- There is undoubtedly a Welsh businessmen there was the pro- sented all Welsh Liberalism in the Party, that Party is not made of capitalist and free-trade talk House of Commons. Many failed one pattern of man, any more of the Liberal industrialists of candidates also came from the than it is made up on men of one Cardiff, Newport and Swansea. same background, notably Mar- height, or one age; it has diverse ‘Capitalist’ Liberal MPs such as tin Thomas QC,8 Sir Alan Talfan elements which contribute to its shipping-line owner Sir W H Davies QC9 and Winston Rod- strength, aye and its unity. The Seager (Cardiff East), chemi- dick QC.10 Even today three of creation of a Welsh Party is an cal industrialist Sir Alfred Mond the five Welsh Liberal Democrat accomplished fact.’4 (Swansea West and later Car- peers are still barristers.11 marthenshire) and coal mine The reason why barristers Across Wales voters could see and railway owner David Davies dominated the Welsh party to that: (Montgomeryshire) helped gain such a large degree was that in a Liberals were Welsh nationalists. the anti-socialist vote. party that was always limited in The Liberals inspired the Welsh Whilst this ability to rep- funding and fundraising they had nationalist political group Cymru resent all people in Wales was their own resources.12 In addi- Fydd (The Wales To Be). It was maintained, the Welsh Liberal tion when it came to both get- supported by Tom Ellis and David hegemony could continue. The ting selected and the campaign Lloyd George, and for a time, glue that for a long time held the trail their court appearances had Welsh Liberals even referred to different Liberal strands together ensured that they were great themselves as the Welsh National concerned their opposition to public speakers. The downside Party in the House of Commons.5 what Welsh Liberal demonology of having MPs who were also They drew their massive politi- referred to as the ‘Unholy Trin- practising barristers was that their cal support from the very same ity’6 – the brewers (temperance) legal careers were built at the North, Mid- and West Wales con- the bishops (disestablishment of expense of their political work. stituencies that now elect mainly the church) and the squires (ten- The problem of the ‘part-time Plaid Cymru MPs. ant land reform). Another part of MPs’ became an issue which the Liberals were the friends of the the bond of unity was the issue political opposition was only too working classes (urban and rural). of free trade, of particular impor- happy to highlight at election For working-class political aspi- tance in the elections of 1906 time. This was particularly true rations the Liberals provided the and 1923. Free trade was, how- for Cardigan’s Roderic Bowen disestablishment of the church ever, a two-edged sword that in whose opponents always referred in Wales, agricultural reforms, 1931 also brought the party disu- to him as the part-time MP.

14 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

The causes of the slow political party in Wales.16 This December general election of death of Liberal Wales cosy relationship ended in the 1910 (see Table 3), and only in the Four main reasons can be identi- general election of January 1910, Merthyr Tydfil and Gower seats fied for the slow death of Liberal when the Lib-Labs became fully- were these losses not the result of Wales. fledged Labour candidates as a Lib-Labs transferring fully over result of the Miners’ Federation to the Labour Party. In Decem- 1) The end of the electoral pact with affiliating to the Labour Party. ber 1910 the Liberals still held as Labour In the elections of 1910, how- many seats as they had in 1900, The first major cause of Lib- ever, the legacy of the electoral and with the exception of Rad- eral seat losses started two dec- pact still held sway, and only a nor all had majorities of close to ades before Welsh Liberalism few seats, such as Gower, Swansea 10 per cent or more. Despite this reached its zenith. In 1885 the Town and Mid-Glamorgan, saw Liberal command of the Welsh first Labour/Liberal (Lib-Lab) direct Labour – Liberal contests political scene the seeds had candidate in the UK, William in the December 1910 election. been sown for Labour’s political Abraham (known as ‘Mabon’13), In these seats, with the excep- growth. Their growth was now to was elected in the Rhondda tion of the Gower, the Liberals be rapid and in the next decade constituency. Mabon, a miners’ secured substantial majorities over they would challenge the Liber- agent, was elected with a major- their Labour opponents. This was, als directly for the political domi- ity of 867 votes (12.6 per cent) however, to be the last election in nance of Wales. over the Liberal candidate Fre- which the pact or its legacy held derick Lewis Davies. Despite sway. By 1912, even in Merthyr 2) The First World War and the ina- Mabon taking the Liberal whip, Tydfil, where Lib-Labs had bility of Welsh Liberals to adjust to therefore not technically depriv- worked so well together, plans the competition from socialism ing the Liberals of a seat, he did were afoot to end the pact. As the The First World War had a provide the first clear example next election was on the horizon dramatic impact on Welsh Lib- of a candidate standing under the Merthyr Liberals abandoned eral fortunes. Many of the Lib- a Labour banner being able the unofficial electoral agreement eral pacifists and idealists left the to defeat a Liberal in a straight not to stand a candidate against party forever over issues related fight.14 His dominance of the Keir Hardie. to the war. Later on the party Rhondda was also aided by the The Welsh working-class tra- split between those who sup- fact that no Liberal candidate dition of voting Liberal aided ported Prime Minister David ever stood against Mabon after by the Liberals embracing some Lloyd George and those who his election in 1885 until his socialist ideals in welfare policy stayed with former Prime Min- death in 1922. enabled Liberalism to remain ister H. H. Asquith. Wales stayed The direct threat of the firmly in control of the electoral firmly in the Lloyd George camp, Labour Party to Welsh Liberal- situation prior to the First World due mainly to his own personal ism took a while arriving. In War (see Table 2). Only five seats dominance and background in 1900 there were just two direct were technically lost to Labour Welsh Liberalism. Such was Lloyd contests between Liberals and by the Liberals at the time of the George’s supremacy in Wales that the Independent Labour Party, in the Gower and in Merthyr Tyd- Table 2: The Welsh Liberals’ electoral record 1900–10 fil. Keir Hardie was elected in Merthyr Tydfil but John Hodge Election year Percentage of Welsh Percentage of votes Percentage of seats in the Gower did not gain seats won contested enough support even from his 1900* 77 53.4 97 own party during the election to 1906* 97 52.5 100 beat the Liberal candidate.15 For 1910 (Jan) 79 51.1 88 a while after this, direct com- petition between Liberals and 1910 (Dec) 76 47.6 91 Labour was kept to a minimum, * Includes Lib-Labs due to the secret pact negotiated between Herbert Gladstone, the Liberal Chief Whip, and Ram- Table 3: Liberal losses to Labour 1900–10 say MacDonald, Secretary of the Seat Year of Loss Reason Labour Representation Com- Merthyr Tydfil (first seat) 1900 Won by Independent Labour Candidate mittee. The co-operation between Glamorgan South 1910 (Jan) Lib-Lab became Labour Labour and Liberals had the ben- Glamorgan Rhondda 1910 (Jan) Lib-Lab became Labour efit for Labour of making them, Gower 1906 Won by Lib-Lab candidate over Liberal after 1906, the second largest Monmouthshire West 1910 (Jan) Lib-Lab became Labour

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 15 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979 when Asquith’s post-1924 general They moved on to syndicalism Whilst Liberalism in South election committee, chaired by and then to communism as their Wales was disappearing a new Sir Donald Maclean, went across ideology,20 something which generation of Welsh politicians Britain hearing complaints and Liberalism could never endorse. was emerging. Cymru Fydd22 gathering suggestions to restore With the electoral pacts over, the had produced a group of radi- Liberalism, its efforts to pen- 1918 ‘Coupon’ election saw the cal Welsh Liberal MPs of whom etrate Wales were rebuffed by Labour Party take almost a third Lloyd George was the most Lloyd George. Maclean was sim- of the seats in Wales, whilst the prominent. A generation later, ply informed that that the Welsh Coalition Liberals took just over young miners, railwaymen and could sort out their own house half. In the next general election steelworkers were studying at a without outside interference.17 (1922) the position was reversed, new centre of political change, Similarly, when Asquith lost his with Labour now holding more the Labour College (1919–28). own seat in 1924 and was offered than half the seats. Even when the They embraced the view of the the possibility of a safe seat in Liberals contested virtually every Welsh MP Keir Hardie, who Wales he declared to C.F.G. Mas- seat in Wales in 1929 they failed believed that the Celtic nations terman that ‘I’d sooner go to hell to gain more than a third of the of Britain ‘were peculiarly suited than Wales’.18 Welsh vote (see Table 4). to a socialist form of society’.23 Only a few Welsh MPs such as At the same time as Labour These new ‘Red Radicals’ cited Llewellyn Williams (Carmarthen was advancing electorally the the Welsh co-operative pioneer Boroughs) and David Davies Welsh Constituency Liberal Robert Owen and his disciple (Montgomery), who had fallen Associations, especially in the R. J. Derfel, the apostle of com- out with Lloyd George during industrial south, were collapsing munity socialism, as inspira- the war, did not follow him into entirely or at the best becoming tions to their own socialism.24 coalition with the Conservatives. inactive shadows of their former The radical Welsh Liberal MPs Others who had crossed Lloyd selves, as Liberal activists drifted such as Tom Ellis, David Lloyd George found themselves denied over to the Labour camp. As the George and Frank Edwards were the Coalition ‘Coupon’ during historian C.P. Cook noted:21 also seen as models for this new the general election of 1918. One breed of politicians.25 The new instance concerned the twin con- Many constituencies on the eve ‘Red Radicals’, including James stituencies of Arfon and Eifion, of the 1923 election presented a Griffiths,26 Idris Cox,27 Ness which were being merged into dismal sight: thus, in November Edwards,28 Aneurin Bevan29 and a single constituency of Caer- 1923 the Cardiff Liberals pos- Morgan Phillips,30 were to play nafonshire (county). The Arfon sessed no agent, no executive as important a part in shaping MP, Caradog Rees, stood down and no offices within the city. the Labour Party as Sir William allowing the Eifion MP Ellis W. At Merthyr, the Liberal organi- Harcourt, David Lloyd George Davies to be adopted as the new sation had collapsed; it was and Clement Davies did the Lib- Liberal candidate. Lloyd George, equally non-existent at New- eral Party. however, was totally opposed port. In Abertillery neither Lib- Initially these ‘Red Radicals’ to Davies and instead gave the eral nor Conservative had done in the Labour Party came from ‘Coupon’ to his supporter C.E. any propaganda work in the last outside the Liberal movement. Breeze. Davies consequently then twelve months. Likewise, noth- Over time, however, they were stood as an Independent Liberal ing had been heard of the Lib- to be joined by those who left and came third to Breeze with erals in the Bedwellty division; the Liberal movement itself. One Labour coming second.19 This although Bedwellty produced an of the first defections was that Lloyd George-inspired bitterness eleventh-hour Liberal in 1923, of the Liberal radical nationalist continued to lead to internal Lib- none had appeared in the con- MP of pre-war years, E.T. John eral party feuds in Wales, includ- stituency before then. (East Denbighshire). John was a ing the infamous Cardigan 1921 by-election where Liberal fought Table 4: The Welsh Liberals’ electoral record 1918–29 Liberal as the only candidates in Election year Percentage of Welsh Percentage of votes Percentage of seats the contest. seats won contested The advance of socialism, 1918 (Coalition) 53 39.3 61 however, proved in the short term to be a greater threat to 1918 (Liberals) 6 9.7 25 Liberals in industrial Wales than 1922 (Coalition) 25 26.7 58 disunity within their own ranks. 1922 (Liberals) 6 7.6 33 The miners’ trade union lead- 1923 Liberals* 33 36.9 89 ers distanced themselves from 1924 Liberals 31 31.1 69 the Lib-Lab party of Mabon 1929 Liberals 27 33.6 97 with its close links to Liberalism. * Includes one Independent Liberal win in Ceredigion

16 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

Table 5: Liberal losses to socialism and the consequences of the break-up of coalition government

Seat Year of Loss Seat Year of Loss Aberavon 1922 Llanelli 1922 Aberdare 1918 Merthyr Tydfil 1922 Abertillery 1918 Neath 1922 Anglesey 1918 (1) Newport 1922 (by-election) Bedwellte 1918 Pontypool 1918 Caerphilly 1918 Pontypridd 1922 (byelection) Carnarfonshire 1922 (2) Swansea East 1922 Ebbw Vale 1918 Wrexham (3) 1922

(1) Regained by the Liberals 1923 – 1951 (2) Regained by the Liberals 1923 – 1945 (3) Regained by the Liberals 1924 – 1929, 1931 – 1935

­passionate Liberal Welsh nation- unseat the King, to destroy the with ‘peevish resentment’. Lib- alist who then became a Labour family, to deny individuals their erals are expected to be the oxen Welsh nationalist – the prototype freedom, and to expel God from to drag Labour over the rough for the Labour Welsh nationalist his creation and His Son from roads of Parliament for two or candidates whom a generation the life of humanity.32 three years, and at the end of later would defeat the North West the journey, when there is no Wales Liberal MPs. Even up until the mid 1960s further use of us, we are to be A generation on from E.T. many remaining Welsh Liberals slaughtered.35 John one of these Labour- continued to regard ‘Socialism as defeated Liberal MPs in turn akin to Satanism’.33 Sir Alfred Mond wrote to Lloyd defected to the Labour Party, The Liberals failed to com- George in 1923 that Labour was in what was perhaps the most pete with the radical and revolu- coming to regard the South Wales damaging blow ever to occur to tionary appeal of Labour had to coalfields as ‘the Eldorado of their North Wales Liberal fortunes. the working classes. Many of the Utopian hopes’.36 Lloyd George’s On 26 April 1955, amongst much working-class voters in South attempts deal with socialism was publicity, Megan Lloyd George and North Wales had come to try to radicalise Liberal policy announced her conversion to the in from England and had lit- through his rural and industrial Labour Party. Megan had always tle connection with the Chapel polices, the Yellow and Green insisted she was a ‘radical’. She, or much sympathy for Welsh Books. This did not, however, together with her fellow Welsh nationalism and its aspirations. result in success at the ballot box radical, Emrys Roberts, and every Whilst Liberalism offered incre- and only succeeded in driving Sir other Parliamentary Liberal radi- mental change, Labour offered Alfred Mond (Carmarthen) and cal, had lost their seats by 1951. As the revolutionary quick fix. The other anti-socialist elements of the electorate no longer seemed miners and steelworkers were his own Welsh party directly into ready to endorse any Liberal radi- in the mood for a revolutionary the arms of the Conservatives or, cal MP for a place at Westmin- change, which their leaders saw later on, to the National Liberals. ster, for Megan and some other as taking place either through The legacy of the First World Liberal radicals, joining Labour Communist revolution or at War, the rise of socialism and the was no longer a problem. She the very least the Labour Party. collapse of the coalition govern- declared that: ‘in the changed At the same time Labour built ment helped the Liberals lose a situation of today it is only in the up its campaigning presence in massive sixteen seats in Wales (see Labour Party that I can be true to all Welsh constituencies.34 As a Table 5). The Labour leader James the radical position’.31 result the working-class vote was Ramsay MacDonald’s victory in With the Welsh Liberal radicals increasingly sucked into Labour’s Aberavon in 1922 was symbolic removed, the Welsh Liberal Party grasp. Even knowing how to of the passing of South Wales from came under the control of those behave with their former politi- Liberal into Labour hands. Here who had little time for socialism. cal allies was a dilemma for Welsh he pushed the Coalition Liberals, The Reverend W.F. Phillips, part Liberals. On 22 April 1924, Lloyd who had previously held the seat, of Liberal nonconformity, had George summed up the dilemma into third place behind the Con- summed up their thoughts about to his Caernafonshire constitu- servatives. Whilst some of those Labour and socialism in 1913: ents when he said: seats lost in 1922, such as Angle- sey, Carnarfonshire and Swansea What is Socialism? Socialism is If we dare to criticise the Labour East, were regained again, most a social revolution which is to Government then we are visited were not.

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 17 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

3) The splits within the Liberal Party Nationals first, and all the Whig- only to reunite with him again and the failure of the Welsh party gish element afterwards, and the but too late for his reselection machine sooner they go the better.38 in the 1935 general election; the After the impact of the Labour Conservatives then won the seat. Party on Liberal electoral for- Both the Flintshire Liberals and Lewis Jones stayed at Westminster tunes, continued and new splits other North Wales Liberal Exec- for another decade, but in 1945 within the Liberal Party were to utives, such as Denbighshire, he lost his Swansea West seat and help remove a substantial number refused to endorse the Liberal failed to regain it in 1950. Jones of the Liberals’ remaining seats. National candidates. Apart from therefore became the last ‘Lib- The first major divide, between the fall in the number of con- eral’ MP for a seat in South Wales Asquithian and Lloyd Georgite tested seats, however, the civil war until Jenny Willot gained Cardiff Liberals, did not cause much of of the 1931 general election had Central in the May 2005 general a problem in Wales, and ended no immediate impact; there were election. in 1923.37 Eight years later a no Liberal National – Liberal Clashes between Liberals and new civil war, with more severe contests in Wales. In 1935, how- Liberal Nationals proved to be repercussions, broke out, as the ever, splits opened up in Welsh the most destructive for the post- 1929–31 MacDonald Labour Liberalism which would never be war Liberal Party in Denbigh. government broke up over the healed. One example was in Den- As noted earlier, Morris-Jones problems caused by the Great bigh where the Liberal National beat the Liberal candidate by Depression. The problems of Dr J.H. Morris Jones wrote of the 5043 votes in 1935, as the Con- whether to support socialism or selection: servative vote went directly to seek to defeat it split the right of him – an outcome which was the Liberal Party from the left in The Liberal feud in Denbigh repeated in 1945, when Morris- Wales and elsewhere. In Septem- intensified … After a boister- Jones beat the Liberal candidate ber 1931, Sir John Simon left the ous two hours’ meeting my After the E.H. Garner Evans into second party with nineteen other right- friend (former Denbigh Coali- place. At the next election Gar- wing Liberals. A further split tion Liberal MP John Cledwyn impact of ner Evans himself defected to the between Lloyd George and the (J.C) Davies) was adopted as Liberal Nationals and Conserva- remaining Liberals who followed the Liberal candidate by sixty- the Labour tives and beat the Liberal Glyn Sir Herbert Samuel, led to three six against forty-two. When the Party on Tegai Hughes by just 1209 votes Liberal factions fighting the 1931 atmosphere had become a little (2.7 per cent). This close contest general election, though in Wales calmer, I said: ‘The vote has gone Liberal made Denbigh the only National all the Liberal factions combined against me in this room. I shall Liberal40 – Liberal marginal seat only fought 20 of the 36 seats now appeal to the electors.’ All electoral in the country. Right up until (they had fought 35 as a com- my forty-two supporters, includ- the general election of 1959 the bined party in 1929). ing the Chairman, my agent, Mr fortunes, National Liberal and Conserva- Across Wales the splits between Sydney Watkins, and other offic- contin- tive candidate in Denbigh was the Simonities, who now stood as ers remained behind. We formed able to take enough Liberal votes Liberal Nationals, and the Samu- ourselves into an Election Com- ued and to ensure that they could not elites, who stood as Liberals, was mittee. The fight was on. The reclaim their former seat. Until its to cause havoc in the Liberal Conservatives meeting the next new splits demise in the boundary changes Associations. The leading North day unanimously endorsed my of 1983 Denbigh remained the Wales Liberal and friend of Lloyd candidature.39 within the best example of the Welsh Liberal George, Thomas Waterhouse, Liberal phoenix refusing to rise from the stated that in Flintshire: Morris-Jones won his Denbigh ashes of North Wales Liberalism. seat with a 5043 (14.5 per cent) Party were There was to be one further We have too many Whigs left in majority over Davies. Three other footnote to the Liberal Nation- the Liberal Party. We want a radi- Welsh Liberal Nationals – Fred- to help als’ toll of Welsh Liberal seats. cal programme and to go forward erick Llewellyn-Jones (Flintshire), In 1945 Gwilym Lloyd George with courage. The great word Lewis Jones (Swansea West) and remove a (Pembroke) stood as a ‘Liberal ‘Liberal’ has been prostituted by Clement Davies (Montgomery- substantial National and Conservative’ and men like Sir John Simon with shire) – won their seats without did not leave the wartime coa- their ‘Liberal Nationals’. The Liberal opposition. Only Mont- number lition government, like his fel- Liberal Nationals were out to gomeryshire eventually returned low Liberal and Labour MPs. destroy the Liberal Party. Their to the Liberal fold. Flintshire was of the Although Gwilym continued intention at the next election is finally lost when the Liberal Party to receive copies of the Lib- secured with Conservative votes. Constituency Executive fell out Liberals’ eral whip until 1946 and fought To-day we are fighting from with the popular incumbent MP remaining under the ‘Liberal and Conserva- within the party to Radicalise it Llewellyn-Jones over his deci- tive’ banner in 1950, with a great … we want rid of all the Liberal sion to join the Liberal Nationals, seats. emphasis on the ‘Liberal’ part of

18 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

Table 6: The Welsh Liberals’ electoral record 1935–50 of the Welsh seats; in 1964 this proportion went up to one third, Election year Percentage of Welsh Percentage of votes Percentage of seats but it fell back again in 1966 to seats won contested just over a quarter. In contrast to 1931 (Coalition) 11 6.9 11 the Liberals, in 1966, Labour and 1931 (Liberals) 11 14.6 31 the Conservatives were now con- 1931 (Lloyd George) 11 6.6 11 testing all Welsh seats, and even 1935 (Liberal National) 8.3 4.1 8.3 Plaid Cymru fought over half. 1935 (Liberals) 19.4 18.3 36 Such a poor record of electoral competition, combined with the 1945 (Liberals) 19.4 15.2 48 loss of Cardigan in the general 1945 (Liberal National) 8.3 4.8 11 election of 1966 and the failure 1950 (Liberals) 14 12.6 58 once again to regain Carmarthen 1950 (National Liberal 2.7 6.4 17 in the 1966 by-election, spurred and Conservative) the remaining Liberals to end the reign of the Welsh Federations, Table 7: Liberal losses to splits or defections within the party and they were united together under the federal Welsh Liberal Seat Year of Loss Reason Party banner in September 1966. University of Wales 1923 (1) Two Liberal factions split the vote – Labour wins the seat Although this did not end inter- Cardigan 1923 (2) Independent Liberal wins seat nal party differences, it did make Carmarthen 1926 (3) Liberal defects to Conservatives them considerably less public Pembroke 1945 Liberal defects to Liberal National and helped bring the number of Welsh Liberal candidates for the Denbigh 1931 Liberal National wins seat 1970 general election up to just Flint 1931 Liberal National wins seat over 50 per cent. Montgomery 1931 (4) Liberal National wins seat Swansea West 1931 Liberal National wins seat 4) The arrival of Plaid Cymru and Carmarthen 1957 Liberal defector to Labour wins seat the withering away of the remaining Welsh Liberals (1) Regained by Liberals 1924–50 In 1931 eight Welsh Liberal (2) Independent Liberal became Liberal 1924–66, 1974–92, 2005 – present (3) Regained by Liberals 1931–35, 1945–57 MPs (other than Liberal Nation- (4) Liberal National becomes Liberal 1942–79, 1983 – present als) remained. Four Samuelites were elected: R. T. Evans (Car- his nomination, he never again 1890s the South Wales Federation marthen), Rhys Hopkin Morris attended a Liberal parliamentary rejected the opportunity to unite (Cardigan), Ernest Evans (Uni- meeting.41 Another Welsh con- with the North Wales Federation versity of Wales) and H. Hadyn stituency had been lost to Welsh as one mass Welsh party under Jones (Meirionnydd). Of these Liberalism. In 1938 his father had Cymru Fydd. After this rejection seats, the University of Wales seat predicted that ‘Gwilym will go there was little trust between the was to stay with the Liberals until to the right and Megan to the two federations and although they its abolition in 1950. Carmarthen, left’,42 and just a few months after were nominally under the Welsh Meironnydd and eventually Car- his own death this prophecy was Liberal Council, and then the digan were to fall to Labour and beginning to come true. Liberal Party of Wales’ umbrella, later on to Plaid Cymru. The loss The Liberals lost nine seats in both went their separate ways on of seats in Carmarthen and Cardi- Wales as a direct result of splits matters of policy and campaign- gan was aided by the withdrawal within the party (see Table 7). ing. Both federations would issue of the Conservative agreement Although seats like Cardigan, contradictory statements and not to contest these seats, which Carmarthen, Montgomery and policies throughout their exist- channelled anti-socialist votes the University of Wales would ence, much to the frustration of back to the Conservatives. come back into the fold, the oth- Welsh Liberal MPs. The South The rise of Plaid Cymru posed ers would not. was also particularly reluctant to something of a puzzle to Welsh One additional factor involv- put forward candidates in elec- Liberals. In the late nineteenth ing divisions within the party tions, preferring instead to bide century the leading Welsh Lib- needs to be touched upon –the its time for the ‘right candidate or eral MP Henry Richard had seen divide between the North and right moment’ on which to spend Liberalism and Welsh national- South Wales Liberal Federa- its sparse resources.43 ism as going hand in hand. As tion which continued from their As a result of rivalries and poor K.O. Morgan noted: ‘To a marked foundation in the late 1880s to electoral ambitions, in 1959 the degree, Liberalism and national- their dissolution in 1966. In the Liberals contested under a quarter ism were fused, and in a real sense

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 19 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

Table 8: Welsh Liberal seats lost to Labour due to the ending of two-party more concern and they became contests which in turn fell to Plaid Cymru much more of a perceived threat to the Liberal vote. When Plaid Seat Year of loss Fell to Labour Fell to Plaid Cymru Cymru’s Gwynfor Evans con- Anglesey 1951 1951 (1) 1987 (2) tested Meirionnydd in 1945 Caernarfon Boroughs 1945 1945 1974 he gained 2448 votes (10.8 per Cardigan 1966 (3) 1959 1992 cent), more than twenty times the Carmarthen 1957 1957 1966 newly elected Liberal MP Emrys Roberts’ 112 (0.4 per cent) vote Merionnydd 1951 1951 1974 majority. At the time, Liberals (1) Fell to Conservatives in 1979 viewed Plaid Cymru’s votes as (2) Regained by Labour at Westminster in 2001 but held by Plaid Cymru in the Welsh Assembly coming straight off their own, and election of 2003 (3) Regained by Liberals 1974–92 and 2005 when Plaid failed to stand in seats it was felt that their vote would automatically go to the Liberals. Table 9 : In these seats Welsh Liberals lost due to the ending of two-party Welsh Liberals, after all, also had contests a pedigree as a ‘Welsh National- Seat Year of loss End of two-party contest or ist Party’ and were at the heart of unopposed seat Welsh political movements such Cardiff East 1922 1910 (January) as the Campaign for a Welsh Par- Swansea West 1923 (1) 1910 (December) liament. In 1951 Plaid Cymru did not stand in Meirionnydd but the Flint 1924 (2) 1924 Liberal MP Emrys Roberts still Brecon and Radnor 1924 (3) 1924 lost the seat to Labour. The Plaid Pembroke 1924 (4) 1923 vote went directly to Labour as Montgomeryshire 1979 (5) 1951 nationalist voters supported a (1) Regained by Liberals 1924–29, Liberal Nationals 1931–45 socialist Labour Party rather than (2) Regained by Liberals 1929–31, Liberal Nationals 1931–45 a nationalist Liberal Party. After (3) Regained by Liberals 1985–92, 1997 – present the election Jo Grimond wrote (4) Regained by Liberals 1929–50 to Emrys Roberts: ‘I thought that (5) Regained by Liberals 1983–present with no nationalist standing you were safe. It seems to have been Table 10: The Welsh Liberals’ electoral record 1951–79 a most cruel stroke that Labour should have gained the votes.’47 Election year Percentage of Percentage of Percentage of One Liberal member, however, seats won votes seats contested laid the blame for the defeat 1951 (Liberal National and 3 3.3 6 directly at the Liberal Party’s own Conservative) door: 1951 (Liberals) 8 7.7 25 1955 (Liberals) 8 7.3 27 It’s all very well blaming Plaid 1955 (Liberal National and 3 3.2 11 Cymru, but the truth is that Conservative) we have not kept our organisa- 1959 (Liberals) 6 5.3 22 tion in order. We did less work 1959 (Liberal National and 3 3 8.3 than any other parties between Conservative) elections and therefore a lot of 1964 (Liberals) 6 7.3 33 blame should be placed on the Liberals of Meirionnydd, myself 1966 (Liberals) 3 6.3 28 included.48 1970 (Liberals) 3 6.8 53 1974 (Liberals) [Feb] 6 16 86 The Liberals pulled themselves 1974 (Liberals) [Oct] 6 15.5 100 together in Meirionnydd and 1979 (Liberals) 3 10.6 78 for the next three elections were within a whisper of taking the the Liberals were the party of had followed for generations.45 seat from Labour. In the 1970 Wales and the reason for its grow- There were even some attempts general election Plaid Cymru’s ing national consciousness’.44 to form a Liberal – Plaid Cymru Dafydd Wigley took the second Liberals therefore felt initially alliance in the late 1950s and position, ahead of the Liberals, that Plaid Cymru was a benign 1960s.46 As Plaid contested more followed in 1974 by Dafydd Elis force, which followed the same seats in Welsh-speaking Wales Thomas taking the seat for Plaid course of the nationalism they their presence began to cause Cymru. The Liberal opportunity

20 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979 in Meironnydd disappeared for- tive challenge to Labour. In time Liberal and West. This was not to occur, ever with Thomas’s victory. all these seats were to fall to Plaid though Meirionnydd, Denbigh Ironically, it was events in Mei- Cymru.51 For a time there seemed Wales was and Wrexham frequently became ronnydd that were also to cost the a chance of regaining Conwy, near-misses at general elections. Liberals their seat in Cardigan. where the Welsh-speaking ‘Welsh important At the general election of 1966, Towards the end of 1964 Elys- Nationalist’ Liberal candidate, the with the loss of Cardigan, the tan Morgan, who had previously Reverend Roger Roberts, pulled to the Brit- Welsh Liberals were reduced to stood for Plaid Cymru, defected the Liberals firmly into second ish Liberal just one seat, Montgomeryshire. to the Labour Party. The Liber- position behind the Conserva- One effect of this, however, was als viewed his departure from tives between 1983 and 1992. In Party as an attempt, in September 1966, Merionnydd as an indication that the event, however, the seat was to revitalise the old Liberal Party Plaid would not stand at the next to fall to Labour at the general a whole of Wales. The feuding North and election, giving them a chance to election of 1997 and to Plaid South Wales Liberal Federations gain Plaid votes and retake the Cymru at the Assembly election because were dissolved and merged into seat.49 Plaid did find another can- of 1999, which ironically repeated for a long the Welsh Liberal Party. In the didate, however, and the defector the pattern of the Liberals’ fate in decades that followed the Welsh Morgan went instead to contest all their Welsh-speaking seats (see while it Liberals continued to fight des- Cardigan as the Labour candidate. Table 8). perately to save their party from Here the Liberal MP Roderic Another problem for Welsh repre- political annihilation. Then, in Bowen had fallen out with his Liberals was that their core vote 1974, the Liberals regained Cardi- parliamentary colleagues over was quickly weakened by multi- sented gan, their first successful electoral whether he should become the party competition; the greater the one of the fightback since 1945. In 1979, Speaker. He had been groom- competition the greater the dis- Montgomeryshire, the last Lib- ing himself for this position for solution of the Liberal vote. Some most solid eral seat to remain constantly in a number of years, which only Liberal seats fell as soon as they Liberal hands since 1906, fell to added to his constituency repu- were exposed to more than one bastions the Conservatives;52 once more tation as something of an ‘absen- other political party (see Tables the Liberals were reduced to just tee landlord’ MP; by 1964 he 8 and 9). Anglesey, for instance, of Liberal one seat, Cardigan. But they still had reduced the former Liberal was won by a 1081 (4.4 per cent) support. retained a foothold in Wales. stronghold to a Liberal – Labour majority in 1945; the 1950 elec- Welsh Liberalism had once marginal.50 Elystan Morgan was tion saw the intervention of the seemed indomitable, and indeed to remove Bowen from political Conservatives with the Liber- it was the only area of the United life for good by 523 votes (1.7 als still holding on, but the 1951 Kingdom where it was not totally per cent) in 1966. Although eight election saw a doubling of the extinguished in the twentieth years later the ‘Welsh Nationalist’ Conservative vote in the seat and century. Over the course of three- Liberal Geraint Howells was to its loss by the Liberals to Labour. quarters of a century, 1906–79, win the seat back from Labour it The pattern was repeated again the Welsh Liberals were squeezed was once again lost in 1992, this and again in Wales; Liberals did between the rising tides of social- time to Plaid Cymru. The seat not have enough loyal voters to ism in the form of Labour, Welsh remained a two-party competi- sustain them in three- or four- Nationalism in the form of Plaid tion between Plaid Cymru and party competitions. It was not Cymru and the varying fortunes the Liberal Democrats – the only until the 1970s that the Welsh of the Conservatives in Wales. such former Liberal seat in Welsh- Liberal vote began to rise again Internal feuds which took the speaking Wales to do so – and was (see Table 10). anti-socialist Liberals off into regained for Liberalism by Mark the National Liberals and Con- Williams in 2005. servatives further undermined Three other Liberal MPs held Conclusions the party. That it survived at all seats in Welsh-speaking Wales as Liberal Wales was important to was due partially to the ability of members of the Lloyd George the British Liberal Party as a Welsh Liberal barrister MPs, such ‘family group’ in 1931: David whole because for a long while as Alex Carlile, Clement Davies (Caernarfon Boroughs) Megan it represented one of the most and Emlyn Hooson personally (Anglesey) and Major Goronwy solid bastions of Liberal support. to support the Welsh party. It was Owen (Caernarfon), who had At various times it also helped also down to other politicians and married Gwilym’s sister-in-law. provide the party’s parliamentary Welsh party organisers, including Caernarfon Boroughs and Caer- leadership. Throughout the 1950s Geraint Howells, Martin Thomas, narfon were lost in 1945 and and 1960s, although the Liberals Roger Roberts and Richard Liv- Anglesey in 1951. In these seats, or had all but abandoned industrial sey, who were cultured in the val- their successor seats, within a dec- South Wales, there was the hope ues of Liberalism and did not seek ade of their loss the Liberals were that Liberal Wales would once another political party to fulfil no longer able to mount an effec- again return if only in the North their own aspirations.53 In turn

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 21 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979 they were able to pass the Liberal The Lib- Politics, 1890–1929, George Allen and 29 MP for Tredegar, founder of the baton on to a new generation of Unwin Ltd, 1971), p. 119. National Health Service and Mem- 8 Martin Thomas contested Wrexham ber of Attlee Government (1945–51), Liberal Democrat politicians who eral Wales five times. A founder of the Welsh hero of many Labour Socialists. have helped to stave off the threat Liberal Party in 1966, he held many 30 General Secretary of the Labour of imminent electoral extinction of Lloyd posts in the Welsh Liberal and Federal Party 1944–62. more effectively and, in 2005, to Liberal Party. He was ennobled Lord 31 Watkins, The Liberal Dilemma, p. 75. produce something of a mini- George Thomas of Gresford in 1996. 32 W.F. Phillips, Y Draig Goch Ynte’r Faner Liberal revival in the Westminster 9 Recorder at Crown Courts in Goch (Cardiff, 1913), p. 16. had indeed Merthyr, Swansea and Cardiff. He 33 Glyn Tegai Hughes, Lord Hooson 54 elections. was a passionate devolutionist and and Lord Thomas to author. The decline of Welsh fortunes faded but it served on the Kilibrandon Commis- 34 Parry, ‘Gwynedd Politics, 1900–1920: saw the leadership of the party sion which recommended a Parlia- The Rise of a Labour Party’. pass from Wales to Scotland in the took three- ment for Wales. He twice contested 35 Frank Owen, Tempestuous Jour- form of Jo Grimond, David Steel Carmarthen and then Denbigh, com- ney: Lloyd George His Life and Times quarters of ing second all three times. (Hutchinson, 1954), p. 678. and Charles Kennedy, and to the 10 Barrister and first Counsel-General 36 Morgan, Lloyd George, Family Letters West Country, in Jeremy Thorpe a century of the National Assembly for Wales, 1885–1936, p. 304. and Paddy Ashdown. This only contested Anglesey in 1970, led the 37 Only two Liberal seats were lost as highlighted the successful revival to do so, general election campaigns in Wales result of the two Liberal factions for the Welsh Liberals in 1974 and splitting the vote: the University of of Liberal fortunes outside Wales. 1979 and was a leading light in the Wales to Labour and Cardigan to an The Liberal Wales of Lloyd far slower Welsh Liberal Summer Schools. Independent Liberal. Both came back George had indeed faded but it 11 Lord Livsey and Lord Roberts being into the Liberal fold in 1923. took three-quarters of a century than any- the exceptions. 38 Sian Jones, ‘The Political Dynamics of to do so, far slower than anywhere 12 Lords Hooson and Thomas to author. North East Wales, with special refer- where else. 13 William Abraham adopted the bardic ence to the Liberal Party 1918–1935’ else. It provided Welsh political name of Gwilym Mabon in 1869; he (Ph.D thesis, University of Bangor, history with the spectacle of – the was subsequently known by the sur- 2003), p. 218. slow death of Liberal Wales.55 name of Mabon. 39 Henry Morris-Jones, Doctor in the 14 Kenneth O. Morgan, Wales In British Whips’ Room (Robert Hale Limited, Dr Russell Deacon is a Reader in Politics 1868–1922 (University of Wales 1955), p. 100. Press, 1980), p. 187. 40 The Liberal Nationals became the Welsh Government and History at 15 Eddie May, ‘The Mosiac of Labour National Liberals in 1948. the Centre for Humanities, School of Politics, 1900–1918’ in Duncan Tan- 41 Western Telegraph and Cymric Times, 2 Lifelong Learning at the University ner et al, Labour Party in Wales 1900– March 1950, p. 8; and Jorgen Scott of Wales Institute, Cardiff. He is also 2000 (University of Wales Press, 2000), Rasmussen, The Liberal Party (Con- the Convenor for the British Liberal p. 74. stable, 1965), p. 11. 16 Ibid. 42 Andrew Sweeting, ‘Gwilym Lloyd- Political Studies Group. Dr Deacon 17 Trevor Wilson, The Downfall of the George’, in Duncan Brack et al, Dic- has published a number of books and Liberal Party 1914–1935 (Collins, 1968), tionary of Liberal Biography (Politicos, articles on Welsh political history and p. 318. 1998), p. 239. is currently writing a book on the 18 Roy Jenkins, Asquith (Collins, 1964), 43 North Wales Liberal Federation and History of the Welsh Liberal Paty p. 505. related Liberal correspondence held 19 Cyril Parry, ‘Gwynedd Politics, 1900– at the National Library of Wales’ (1868-1970). 1920: The Rise of a Labour Party’, political archives support this view Welsh History Review, Vol. 4, No.2 again and again, as did the author’s 1 The one MP in Wales who did not (1968) pp. 313–28. interviews with many former Liber- take the Liberal whip, Keir Hardie, 20 Davies, The Welsh Nationalist Party: A als of the pre-1966 period. was in a two-member constituency, Call to Nationhood, p. 12. 44 Kenneth. O Morgan, ‘The New Lib- Merthyr Tydfil; the other member, 21 C. P. Cook, ‘Wales and the Gen- eralism and the Challenge of Labour: David Alfred Thomas, was a Liberal eral Election of 1923’, Welsh History The Welsh Experience, 1885–1929’, MP. Review, Vol 4, No 2 (1968), p. 392. The Welsh History Review, June 1973, 2 Cited in Alan Watkins, The Liberal 22 The Welsh Nationalist movement of p. 290. Dilemma (MacGibben and Kee, 1966), the 1880s and 1890s that had almost 45 Glyn Tegai Hughes (Chairman of the p. 57. united the Welsh nation under one Liberal Party of Wales 1958–60) to 3 Kenneth O. Morgan, Rebirth of a nationalist Liberal political ban- author. Nation, Wales 1880–1980 (Oxford Uni- ner but had ended in failure and the 46 Glyn Tegai Hughes and Lord Hooson versity Press, 1982), p. 52. decline in nationalist fervour for sev- to author. 4 Graham V. Nelmes, ‘Stuart Rendel eral generations. 47 Andrew Edwards, ‘Political Change and Welsh Liberal Political Organi- 23 Davies, The Welsh Nationalist Party: A in North-West Wales 1960–1974: The sation in the Late Nineteenth Cen- Call to Nationhood, p.10. Decline of the Labour Party and the tury’, Welsh History Review, Vol 9, No 24 Tanner, D, Williams, C and Hopkins, Rise of Plaid Cymru’ (Ph.D thesis, 4, December 1979, p. 467. D, The Labour Party in Wales 1900 – Bangor University, 2002), p. 86. 5 Hywel D. Davies, The Welsh National- 2000, University of Wales Press, 2000 48 Ibid., p. 86. ist Party: A Call to Nationhood (Uni- 25 Ibid. 49 The Liberal News 15 October 1965, p. versity of Wales Press, 1983), p. 3. 26 MP for Llanelli, Member of the 7. 6 Kenneth O. Morgan, Lloyd George, Attlee Government (1945–51) and 50 J. Graham Jones, ‘Grimond’s Rival: Family Letters 1885–1936 (University the Wilson Government (1964–66), Biography of Roderic Bowen MP’, of Wales Press, Oxford University first Secretary of State for Wales. Journal of Liberal Democrat History Press, 1973), p.13. 27 Editor of the Daily Worker 1935–37. 34/35, Spring/Summer 2002, pp. 7 Kenneth O Morgan, The Age of Lloyd 28 MP for Caerphilly, Member of Attlee 26–33. George: The Liberal Party and British Government (1945–51). 51 Anglesey’s Westminster political

22 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 the slow death of liberal wales 1906 – 1979

­history is mixed. It is the only Welsh Emlyn Hooson’s enthusiastic backing stronghold when they won Cere- seat to be held by all four main Welsh of Welsh devolution, which proved digion and Cardiff Central. In the political parties since 1945: Liberal to be an unpopular cause within process they replaced Plaid Cymru 1945–51, Labour 1951–83, Conserva- the constituency – Lord Hooson to as the official opposition to Labour tive 1983–87, Plaid Cymru 1987– author. in Wales, at Westminster. It was their 2001, Labour 2001–. 53 Russell Deacon, ‘Interview with best Welsh result since 1950. 52 A Liberal seat for nearly a century, Geraint Howells (1925–2004)’, Jour- 55 For a post-war history of the Welsh and the seat of Liberal leader (1945– nal of Liberal History 44, Autumn 2004, Liberal Party also see: J. Graham 56) Clement Davies, 1929–62. The pp, 22–23. Jones, ‘The Liberal Party and Wales, seat fell to the Conservatives due to 54 The May 2005 general election saw 1945–79’, The Welsh History Review, two main factors: the unpopularity the Welsh Liberal Democrats break Vol 16, No 3, June 1993. of the Lib–Lab Pact of 1977–78, and out of their Powys Westminster

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Hubert Beaumont MP. After pursuing candidatures in his native Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris Northumberland southward, Beaumont finally fought and won Eastbourne Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; christopher.fox7@ in 1906 as a ‘Radical’ (not a Liberal). How many Liberals in the election virgin.net. fought under this label and did they work as a group afterwards? Lord Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. Beaumont of Whitley, House of Lords, London SW1A 0PW; beaumontt@ Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an parliament.uk. understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad for a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; N.M.Cott@ncl. complete edition of his letters. (For further details of the Cobden Letters ac.uk. Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/projects/cobden). Dr Life of Wilfrid Roberts (1900–91). Roberts was Liberal MP for Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 Cumberland North (now Penrith and the Border) from 1935 until 1950 7TJ; [email protected]. and came from a wealthy and prominent local Liberal family; his father Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. had been an MP. Roberts was a passionate internationalist, and was Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, a powerful advocate for refugee children in the Spanish civil war. His Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro TR1 parliamentary career is coterminous with the nadir of the Liberal Party. 3ND; [email protected]. Roberts joined the Labour Party in 1956, becoming a local councillor in Carlisle and the party’s candidate for the Hexham constituency in Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focusing particularly on Liberal the 1959 general election. I am currently in the process of collating anti-appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, information on the different strands of Roberts’ life and political career. Newtownabbey, Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Any assistance at all would be much appreciated. John Reardon; Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew Gardner, [email protected]. 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; agardner@ssees. Student radicalism at Warwick University. Particulary the files affair ac.uk. in 1970. Interested in talking to anybody who has information about The Liberal revival 1959–64. Focusing on both political and social Liberal Students at Warwick in the period 1965-70 and their role in factors. Any personal views, relevant information or original material campus politics. Ian Bradshaw, History Department, University of from Liberal voters, councillors or activists of the time would be very Warwick, CV4 7AL; [email protected] gratefully received. Holly Towell, 52a Cardigan Road, Headingley, Leeds Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Wales LS6 3BJ; [email protected]. 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in The rise of the Liberals in Richmond (Surrey) 1964–2002. Interested Wales but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh in hearing from former councillors, activists, supporters, opponents, Federal Party. Any memories and information concerning the post- with memories and insights concerning one of the most successful local 1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published organisations. What factors helped the Liberal Party rise from having no in book form by Welsh Academic Press. Dr Russell Deacon, Centre for councillors in 1964 to 49 out of 52 seats in 1986? Any literature or news Humanities, University of Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, cuttings from the period welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, Cardiff CF23 6XD; [email protected]. Richmond TW9 4DL; 07771 785 795; [email protected]. Aneurin Williams and Liberal internationalism and pacificism, Liberal politics in Sussex, Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight 1900– 1900–22. A study of this radical and pacificist MP (Plymouth 1910; 14. The study of electoral progress and subsequent disappointment. North West Durham/Consett 1914–22) who was actively involved in Research includes comparisons of localised political trends, issues League of Nations Movement, Armenian nationalism, international and preferred interests as aganst national trends. Any information, co-operation, pro-Boer etc. Any information relating to him and specifically on Liberal candidates in the area in the two general elections location of any papers/correspondence welcome. Barry Dackombe. 32 of 1910, would be most welcome. Family papers especially appreciated. Ashburnham Road, Ampthill, Beds, MK45 2RH; [email protected]. Ian Ivatt, 84 High Street, Steyning, West Sussex BN44 3JT; ianjivatt@ tinyonline.co.uk.

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 23 A Squire in the House of Lords: The Biography of Lord Kimberley

When Lord Kimberley one could deny that encouraged his parishioners to fol- his record of service low the example of the two great died on 8 April 1902, was impressive. He men who, however different from he was most commonly had been Minis- one another, shared a common ter Plenipotentiary ‘steadfastness of purpose’. The ser- remembered as Nto Russia (1856–58) in the tense mon was fair to the achievement Gladstone’s loyal days following the Crimean War; of both men, but there can be little earned an Earldom as Viceroy of doubt that as the last strains of ‘A lieutenant: competent, Ireland (1864–66); and sat in every Few More Years Shall Roll’ wafted Liberal cabinet between 1868 and out into the churchyard, almost hard-working, high- his death, serving successively as everyone would have understood minded, and self- Lord Privy Seal (1868-70), Colo- what Rhodes’s purpose had been, nial Secretary (1870–74, 1880–82), almost no one Kimberley’s.2 Jour- sacrificing. By praising India Secretary (1882–85, 1886, nalists played a similar game, but these very civilian 1892–94), and Foreign Secretary preferred standing him alongside (1894–95). He was also much party leaders. Kimberley was, a virtues in the context liked as party leader in the Lords writer for the Oxford Chronicle of war-charged, turn- (1891–94, 1896–1902). His long reminded his readers, ‘on diplo- and varied career, though distant, matic service before Lord Rose- of-the-century high was full of high diplomacy, high bery had gone to school, and was politics, his twentieth- places, and high stakes, thus invit- holding important office when ing incongruous comparisons. Lord Salisbury was still engaged century eulogists were Shortly after Kimberley’s in writing articles for the press!’3 politely wondering death, the Vicar of Wymond- Comparisons to Rhodes, Rose- ham Church delivered a sermon bery, and Salisbury, however, only exactly why Kimberley based (very loosely) on Hebrews obscured Kimberley’s true legacy had mattered. After all, 11:32ff.: as one of the great administrators of his generation. He had nei- as one journalist wrote, David, after he had saved his ther talent nor ambition for party ‘he was as far removed own generation by the will of leadership, and always yearned for God, fell on sleep, and was laid the end of session and a return to from the younger unto his fathers. country life. Across fifty years of government service, he retained school of statesmen as if After praising Kimberley’s ‘promi- the sensibilities of a country squire, he had lived and served nent public career’ and ‘con- deeply rooted in the nature and spicuous ability,’ Rev. Parker then society of his native Norfolk. his country in the recalled the legacy of another 1 prominent man, recently deceased days of Queen Anne’. Opposite: John Wodehouse, – Cecil Rhodes – recalling his Early life John Powell examines 1st Earl ‘vastness of ideas’, ‘great force John Wodehouse was born on Kimberley’s record. Kimberley, in of character’, and ‘generous 7 January 1826, the first of four 1862 ­benefactions’. The vicar then children of Henry Wodehouse,

24 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 A Squire in the House of Lords: The Biography of Lord Kimberley

heir from 1819 to the Kimberley estate in Norfolk, and his wife, Anne, only daughter of The- ophilus Thornhaugh Gurdon of Letton, Norfolk.4 With the early death of his father in 1834, he became heir to the barony, then held by his Tory grandfather, John Wodehouse (1771–1846). The family had a long pedigree dat- ing to the reign of Henry I, and a substantial if somewhat impov- erished 11,000-acre estate. Wode- house was a successful student, being ‘sent up for good’ work more than twenty times at Eton, where he adopted Liberal princi- ples ‘purely from conviction’. He arrived at Oxford in 1843, having passed a ‘very good’ examination and some months on the conti- nent, two with the precocious Henry Buckle in Dresden. Ath- letically built, just under six feet tall and weighing thirteen stone, Wodehouse revelled in strenu- ous pursuits. He was an excellent horseman, riding with the Bices- ter pack at Oxford. He loved to shoot and stalk, and was reputed to be one of the best tennis play- ers in England. He also read hard,

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 25 a squire in the house of lords an uncommon commitment present anarchy of Europe’. It ing a significant role in 1857 in among members of the ‘fast set’. confirmed the wisdom of Burke’s electing the first Liberal in East In May 1846 his studies were Reflections, and encouraged Norfolk since 1832. With the interrupted by the death of his Wodehouse to keep ‘usage and help of Currie, he was appointed great-grandfather. He succeeded precedent’ before him as a politi- to Aberdeen’s government as as third Baron Wodehouse in cal touchstone.5 Under-Secretary at the Foreign May 1846, inheriting an estate of Upon returning to England in Office (1852–56) at the age of almost 10,000 acres in Norfolk April 1848, Wodehouse did not 26, a promising start for a young and several hundred in Cornwall, immediately plunge into the ‘icy man of no great wealth or family. mostly in Falmouth city. Wode- cold atmosphere’ of the House of As Currie wrote to his son, ‘if the house returned to Christ Church Lords.6 In part this reflected his Government last, as Johnny [Lord in October. Disgusted with the disappointment at missing the real John Russell] can never lead the teaching there, he read privately political stage, but there were also House of Commons and really do with the philosopher Henry other matters requiring imme- the work of the Foreign Office, Longueville Mansel and in 1847 diate attention. Wodehouse had this most interesting and impor- took a first in classics, reputedly inherited the Kimberley estate tant department will almost fall one of the best in years. Matricu- with encumbrances of more into the hands of our industrious lating with him upon his return than £140,000, and set out to and noble friend’.7 had been John Charles Henry do something about it. With the What might have been the Fitzgibbon, eldest son and heir assistance of his uncle, city banker perfect situation turned cloudy of the third Earl of Clare, and Raikes Currie, he leased and sold when Russell suddenly left the brother to Florence Fitzgibbon, land in and around Falmouth as Foreign Office in 1853. He was who soon attracted Kimberley’s the arrival of the railway spurred succeeded, however, by Lord attention. Though some ques- development. It was a slow proc- Clarendon, who liked Wode- tioned the wisdom of an Irish ess, but by 1864 all creditors had house personally, appreciated his match, he proposed marriage at a been paid. While these personal work, and appointed him Min- breakfast given by the Duchess of financial considerations weighed ister Plenipotentiary to Russia Bedford, only ten days after their upon him, the daily unfolding (1856–58) following the Crimean first meeting. They married on16 of political events on the Con- War. By some accounts, Wode- August 1847, and eventually had tinent reminded him of the nar- house’s diplomacy was direct, five children: John (1848–1932), rowness of his Oxford education. unflappable, and confident, per- Alice (1850–1937), Constance As a result, he embarked upon fectly suiting Clarendon’s deter- (1852–1923), Alfred (1856–58), a systematic, four-year study mination to ‘meet coldness with and Armine (1860–1901). By of modern philosophy, history, coldness’. Wodehouse resigned almost all accounts the marriage politics, and political economy, with the fall of Palmerston’s gov- was happy, though Florence was one that reinforced both his lib- ernment in 1858, but returned delicate and displeased by posts eral Liberal? tendencies and his as Under-Secretary at the For- abroad. Wodehouse remained natural caution. By 1850 he felt eign Office under Russell in the close to his children throughout sufficiently prepared to make a following year, with full charge his life. maiden speech, judged one of of foreign affairs in the House Returning from their Italian ‘great promise’. Though usually of Lords. Later in 1859 he was honeymoon in March 1848, the supporting the Whigs, he guarded selected second English plenipo- Wodehouses were caught in the his political independence, refus- tentiary to the abortive Congress revolutions then sweeping cen- ing on at least one occasion to of Villafranca. The idiosyncratic tral Europe. Between 20 and 25 second the address and devoting qualities and political opinions March, they travelled by coach most of his energies in 1850 and that appealed to Palmerston were from Florence to Padua, then by 1851 to the work of the Colonial neatly summarised by Greville, gondola on to Venice, uncertain Reform Society, an organisation who observed that Wodehouse of the status of particular Aus- comprised of men of ‘all par- was ‘clever, well informed, a pro- trian garrisons but bringing the ties’ seeking systematic reform of digious talker and a great bore, first news of successful revolts in colonial policy and self-govern- speaks French fluently, and has Vienna, Modena, and Venice to ment for the settlement colonies. plenty of courage and aplomb; throngs of Italian villagers along As one of only a handful of rising his opinions are liberal but not the way. Addressing cheering young noblemen, he was courted extravagant’.8 revolutionaries in his broken Ital- by the Whigs, and formally Wodehouse seemed well situ- ian invigorated his liberal Lib- Opposite: ‘Lord joined them in 1852. He under- ated to continue his climb when eral? sympathies. Upon reaching Wodehouse, the took hazardous duty in oppos- he once again collided with Rus- ‘tranquil’ England, however, and Lord Lieutenant ing Lord Derby in the Lords. He sell, who was elevated to the observing the aftermath of those of Ireland’, also began to canvass the gentry peerage in July 1861. He resigned Illustrated London heady, revolutionary days, he News 12 May in an effort to reinvigorate the immediately, despite Russell’s reflected unfavourably on ‘the 1865 party in Norfolk, ultimately play- request that he remain. ‘Having

26 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 a squire in the house of lords had charge of the business for two years in the House,’ he wrote in his first diary entry, ‘I could not submit to the loss of position’.9 The Liberal leadership was eager to find something for him, but there was nothing at home and he firmly resisted offers abroad, turning down governorships of Madras and Bombay, the Gov- ernor-Generalship of Canada, and perhaps the Turkish embassy. Although no permanent posi- tion could be found, in Decem- ber 1863 Wodehouse was given the delicate task of mediating the intractable Schleswig-Holstein dispute. Negotiations with Bis- marck and the kings of Prussia and Denmark were unsuccessful, but the failure did little harm to his career, and did provide valu- able diplomatic experience and international visibility. As almost everyone recognised, he failed where ‘probably no man could have succeeded’.10 Still no suit- able positions opened. After almost three years out of office, in April 1864 Wodehouse reluc- tantly accepted Palmerston’s offer to serve as Under-Secretary at the India Office. ‘All my hardwork- ing service has not advanced me an inch,’ he wrote, reflecting on eleven years of service since the Aberdeen administration. Claren- don, who had recommended him for the vacant Duchy of Lancas- ter (which Clarendon eventually took himself), advised Wodehouse to accept the position. Weighing his old mentor’s advice and with little recourse but retirement, he finally agreed. The nature of his assent suggests, however, his determination and sense of alienation from the party leader- ship. ‘At all events I shall make it a little more difficult for my Whig friends to get rid of me.’11 It was a good decision. Five months later Palmerston offered him the Lord Lieutenancy of Ire- land, not the office he wanted, but ‘a great advancement’ and clearly a stepping stone to the Cabinet. Kimberley dutifully kissed the ladies at Dublin Castle, received endless deputations, visited agri- cultural fairs and art shows, and

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 27 a squire in the house of lords hunted and dined with the Irish Kimberley told John Thaddeus With new to some. When the Marquis of lords. He was determined, how- Delane of The Times, ‘and only Normanby accused Gladstone ever, to do real work, promoting return when the old batch are social in the Lords of circulating false grants-in-aid for land drainage fairly out of the way’.14 Kimber- accusations against the Duke of and disestablishment of the Angli- ley viewed Gladstone as the natu- standing Modena, Kimberley found him- can church in Ireland. These bat- ral leader of a modern Liberal self in the middle of a peculiarly tles could not be won in Dublin. Party largely shorn of its Whig and a small personal feud. Being unable to A smouldering Fenian conspiracy trappings. supply of defend himself in the House in September 1865, however, pre- Though Gladstone was sev- of Lords, Gladstone requested sented an immediate problem enteen years Kimberley’s senior, political that Kimberley quash the ‘loose that required resolute action and their political association went statements’, and remarked that political courage. Wodehouse ran back at least to 1849, when both capital, a he was ‘quite at ease’ knowing ‘some risk of exceeding the law’ took a significant interest in the that his case was in Kimberley’s in order to obtain the necessary non-partisan ‘export nationalism’ new era hands. On 22 July 1861, Kim- intelligence to enable the govern- of the Colonial Reform Society in his life berley responded vigorously to ment to make a dramatic night (CRS) and the Canterbury Set- Normanby, alluding to the diffi- raid on the homes and offices of tlement. Both men believed that had begun. culties involved in a peer attack- the chief conspirators.12 His han- free trade and reduced govern- ing a member of the House of dling of the Fenian rebellion was ment expenditure were guaran- Rose- Commons, smartly suggesting the single most important epi- tees of good government, and how ‘very disagreeable’ it would sode in Wodehouse’s career. As this laid a solid foundation for bery later be to Gladstone’s accusers ‘to a hardworking and talented but cooperation on other matters. As judged the meet him face to face’. Kimber- largely unconnected young Lib- Kimberley and Gladstone moved ley conceded what Gladstone had eral vying for one of a handful of in the same direction toward the Viceroyalty admitted already – that an error important government posts, his modern Liberal Party, there were had been made regarding one initiative provided the party lead- nevertheless notable differences. his ‘best particular case in Modena – then ership with visible proofs that his Where Gladstone had been dis- defended the validity of Glad- services might have public use as mayed by Russell’s anti-Papal piece of stone’s principal accusation of well as private merit. It gave him, campaign of 1851, Kimberley work’. arbitrary government on the part for the first time, a small degree actively opposed both ‘foreign of the Duke.17 of leverage. Widely praised, by interference’ and ‘Romish prac- Gladstone’s budget campaign February 1866 Wodehouse made tices’ in the Anglican church, of 1860–61, including battles over it clear to Russell that he would which had ‘encouraged if not every aspect of the French Com- resign if another peer were put caused, that interference’.15 Kim- mercial Treaty and repeal of the in the Cabinet ahead of him berley had supported Palmerston paper duties, constituted one of – a calculated risk that could in the ‘Don Pacifico’ debate, and the great political triumphs of the have effectively ended his career. generally throughout the 1850s Victorian era. Yet he considered it Wodehouse’s Irish successes were found Gladstone’s ‘message of ‘the most trying part’ of his entire also recognised by Queen Victo- mercy and peace’ regarding for- political life, and the ‘nadir’ in his ria, who conferred upon him the eign relations naïve and pusillani- ‘public estimation’.18 When it is title Earl of Kimberley. With new mous.16 Kimberley later repented remembered that he was opposed social standing and a small supply of both his religious intoler- by virtually the whole of the of political capital, a new era in ance and international jingoism, Cabinet on one or both of these his life had begun. Rosebery later though he remained more ready issues, that he saw little prospect judged the Viceroyalty his ‘best than Gladstone to project British for attaining Liberal leadership, piece of work’.13 influence in the world. that he was hated by the Whigs Three issues eventually drew and ‘old Tories’, and that it was them together politically around still wondered aloud whether he Kimberley and Gladstone 1860: Italian policy, free trade, and could harness his great gifts, one is When Kimberley returned to the budget. Kimberley was natu- reminded of Gladstone’s precari- London in July 1866, the Lib- rally much involved with Ital- ous personal position. ‘Ill; vexed eral Party was being transformed, ian affairs, handling the Foreign and indignant at the possible and though it was not clear what the Office business in the Lords and probable conduct of the peers’ outcome would be or how long having prepared specially for the in the spring of 1860, Gladstone it would take. When Palmerston abortive Congress of Villafranca received hearty support from died in October of the previous in December 1859. Gladstone Kimberley on both the commer- year, Kimberley had hoped that had a more personal interest in cial treaty and repeal of the paper Gladstone would be his succes- the peaceful unification of Italy, duties. Though in no position to sor, though the Queen’s call went having spoken and published aid Gladstone in the Cabinet or to Russell instead. The Liberals widely on the subject, beyond the the Commons, he did provide ought to be banished from office, ‘bounds of discretion’, according relevant foreign information and

28 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 a squire in the house of lords support for the measures in the was this self-awareness more ­supporting Hartington, but nev- House of Lords at a time when it evident than in his deference to ertheless welcoming Gladstone’s mattered. Rosebery, twenty years his jun- return. He stunned Gladstone by While in Ireland between ior, who went to the Foreign refusing the Indian Viceroyalty 1864 and 1866, Kimberley cor- Office in 1886. When Rosebery in 1880, but agreed to return to responded with Gladstone on at first declined the office in1892 , the Colonial Office.21 The Cabi- Irish questions, seeking met- Kimberley feared that he would net immediately reversed Lord ropolitan financing for arterial have to undertake the job. ‘Hap- Lytton’s forward policy in India, drainage and declaring himself pily,’ he wrote in his diary, ‘there but supported confederation in in favour of a land bill, concur- can be very little probability of southern Africa, begun under rent endowment, and an inquiry such a pis aller. We should be ter- Lord Carnarvon in 1877. The into the question of national ribly weakened by losing R., not resulting Boer War (December education. It is impossible to say only because he is by far the most 1880 – March 1881), in which exactly at which points the two acceptable person for the F.O., but British troops suffered a morally influenced one another, but Kim- because, next to Gladstone, he is devastating, though strategically berley had certainly been forced by far the most influential man in inconsequential, defeat at Majuba to deal with Irish questions more the country of our party.’20 Kim- Hill, led to the only challenge systematically at an earlier date berley nevertheless was willing to Kimberley’s Cabinet posi- than Gladstone, and had arrived to help the party in almost any tion during his career. Backed by at essentially the same positions way. He led the Lords in the late Gladstone, he weathered the press well before Gladstone became 1880s when Granville was ill; after storm and the doubts of some prime minister. No one was sur- Granville’s death (1891 to 1894); among the Liberals. On 3 August prised when he was among the then by consensus after Rose- 1881, the Convention of Pretoria small meeting of previous cabinet bery’s retirement in 1896. He was was signed, restoring self-govern- members and others, called by even willing to take the detested ment to the Transvaal under the Gladstone to discuss Irish affairs Kimberley Lord Presidency of the Council ‘suzerainty’ of Britain. on 24 February 1868.19 on a temporary basis. When the fifteenth Earl of accurately Kimberley is so closely identi- Derby joined Gladstone’s sec- fied with his work at the Colo- ond administration in December The charmed circle appraised nial and India Offices that it is 1882, Kimberley agreed to go to With Gladstone’s offer of the his own easy to forget that his first eight- the India Office, where he served Privy Seal in December 1868, een months in office were spent during the remainder of the gov- Kimberley finally gained the Cab- gifts, which on Cabinet committees studying ernment and during the third and inet, which had been his primary questions of Irish land, church, fourth Gladstone administrations political goal. As he observed, the were well and disturbance of the peace, (1882–85, 1886, 1892–94). While office itself was nothing, but it put and drafting of the required leg- there, he impressed Permanent him ‘well on the road to promo- suited to islation. The dramatic increase Under-Secretary Arthur Godley tion when the occasion offers’. admin- in departmental work after 1880 as second only to Gladstone as an He did receive promotions, to the precluded much close involve- administrative official. Kimberley Colonial Office and India Office, istrative ment with Irish affairs thereafter, urged a non-partisan approach to and briefly under Rosebery, the though he was frequently con- India work, which earned him Foreign Office. But apart from a work and sulted by Gladstone, particularly considerable support on both real eagerness to get the Colonial on financial matters. At the Colo- sides of the aisle. Though he sup- Office in 1870 – his first major political nial Office (1870–74, 1880–82), ported the principle of Viceroy administrative post – he was con- argumenta- Kimberley continued the Liberal Lord Ripon’s measures for local tent with a voice in the Cabinet. policy of troop withdrawals from self-government, he modified Apart from an earlier appoint- tion in the the settlement colonies, oversaw ambitious details in the interests ment to the Foreign Office or the granting of full responsible of sound administration, arguing the premiership itself, neither ‘icy’ atmos- government to Cape Colony, and that ‘for the ultimate safety and of which he coveted, there was approved selected African annex- security there should be a grad- nowhere else to go. Kimberley phere of ations. In the tropical colonies and ual introduction of Natives into had arrived, and the question the House southern Africa he rejected Card- our services’ in order to avoid a then became, could he meet the well’s extreme policy of retrench- ‘high autocratic policy’.22 Con- expectations of high office? of Lords, ment, annexing the diamond cerned with the looming Russian Kimberley accurately fields of Griqualand West and advance in Central Asia, Kim- appraised his own gifts, which but less laying the groundwork for the berley encouraged Ripon’s early were well suited to administrative annexation of Fiji and extension retirement, a more conservative work and political argumenta- attractive of British influence in Malaya domestic administration of the tion in the ‘icy’ atmosphere of the to the pub- and the Gold Coast. Kimber- government under Lords Duf- House of Lords, but less attractive ley took Gladstone’s retirement ferin (1884–88) and Lansdowne to the public at large. Nowhere lic at large. at face value in 1875, warmly (1888–94), and a strong frontier

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 29 a squire in the house of lords

policy. Russian occupation of ‘Uncle Kim’, adopted the recommendations of widely considered the most the Penjdeh district of Afghani- a senior party the Herschell Committee in 1893, attractive Liberal in the coun- stan on 30 March 1885 brought figure, 17 July including a controversial plan for try after Gladstone, now had to 1901 the two countries to the brink closing mints to the coinage of compete for influence with the of war. The Cabinet agreed with silver, an early step toward estab- Leader of the House of Com- Kimberley that further encroach- lishing a gold exchange standard. mons, Sir William Harcourt. ments should be met with force. As a result of financial condi- With Rosebery making Kim- By the end of Gladstone’s sec- tions in India, he resisted motions berley’s appointment to the For- ond ministry in June, Russia had brought forward in the House of eign Office a sine qua non to his accepted the principle of arbitra- Commons that might have led to own acceptance of the Prime tion, and a formal settlement was the reduction of opium revenues, Ministership, Kimberley’s posi- eventually reached a year later, at one point politely threatening tion was politicised from the defining more than 300 miles of to resign if Gladstone persisted start. From this divided begin- the Russo-Afghan border. in supporting such a motion. In ning, he entered upon the most During Gladstone’s fourth the end Gladstone argued Kim- difficult and least satisfying min- ministry (1892–94), the decline of berley’s points as if they were his isterial experience of his career: the rupee was the most troubling own, ‘utterly pulverise[ing] the uncomfortable with Rosebery’s issue in India, leading to depres- Resolution’.23 methods, at odds with Harcourt’s sion and the loss of capital invest- With Gladstone’s resigna- policies, and unable to find com- ment. In an attempt to bolster the tion in March 1894, a Liberal era mon ground with the other value of the currency, Kimberley clearly passed. Lord Rosebery, powers.

30 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 a squire in the house of lords

During his first months in to moderate its settlement of the maintain liberal Liberal? ortho- office, Kimberley routinely Sino-Japanese War during the doxy; and Rosebery and the Lib- sought Rosebery’s advice, seem- spring of 1895. eral Imperialists, who favoured ingly a sound transition policy, as More troubling for the gov- substantial party reform. Though the two men had worked together ernment was the internecine war a thorough Gladstonian in his cordially during Gladstone’s third between Rosebery and Harcourt, commitment to the ideals of and fourth ministries and were who questioned the prime min- Irish home rule, free trade, and both committed to a policy of ister’s leadership at every turn individualism, Kimberley con- imperial consolidation. Kimber- and vigorously promoted a Lit- sistently backed law and order, ley soon became uneasy, how- tle England policy. He wrote both domestic and international, ever, with Rosebery’s penchant long jeremiads full of ‘blood and as the true foundation of liberal for secrecy, and felt compelled to thunder’, eventually demanding governance. Thus he supported communicate more freely with that ‘all questions of importance the Conservative government the Cabinet than Rosebery pre- relating to Foreign Affairs should during the Boer War, continu- ferred. Kimberley’s first major act be submitted’ to him before ing his long tradition of bipar- was to conclude the controversial they were made in the Com- tisan foreign policy.26 Although Anglo-Belgian treaty of 12 April mons. Rosebery refused to speak he criticised the government’s 1894, largely negotiated under directly to Harcourt, forcing lack of foresight, he supported Rosebery’s direction during Kimberley to act as the necessary the fundamental principle that the previous year. German and medium for carrying on business. the Boers must be militarily French protests against Britain’s According to Rosebery, there subdued before negotiations leasing of a strip of Congolese was a ‘deepseated and radical dif- could begin. His conservatism territory bordering German East ference of opinion’ on foreign on this point, in conjunction Africa led to a withdrawal of that policy. ‘His view is broadly that with staunch support for liberal portion of the treaty, and much of in questions between Great Brit- domestic measures, minimised Kimberley’s energy at the Foreign ain and foreign countries, foreign the negative impact of ‘pro-Boer’ Office thereafter was expended in countries alone are in the right activity within the party, pro- improving strained relations with and Great Britain always in the Kimberley’s viding a patriotic shield as Lib- Germany. Talks with German and wrong’/ Kimberley agreed. After erals began to reorganise under French representatives smoothed a tumultuous fifteen months, the political Campbell-Bannerman. Though immediate difficulties but proved only thing all three could agree creed was ill, just before his death Kimber- inconclusive in settling broader upon was resignation, which took ley agreed to stay on as ‘nominal international tensions. Kim- effect on 29 June 1895.25 undoubt- leader’ in the Lords, anticipat- berley agreed to allow German ing a Liberal resurgence that was recruitment of labourers at Sin- edly sim- years away. gapore, and discussed a potential Last years future division of the Portuguese From 1895 Kimberley played the ple. He was empire in east Africa, but ada- role of elder statesman, ‘Uncle a profound Assessment mantly opposed German influ- Kim’ to a younger generation of After reading Kimberley’s manu- ence in the Transvaal and resisted Liberals. To Rosebery he was ‘an believer script memoir in 1906, Rosebery attempts to embroil Britain in honest straightforward able old wrote a telling minute, full of Franco-Italian disputes in East Whig’, ‘conciliatory and popular in Burke’s both insight and misperception: Africa. Concerned over growing to the last degree’ as leader in the Russian influence in East Asia, House of Lords. He spoke more dictum that I doubt if he ever knew much in 1894 Kimberley negotiated frequently on behalf of Liberal a ‘disposi- except of the surface of political a new commercial treaty with candidates, particularly after the proceedings … And so engaged Japan, renouncing British extra- death of his wife in 1895. He tion to pre- in honest work, he knew little territoriality in order to create an often quietly mediated personal else. His judgments are not pro- ‘invaluable ally in case of need’.24 disputes, as he had in Gladstone’s serve, and found but sincere. The whole Courting Japan, however, further second, third, and fourth min- record is the honest, humble and strained relations with the powers. istries. He was frequently con- an ability sincere record of a hardwork- After some early success in bring- sulted by younger Liberals, who to improve’ ing, simple life. Simple not in ing Russia and France into a plan drew upon his long experience. the sense of plain living but of for collectively enforcing reforms By 1898, with both Rosebery were the a certain innocence as compared on the Ottoman empire follow- and Harcourt gone, Kimberley with worldliness. ing the Armenian massacres of worked cordially with Henry standards 1894, Kimberley ultimately failed Campbell-Bannerman to repair Kimberley’s political creed was to gain their support for coercive party fortunes. He attempted of a suc- undoubtedly simple. He was a measures, in part because Britain to bridge the middle ground cessful profound believer in Burke’s had declined to join Russia, Ger- between CB and the Gladsto- dictum that a ‘disposition to pre- many, and France in forcing Japan nians, who generally sought to statesman. serve, and an ability to improve’

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 31 a squire in the house of lords were the standards of a success- quently, modified through private with energy and acumen as Lib- ful statesman. By this standard, argument, committee proceed- eral ministers for various reasons however, caution was always to ings, and the process of drafting either left or were abandoned the fore, leading younger politi- and revising legislation and dis- – Argyll, Forster, Dodson, North- cians to sometimes accuse him patches. A leader’s call could also brook, Carlingford, Dilke, and the of a kind of ‘inert Whig laissez be resisted if one were willing to Unionist host that departed in faire’.27 Kimberley also believed take political risks in matters of 1886. If only for the sake of stabil- that what was true in theory was supreme importance. Kimber- ity, Gladstone could ill afford to frequently false in practice; he was ley threatened resignation on at lose Kimberley. therefore against all reforms based least three occasions, in 1866 over Kimberley also had an merely on appeal to categories or Fortescue’s inclusion in the Cabi- uncanny ability to refine com- theories. Reform was a matter of net; in 1873 over the proposed plex issues. Though a legend of details. He was perfectly willing Ashanti invasion; and in 1893 over garrulousness in conversation, for Gladstone to set the agenda Sir Joseph Pease’s opium motion. he consistently surprised col- – one naturally based upon In each case he won his point. leagues with ‘admirably concise shared principles – then to assist If Kimberley were neither a and lucid’ letters and memoranda, in drafting detailed legislation Kimberley popular politician nor a vision- shorn of ‘irrelevant matters’. or dispatches for implementing ary, he had real strengths that Gladstone had noted this skill as the policies. Few problems were also had contributed to the success of an early as 1860, and continued to easily resolved, for they could administration. He was well edu- appreciate the way it facilitated be variously contextualised, and an uncanny cated, bright, and thick-skinned. the time-consuming process of sometimes required resolution He got on well with members business by committee.29 In Cabi- of irreconcilable elements. When ability to of all parties, and was widely net he irritated some by speaking governments were routinely refine com- respected. Though not a speaker frequently, but he was one of the required to tread such dangerous of renown, he was a reasonably few ministers prepared to discuss ground, it simply was not prudent plex issues. good debater and a quick thinker, the range of topics that regularly to take a dogmatic line. with plenty of courage. He man- came before them, and one of the In this sense, it might be argued Though a aged his departmental business few members who understood that both Gladstone and Rose- well in the Lords, and worked the complexities of international bery sometimes took advantage legend of efficiently with Gladstone, Rose- finance.30 If Kimberley never of his simple political philosophy, garrulous- bery, and other party leaders in wrote a bill to solve an intrac- knowing that if they argued per- coordinating policy and policy table problem, he was adept at suasively, Kimberley would likely ness in statements. He did not ‘create clarifying the points upon which follow. If they could not auto- events’, either in the Cabinet or profitable discussion might turn, matically depend on his support, conversa- the world. If a strong measure facilitating the process of Cabi- they knew that he fundamentally was urged, as in sending Wolseley net discussion. In a tight situation, leaned in their direction, and tion, he to the Gold Coast in 1873, or in Kimberley could be trusted to that his natural caution might be consist- instructing Dufferin in 1885 that take charge of a bill in the House removed by a careful argument, a ‘an attack on Herat will mean of Lords. Ironically, the legislation little charm, and a workable piece ently war between us and Russia eve- for which he was most praised, of legislation. The most striking rywhere’, even the most pacific the Parish Councils Bill of 1894, example of this manipulation was surprised ministers were inclined to con- came too late to have much effect Gladstone’s success in 1886 in cede its necessity. On the politi- on his political career. convincing Kimberley to recon- colleagues cal level, competent departmental Any assessment of Kimberley’s sider his adamant opposition to with management minimised Liberal career, however, necessarily comes the retention of Irish members fracturing and limited occasions back to his official work, which in the House of Commons. This ‘admirably for Press importunity. Although was usually done out of the pub- may, however, be the exception Gladstone found no shortage lic eye. Arthur Godley consid- that proves the rule, as it is the concise of Liberals with high claims to ered Kimberley the best official he only known case in which Kim- office in 1868, the administrative had ever served under, excepting berley actually regretted a deci- and lucid’ failures of Lowe and Bruce, the only Gladstone, and he was held sion to support Gladstone.28 letters and illness of Bright, the inactivity of in similar regard at the Colo- On the other hand, through- Dodson, the scandal surrounding nial Office.31 He had his share of out his career Kimberley took memo- Monsell and the Post Office, the rough patches in which he was full advantage of opportunities to conversion of Ripon to Roman publicly and privately criticised influence policy and legislation. randa, Catholicism, and the relative inef- – most notably in relation to the The Cabinet process admitted fectiveness of Carlingford made first Boer War (1880–81) – but adjustment in virtually every kind shorn of safe and competent hands more these never led Palmerston, Rus- of business at every level. The ‘irrelevant necessary than ever. Kimberley sell, Gladstone, or Rosebery to views of Gladstone and Rosebery continued in successive ministries conclude that he needed to make could be overturned, or, more fre- matters’. to administer his departments way for a younger, better man.

32 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 a squire in the house of lords Kimberley was virtually unas- Gladstonian Liberals and Radi- Kimberley 7 Caroline Currie, ed. Bertram Wode- sailable at the Colonial and India cals within the party.33 In 1884 house Currie, 1827–1896: Recollections, Letters, and Journals, 2 vols. (Roehamp- Offices. Experienced, cautious, Kimberley convinced a reluctant was the ton: Manresa Press, 1901), 1:518. On and thorough, he was seldom Gladstone that Dufferin ought to Wodehouse’s early career, see Liberal challenged by other members of succeed Ripon as Indian Viceroy, kind of by Principle, pp. 11–16, 68–80; Journal the Cabinet. At the moment one and resisted the Prime Minister’s of Wodehouse, pp. 44–47. might think him only a compe- wish to delay Dufferin’s depar- politician 8 Lytton Strachey and Roger Fulford, tent bureaucrat, he would display ture in order to accommodate eds. The Greville Memoirs, 1814–1860 whose (London: Macmillan, 1938), 7:446– both mastery and resolve in tak- party need on a vote in the Lords. 47. ing decisive action. Sir Garnet In 1893 he refused to make fur- political 9 Journal of Wodehouse, p. 61. Wolseley recalled his surprise, for ther concessions to Joseph Pease 10 The Times, 9 April 1902, p. 3. instance, at Kimberley ‘abruptly on the opium question, despite role is 11 Wodehouse always distinguished and angrily’ settling the ques- Gladstone’s arguments. In 1895 himself from his ‘supercilious exclu- most eas- sive friends the Whigs.’ Journal of John tion of ‘war or no war’ against the he refused the annexation of For- Wodehouse, pp. 44, 133. Ashanti in 1873 over the objec- mosa on his own authority. The ily lost to 12 Liberal by Principle, pp. 106–07. tions of several ministers.32 collective impact of these and a 13 Journal of John Wodehouse, pp. 174 n. Kimberley usually agreed with hundred other small decisions was history … 465, 180, 186–87, 488. 14 Journal of John Wodehouse, p, 177, n. Gladstone, but his disagreements substantial, and suggested already 473. were frequent enough and of a in The Times obituary, where he He was the 15 Liberal by Principle, pp. 68–69. kind to suggest a distinct influ- was not ‘so much afraid of Impe- 16 Liberal by Principle, pp. 82–83; Kimber- ence on the course of British for- rial responsibilities and Imperial quintessen- ley journal, Kimberley Papers, Bod- eign relations. He argued against expansion as a good Gladstonian’ tial con- leian Library, MS.eng.e.2790, p. 6 34 17 For the following events of 1860–61, the imperial antipathy of Glad- was ‘naturally expected to be’. see Liberal by Principle, pp. 32–34. stone, Lowe, and Cardwell dur- Kimberley was the kind of scientious 18 John Brooke and Mary Sorensen, ing the first administration, and politician whose political role is eds. The Prime Ministers’ Papers: W. E. generally dampened Gladstone’s most easily lost to history – an administra- Gladstone, 4 vols. (London: H.M.S.O., instinctive moralism. By patient intelligent man without imagi- 1971–81), 1:83. tor who 19 Journal of Wodehouse, p. 214. On Kim- and studied determination, he nation; one who met the high berley’s Irish views and Gladstone’s convinced Gladstone that any expectations of his society with- made the interest, see John Powell and Padraic attempt to prohibit Australian out disturbing them. He was Kennedy, ‘Lord Kimberley and the colonies from passing differential the quintessential conscientious Empire Foundation of Liberal Irish Policy: tariff measures in 1872 would be administrator who made the Annotations to George Sigerson’s work, Modern Ireland: its vital questions, secret detrimental to the Empire, and Empire work, before heading to societies, and government,’ Irish Historical that the annexation of Fiji, which the country in August. before Studies 31, no. 121 (May 1998): 91– Gladstone had gone to great 114. lengths to prevent, was sound John Powell is associate professor of heading to 20 Journal of Wodehouse, p. 501. policy. He and Cardwell sanc- history at Oklahoma Baptist Uni- 21 Gladstone’s offer was curious and his motivation unclear. Though an tioned the Ashanti expedition in versity. In addition to his work on the country undoubtedly large appointment 1873 without consulting either Kimberley, he has published a critical requiring judgment and administra- Gladstone or the Cabinet. He edition of John Morley’s On Com- in August. tive skill, Kimberley’s acceptance refused the annexation of Samoa, promise, and is currently at work would have removed, according to Namaqualand and Damaraland, on a study of Liberal identity in the received wisdom, one of Gladstone’s staunchest supporters and most able and the Cameroons in 1882, the 1850s. lieutenants from the Cabinet. If Glad- latter over the objections of Dilke stone really believed that Kimberley and Granville. Kimberley firmly 1 Candid Friend, 19 April 1902, Kim- could be induced to take such a post resisted Ripon’s more advanced berley Papers, Bodleian Library MS abroad, it demonstrates how little he (hereafter KP), eng.c.4484, f. 133. knew his colleague. moves toward self-govern- 2 ‘Pulpit References,’ Norwich Mercury, ment in India, both on grounds 22 3 Hansard, 277 (9 April 1883): 1736, 19 April 1902, p. 9. 1767. of efficiency and the dangers of 3 Oxford Chronicle, 11 April 1902, KP 23 Journal of Wodehouse, p. 415; Liberal by foreign threat. A tea planter wor- eng.c.4481, f. 304. This story was Principle, pp. 210–11. ried over the pace of Ripon’s widely repeated in the press. 24 Liberal by Principle, p. 254, n.52. See 4 Henry Wodehouse died in 1834. also Louis G. Perez. Japan Comes of reforms was consoled with the 5 Wodehouse, notes on reading, 14 July assurance that ‘the people now Age: Mutsu Munemitsu and the Revision 1848, in John Powell, ed. Liberal by Prin- of the Unequal Treaties. Madison, N.J.: st in office, Lord Kimberley, Lord ciple: The Politics of John Wodehouse, 1 Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, Northbrook, and Lord Granville, Earl of Kimberley, 1843–1902 (London: 1999. were as likely to do anything Historians’ Press, 1996), pp. 58–63. 25 For Cabinet warfare during Rose- 6 John Wodehouse. The Journal of John really in the direction of freeing bery’s administration, see Liberal by Wodehouse, First Earl of Kimberlely for Principle, chapter 6; Journal of Wode- the Indians as any three Tories in th 1862–1902, Camden 5 ser., vol. 9 house, pp. 424–37. For a sympathetic the kingdom’. Although an exag- (Cambridge: Cambridge University view of Harcourt, see Patrick Jack- geration, the observation points Press for the Royal Historical Soci- son’s excellent Harcourt and Son: A to the rising division between ety), p. 44. Political Biography of Sir William Har-

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 33 a squire in the house of lords court, 1827–1904. Madison, N.J.: Fair- rie as political mentor undoubtedly The theme Whiggery and the Liberal Party, leigh Dickinson University Press, contributed to Kimberley’s financial 1874–1886 and The Liberal Ascend- 2004. acumen, and to his desire in 1852 for 26 In Lord Salisbury’s eulogy in the appointment as Vice President of the of the ancy, 1830–1886). Introducing House of Lords, he noted Kimber- Board of Trade. the meeting, our Chair, William ley’s ‘singular impartiality in public 31 Arthur Godley was Gladstone’s prin- meeting Wallace (Lord Wallace of Salt- affairs.’ ‘I do not say that he was abso- cipal private secretary, 1880–82; Per- aire, President of the History lutely impartial – under our system of manent Under-Secretary at the India was an Group and joint deputy leader government that is impossible … but Office,1883 –1909; Liberal by Principle, of the Liberal Democrat peers), if he was not absolutely free from all p. 273. On the Colonial Office see the exploration bias, he came as near it as, I think, any account, probably by Robert George remarked on just how unstable man whom we have listened to and Herbert, permanent under-secretary of one of a coalition the late nineteenth followed in this house.’ 4 Hansard, 106 at the Colonial Office, 1871–92, in century Liberal Party actually (15 April 1902): 260. Free Lance, 19 April 1902, Kimberley the most was and how this instability was 27 Liberal by Principle, pp. 23–24. See Papers, Bodleian Library c.4484, f. manifest in the career of Joe particularly George Leveson Gower, 143. famous Years of Endeavour (London: John 32 Wolseley to Fleetwood Wilson, 22 Chamberlain and the fate of the Murray, 1942), pp. 133–34. September 1902, Wolseley Papers, of Cham- Unauthorised Programme. 28 Liberal by Principle, pp. 184–85; Journal Perkins Library, Duke University, 18- Picking up on William Wal- of Wodehouse, pp. 366–67, 499. H. berlain’s lace’s reference to instability, 29 Gladstone to Wodehouse, 28 April 33 Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, India Under 1860, KP eng.c.4003, f. 52; Liberal by Ripon: A Private Diary (London: T.F. Professor Marsh began by saying Principle, p. 44, n. 213. Unwin, 1909), p. 18. political how much, in his opinion, the 30 Having city banker Raikes Cur- 34 The Times, 9 April 1902, p. 3. Unauthorised Programme of personae 1885, and radicalism in general, – the pro- was an unstable and destabilising phenomenon. This he described vocative as the ‘radical dilemma’. The Unauthorised Programme was social- a clumsy presentation of presci- ent policy because radicalism reforming is the most difficult position Report to maintain in British politics campaigner, while holding high office. Until which Joe Chamberlain radicals either Joseph Chamberlain and the Unauthorised avoided high office, like Cobden, earned him or proved innocuous in it, like Programme Bright. This may be surprising the soubri- because Professor Marsh went Evening meeting, July 2005, with Peter Marsh and Terry quet ‘Radi- on to say that he saw radical- Jenkins ism as an essentially Liberal cal Joe’. position, in the British (and Report by Graham Lippiatt Canadian) sense as opposed to the Continental or American. he cover design of the The theme of the History Radicalism in this interpreta- paperback edition of Denis Group’s summer meeting was an tion was situated historically on Judd’s study of Joseph exploration of one of the most the left flank of the Liberal Party T 1 Chamberlain published in 1993 famous of Chamberlain’s politi- and was not a socialist position. shows a picture-postcard car- cal personae – the provocative It was Chamberlain who was toon of the top-hatted, mono- social-reforming campaigner, really the first Liberal to embrace cled Chamberlain wearing a which earned him the soubri- radicalism and seek to imple- patchwork coat, each segment quet ‘Radical Joe’ – and an assess- ment it from the government of which contains a description ment of its impact on the party. front bench, while holding high, of some aspect of his politi- Our distinguished speakers and seeking higher, office. It was cal life: ‘socialist’, ‘republican’, were Peter Marsh (Honorary not, however, until the Liberal ‘extreme radical’, ‘Gladstonian’, Professor of History at Bir- governments after 1906 and ‘Liberal Unionist’, ‘ordinary mingham University; Emeritus Attlee’s Labour administration Conservative’ and more besides. Professor of History and Profes- of 1945–51 that radicalism was At the bottom of the coat are sor of International Relations at espoused and implemented by some unclaimed patches marked Syracuse University, New York a British government. Interest- ‘vacant’, waiting only for the and author of Joseph Chamberlain, ingly, Professor Marsh thought next shift in Chamberlain’s career Entrepreneur in Politics) and Dr we had been getting a version of for a new label to be sewn into Terry Jenkins, (Senior Research it again since 1997 and he high- the fabric of this coat of many Officer at the History of Parlia- lighted what he believed was a political colours.2 ment Trust; author of Gladstone, dilemma for Liberal Democrats

34 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 report today in the party’s attempts to in the publication Fortnightly about their own economic secu- gain power, drawing a parallel Review. Although Chamberlain rity. By his next speech at Ips- with the problems Chamberlain did not write most of the arti- wich, Chamberlain was using the experienced in 1885, trying to cles, they were clearly stimulated word ‘insurance’, not ‘ransom’, outflank the government of Tony and guided by his thinking and but the genie was out of the bot- Blair which he likened to that everything that Chamberlain tle. It was also clear after Ipswich led by Gladstone (notably in its later said in his speeches of 1885, that the Birmingham speech Middle Eastern foreign policy). the speeches that came to con- was not a one-off but part of a According to Professor Marsh, stitute his Radical Programme, succession of pronouncements, the Unauthorised Programme of had appeared already in the developing a prior, considered 1885 was based on a number of Fortnightly Review scripts. Apart programme. Chamberlain intro- illusions and was executed clum- from some interest within Lib- duced at Ipswich the issue of the sily, but it did anticipate the need eral circles, the articles created no use of taxation as an instrument to implement policies that were great public or political stir. This of social and economic redistri- not introduced until twenty years remained the case even when bution, highlighting the unfair- later. Its first articulation came they were grouped together and ness in local taxation of charging in 1883. The Liberals had been published with an introduction the same rates on the housing back in office for about two years by Chamberlain. of the poor as on those of the but expected to remain in power The Programme began with wealthy. He suggested a gradu- indefinitely. They thought the education, as Chamberlain ated income tax on those whose Tory election victory in 1874 was himself had done as a crusader wealth exceeded their immedi- merely a blip; normal political for free, secular, universal, com- ate needs, exciting middle-class service had been resumed after pulsory elementary education. alarm. The speeches were clumsy the Liberals’ 1880 election win. This was to cause a problem rhetorically but explosive in their However, by 1883 there was dis- for the largely Liberal-support- intrinsic content. What Cham- appointment at the performance ing nonconformists, as to make berlain was trying to do was of the Liberal government, par- education free would inevitably to move the central ground of ticularly among radicals. This led mean public grants to Anglican British politics away from moral to one of the illusions referred schools, an issue which would and religious affairs to socio- to by Marsh. Radicals looked remain anathema for them into economic issues and to redefine forward to the next item on the the twentieth century. But the the role of the state in bringing agenda of Liberal government core of the radical programme about social and economic jus- being franchise reform. Cham- was socioeconomic, advocating tice from within a government berlain expected the widened a more equitable distribution of in which he was a high office- franchise of the 1884 Reform It was wealth, a tax on landowners and holder. Bill to open a new, democratic, the carving of smallholdings out A further example of Cham- era in political history in which Cham- of land on aristocratic estates berlain’s political clumsiness in social legislation would dominate berlain’s to increase property ownership 1885 was his handling of Glad- the agenda – but he was wrong. among the rural poor. It also stone and his breaking of the This did not happen until some speeches advocated slum clearance and boundaries, as Gladstone under- time later, when the forces that the provision of decent housing stood them, of cabinet solidarity. gave rise to the New Liberal- in Janu- by aristocratic landlords. What Gladstone was angry about this ism emerged. At this time it was was prescient, new and conten- but Chamberlain only lectured moral and religious issues that ary 1885 tious about this was the emphasis the prime minister about what continued to retain their domi- that trans- on the role and responsibility of he saw as the changed politi- nant appeal to the electorate. government to correct the most cal landscape brought about by There was also a direct personal formed this offensive aspects of the maldistri- the 1884 Reform Act. This only connection between the Unau- bution of wealth. exacerbated the rivalries between thorised Programme and the agenda It was Chamberlain’s speeches the two men that were develop- New Liberalism in the person in January 1885 that transformed ing not just on domestic policy of Lloyd George, described by from an this agenda from an interesting but, crucially, over Ireland and Professor Marsh as a ‘Chamber- interesting set of policy issues into a true foreign affairs too. lain groupie’ in 1885, who broke political sensation. In his first In summarising, Profes- with his hero reluctantly in 1886 set of pol- speech in Birmingham when sor Marsh painted a portrait but retained his faith in the radi- talking about social and eco- of Chamberlain, holding high cal principles of the Programme icy issues nomic insurance, Chamberlain cabinet office in a Liberal gov- and later found himself superbly used the word ‘ransom’. This ernment, trying radically to placed to implement them. into a true missed the intended target. It did advance the basic principles of The Unauthorised Pro- political not appeal to the newly enfran- its domestic policy. Intrinsically, gramme was first announced in chised electors but it did awaken that was a virtually impossible a series of articles in 1883–84 sensation. the fears of the middle classes task – even if it had been done

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 35 report with a far greater finesse than definition of the role the Whigs is that the revolt was not really Chamberlain managed. But the played in the Liberal Party: about Gladstone’s Irish policy programme did foreshadow the at all. Ireland and home rule great Liberal socioeconomic I admit the Whigs are not the provided a convenient fig leaf to reforms of the 1908 Asquith gov- leaders in popular movements hide the ideological nakedness ernment, and the man who was but the Whigs have been, as I of the Whigs, a ready excuse to the direct political descendant think, to the great advantage of leave the party at a time when of Chamberlain and inheritor of the country to direct and guide they were fundamentally out of the Unauthorised Programme and moderate those popular sympathy with its modernising was David Lloyd George. movements. They have formed and radicalising views, the sort of Our second speaker, Dr Terry a connecting link between the views expressed in Chamberlain’s Jenkins, then turned the atten- advanced party and those classes Unauthorised Programme. A tion of the meeting to the impact which possessing property, great wave of progressive Lib- of Chamberlain’s programme power and influence are natu- eral thought swept them away on the Liberal Party itself, and in rally averse to change. I think and landed them on the shore particular the role of the Whigs. that I may fairly claim that it is of their natural home, the Con- For much of the Victorian era, greatly owing to their guidance servative Party. the Liberals were the dominant and their action that the great Examining the position that force in British politics, remark- and beneficial changes which Hartington and other Whigs ably successful in embodying the have been made in the direction took in 1885 at the time of social and cultural aspects of the of popular reform in this coun- Chamberlain’s radical pro- age. The party stood for political try, have been made not by the gramme, however, Dr Jenkins’ and religious liberty, free trade, shock of revolution and agita- view was that it was too sim- small government, low taxation tion but by the calm and peace- plistic to regard the Whigs as an and individual self-improvement. ful process of constitutional acts. obsolete remnant about to be It represented the new, dynamic washed away by historic forces. forces in British society, which Whiggery by the 1880s was vir- In fact, he argued, there was no had been created by the processes tually the same thing as moder- causal link between the Unau- of urbanisation and industrialisa- ate Liberalism, the phrases being thorised Programme and the tion. Crucially, however, it also used interchangeably. The term revolt of the Whigs in 1886. It combined the representation of Whig had also by this time come is true that 1885 was a time of the new urban, industrial Britain to be applied to men who would great tension and anxiety for with traditional political forces, not be described as Whigs in the the Whigs but in the context of exemplified by the survival of normal social sense; men like the usual struggles and disagree- the Whig aristocratic leadership George Goschen (who came ments inside the Liberal Party, within the Liberal Party. The from a London banking fam- enhanced by the franchise and Whigs continued to provide an ily of German extraction, not redistribution reforms of 1884 administrative elite forming the Whiggery from a landed background). which had transformed the elec- backbone of most Liberal gov- Nevertheless, although the Whig toral system, creating two mil- ernments. For example, even in by the tradition was clearly a strong lion extra voters and a sweeping 1880, when Gladstone formed force in Liberal politics as late redistribution of seats. This had his second administration, there 1880s was as the 1880s, it became an arti- removed representation from were thirteen cabinet ministers cle of faith for later generations many small boroughs, particu- of whom six were peers and four virtually of Liberals (perhaps, noted Dr larly in southern England, and others had aristocratic or landed the same Jenkins, still around even among created new seats in London connections – one being Lord modern Liberal Democrats) that and the provincial cities. This Hartington, heir of the Duke of thing as the Whigs had become merely in itself undoubtedly weakened Devonshire. At the same time, an a dead weight. It came to be the electoral power of the Whigs examination of the make-up of moderate widely accepted that the depar- as it reduced overwhelmingly the Parliamentary Liberal Party ture of Whigs such as Hartington the remaining ‘nomination’ in 1880 showed that about 43 Liberal- and Goschen in 1886, when they seats, those in the gift of the per cent had close aristocratic or ism, the rebelled against Gladstone’s pol- great aristocratic families or the landed connections; they were icy of home rule for Ireland, was pocket of a great landowner. It sons of peers or baronets or were phrases a necessary process. In this analy- also created some unease for the significant landowners, people sis, the Liberal Party was obliged Whigs about how they were listed in Burke’s or other refer- being used to shed its Whig incubus before going to cope under this new ence works of notable landown- it could evolve towards the New system. ers. In a much-quoted speech to inter- Liberalism of the Edwardian Then there was the threat his constituents as late as Decem- change- era. Essential to this assumption from Chamberlain him- ber 1883, Lord Hartington about what came to be known as self; his attempt, through the provided a justification and ably. the revolt of the Whigs in 1886 ­Unauthorised Programme, to

36 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 report seize the initiative and impose his Chamberlain’s demands, as the Nor was it the Liberal Party or of the prime ­policies as the programme that Radical Programme called for minister. all Liberal candidates would have the proposed county councils the case However, it was notable that to adopt in order to find favour to have powers for the com- even then Hartington never with the new electorate, against pulsory purchase of land so that that the condemned the Unauthorised the background of not know- the smallholding and allotment Programme, particularly once ing much about what the new distribution plans could be put Whigs were Chamberlain had backed down voters really believed or wanted. into effect. Hartington and other devoid of from his initial ultimatum speech Despite this, however, Dr Jenkins Whigs such as Albert Grey MP at Lambeth on 24 September, said there were very few cases in (the heir to Earl Grey) also went policies when he rashly demanded that 1885 of outright defection from some way in the direction of land his programme must be adopted the Liberal Party by Whigs. At reform. They were sympathetic of their as the policies of the next Lib- best there are cases of abstentions to measures designed to simplify eral government. Within a week or withdrawals of endorsement. the legal process involved in the own in the Chamberlain had retreated For instance in Cheshire, two transfer of land. They showed face of the from this position, stating only of the great Whig landowners, growing interest in alternative that he requested his policies the Duke of Westminster and ways of providing smallholdings Unauthor- be treated as open questions by the Marquis of Crewe, refused short of compulsory purchase the next Liberal administration. to support candidates who fol- and forcible redistribution. Grey ised Pro- Hartington was always willing lowed the Radical Programme’s was a promoter of organisations, to accept that these were indeed ideas on land reform. This kind along the lines of building socie- gramme, issues requiring more debate of action represented the limit of ties, which could provide loans and rep- and consideration, against the Whig disaffection from the Lib- to enable agricultural workers background of his severe practi- eral Party in 1885; their attitude to become smallholders. So, the resented cal doubts and his warnings of was instead to fight their corner debate between the Whigs and raising unrealistic expectations. and try to win the argument for the Radicals in 1885 was about merely He acknowledged that in some the future inside the party, not what was going to happen later circumstances compulsory pur- defect from it. Typical was the after local government had been a dead chase of land was already right action of Lord Everington, the reformed, not a fundamental ide- weight try- and possible and not original or heir of Lord Fortescue. In a letter ological dispute about the nature revolutionary, refusing to make to his father in February 1885, of Liberalism. ing to slow Chamberlain’s position on land he explained why he wished to In September 1885, the posi- reform into a party-splitting issue stand for Parliament after the tion of Hartington and the down the of absolute principle. On another reforms of the previous year. Whigs was made considerably of Chamberlain’s key policies, ‘Moderate men will never have easier when Gladstone issued radicals free education, Hartington raised so good a chance as now with his election manifesto. Up to without doubts about certain practical the new constituencies whose that point it was not entirely considerations but again did not character will be affected for clear that Gladstone would lead ideas of rule it out. some time to come by their new the party through the general From the Whig perspective members.’ election, but his manifesto of 18 their own. Chamberlain’s campaign back- Nor was it the case that the September reassured the Whigs. fired in a number of ways as they Whigs were devoid of poli- Gladstone showed no interest saw him spending more and cies of their own in the face of or endorsement in the policies more of the later part of the elec- the Unauthorised Programme, being pushed by Chamberlain, tion backtracking from the posi- and represented merely a dead who described the manifesto as a tion he had taken early on. Free weight trying to slow down the slap in the face. On land reform education, for instance, virtually radicals without ideas of their issues Gladstone’s position was disappeared from his speeches by own. Most obviously, Harting- much closer to the Whig stance. the end of the campaign, as so ton, in his speeches during the For the remainder of the election many nonconformists objected long 1885 election, put great campaign the Whigs were able to the prospect of Anglican emphasis on the reform of local to present themselves as party schools receiving state funding. government through the crea- loyalists and paint Chamberlain Chamberlain was also perceived tion of county councils. Local and the radicals as the trouble- as having misjudged the cam- government for the counties makers destabilising the party. paign, crassly pushing forward his was common ground for all Significantly, it was Goschen demands and using inflammatory Liberals, even though in the who in October 1885 coined the language to promote his views. end the reform was introduced term ‘Unauthorised Programme’ Many Liberals blamed Cham- under a Conservative govern- to characterise Chamberlain’s berlain’s approach for the setback ment. In a further irony, reform campaign, stressing that it did not the party received in the English of local government was a represent the official policy of boroughs in the general elec- starting point for a number of tion, as the Conservatives won

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 37 report an unexpected majority of these There was ­demoralising the party and agenda was changing and politi- seats. This came as a shock to the undermining its ability to cians of all parties were forced Liberals, many of whom, includ- no ideolog- present itself to the nation as to confront a new landscape. ing Chamberlain, had anticipated a truly national party; and of Issues such as old age pensions a landslide for the party. It was ical divide course it was a gift to the Con- or social insurance were new; assessed that the extreme lan- servatives who, with their new they were not the policies being guage that Chamberlain and the between Liberal Unionist allies, were talked about by Chamberlain in radicals had used had frightened radicals able to dominate politics for 1885, although ironically Cham- many moderate voters. The set- the next twenty years. While it berlain was at that time trying backs in the boroughs cut the and Whigs is true that many of those who to develop policy on these ques- Liberal majority and took the left the party in 1886 were from tions from within his alliance shine off the election victory. and the the Whig tradition, this did not with the Conservatives. This outcome demonstrated, have the effect of liberating the In conclusion, Dr Jenkins said in Dr Jenkins’ view, that the Whigs did Liberal Party in the years imme- he would agree with the view Liberal Party as a whole, not just not use diately following, and allowing expressed by the late Profes- the Whigs, was not ready for the it to become a progressive party sor Colin Matthew, editor of acceptance and implementa- Ireland as of welfare and social reform. the Gladstone diaries, when he tion of Chamberlain’s radical For example, looking at the speculated that if the Liberal programme. The main lessons a smoke- Newcastle Programme of 1891, Party had held together in 1886 of the election drawn by the while there were some elements on the Irish question, it could party were that there had been a screen of tax reform clearly inspired by have become a party of positive rejection of radical policies and under Chamberlain’s earlier ideas, the social welfare. a justification of moderate and emphasis was on mainly tradi- traditional Liberal approaches. cover of tional Liberal policies such as Grahma Lippiatt is the Secretary of Even after the 1885 election, home rule, disestablishment of the Liberal Democrat History Group. therefore, the Whigs did not feel which they the Scottish church and temper- that their position inside the ance reform. Dr Jenkins thought 1 Denis Judd, Radical Joe, A Life of party was anachronistic or under could leave highly questionable, therefore, Joseph Chamberlain (Cardiff, Univer- sity of Wales Press), 1993. serious threat of being swept the proposition that the Liberal the party 2 See also, Marji Bloy, Joseph Chamber- away by a tide of progressivism. Party had to divest itself of the lain in Duncan Brack et al, Dictionary They believed that they were and join Whigs before it could move on of Liberal Biography (London, Politi- well placed to fight for their to the New Liberalism. By the co’s Publishing), 1998. version of Liberalism in oppo- the Con- 1890s and 1900s the political sition to Chamberlain. When, therefore, the Liberal split came servatives. in 1886 it was, in Dr Jenkins’ assessment, genuinely about Ireland and about Gladstone’s style of leadership. There was no ideological divide between radi- cals and Whigs and the Whigs did not use Ireland as a smoke- reviews screen under cover of which they could leave the party and join the Conservatives. The issue The strange birth of social democracy of home rule split the party in an entirely different way. It cre- Gareth Stedman Jones, An End to Poverty? A Historical ated a fault line that ensured that Hartington and Chamber- Debate (Profile Books, 2004) lain were actually in alliance with each other in the Liberal Reviewed by Frank Trentmann Unionists. Of the MPs who rebelled over home rule, only he battle for the next elec- rival views of social democracy. about half were from aristocratic tion has begun. So far, the In this ambitious and thought- or classic Whig backgrounds; Tmain show in town to provoking book, Gareth Stedman about 30 per cent were business- watch is not the conflict between Jones argues that it is fundamen- men. parties but the contest between tally flawed to think that the There is no doubt that the Brown and Blair. How to end future of social democracy lies split of 1886 was immensely poverty has become the battle- with either New or Old Labour. damaging to the Liberals, ground between rival egos and An End to Poverty? offers a fresh

38 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 reviews account of the birth of social engagement like Gareth Stedman liberal-republican vision of the democracy and an earlier vision Jones. He offers a razor-sharp founding fathers is an argument of how to make poverty history. account that cuts through many that Labour and socialist move- Instead of to trade unions or of the more technical debates in ments have fragmented and cor- the welfare state, Stedman Jones the history of ideas and econom- rupted true social democracy. looks to Thomas Paine and the ics to bring to life the changing Here attention to the ideological Marquis de Condorcet in the meanings of political economy fusion of liberal and republican 1780s and 1790s as the founding for the general reader. Broadly elements in the 1780s and ’90s fathers of social democracy. In speaking, the account of the rise connects with Stedman Jones’ response to the American and and fall of the republican social earlier, seminal work on Lan- French Revolutions, and draw- democratic idea is told through guages of Class – and takes him ing on new knowledge about the changing readings of Adam one step further. In that work, probability, Paine and Condorcet Smith. Against the background of emphasis had been on the politi- developed a republican vision an initially optimistic response to cal language of anti-aristocratic that combined social insur- the American and French Revo- corruption, rather than on socio- ance with civic commitment in lutions, Paine and Condorcet economic forces, in the creation a commercial society. Poverty, offered a new radical reading of the first large labour move- they argued, could be eliminated of Smith that allowed them to ment, Chartism. Now, this politi- through social insurance and combine Smith’s embrace of cal process appears as a merely universal education, paving the commercial society with a new partial appropriation of a richer, way for a republican, more inclu- and more egalitarian project of a pre-existing social democratic sive and egalitarian community. democratic community. Fear of position. Chartists took from Instead of seeking to navigate revolutionary anarchy, monar- Paine an understanding of aris- between liberalism and socialism, chism, nationalism, and evangeli- tocratic excess and its fiscal bur- social democratic politics today, calism, in turn, later mobilised dens, but they no longer carried Stedman Jones urges, should alternative and ultimately more forth the egalitarian understand- return to this initial republican influential positions of politi- ing that came with his propos- project and combine commercial cal economy. The social and the als on social insurance. Moving society, social equality, and inclu- political now split, as political the founding moment of social sive citizenship. economy came to concern itself democracy from social move- After the 1790s, it is all down- with economic freedom and ments to social thinkers thus hill. Reaction to the French markets – not democratic cul- leaves Chartists (and class poli- Revolution closed off the space ture. Poverty became an issue of tics more generally) in a more for radical politics. The organic personal behaviour and morality republican vision that fused a – Malthus’ contribution receives commitment to free trade with much emphasis here – or an eco- social insurance was driven apart nomic problem. The elimination into ideological extremes of of poverty had ceased to be part liberal political economy, on the of a democratic project of creat- one hand, and socialism, on the ing citizens. Socialism, on the other. Where states introduced other extreme, divided society social reforms, such as the Liberal into workers versus capitalists, legislation in Edwardian Britain, losing sight of the significance of these largely lacked the eight- commercial society for civic life eenth-century vision of universal recognised by Paine and Con- rights and democratic inclusive- dorcet. ness. This book offers a way out One way to describe this of the sometimes tiresome back book’s place in the literature on and forth between Old and New social democracy is anti-Whig- Labour that has been haunting gery. Instead of a heroic rise of British politics. The future of the working class and Labour in social democracy does not lie response to an unfolding indus- with either New Labour or Old trial capitalism, the narrative here Labour. Rather, both Old and is one of Fall and disintegration. New Labour would do well to Nineteenth- and twentieth-cen- rediscover the essence of original tury social democratic politics social democracy. lost a richer founding vision. This is an inspired and In fact, Stedman Jones’ critical thought-provoking book. Few discussion of socialism and lais- authors writing today combine sez-faire political economy as historical vision with political two extremes carving up the

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 39 reviews

­subordinate, problematic posi- capitalist, on the one hand, and why did later radical and social- tion. More generally, it reinforces ‘laisser-faire individualism and a democratic thinkers and move- an older historiographical view language of producer and con- ments not pick up again Paine’s of the centrality of the revolu- sumer’, on the other (p. 235). This proposals for social insurance? tionary era – both in generating statement illustrates the problem Why this particular pattern of modern ideas and, through the of causation in a nutshell. True, reception or selective amnesia? anti-revolutionary reaction, in liberalism and neo-liberalism in Stedman Jones’ plea for a casting a long shadow over the public choice theory and public fresh appreciation of the radical nineteenth century. policy have increasingly adopted ideas of the 1780s and ’90s both How much weight can Paine a producer-versus-consumer as an inspiration for contempo- and Condorcet carry in this new view anchored in individual- rary politics and as a historical story of social democracy? Politi- ist theories, but this is mainly a phenomenon comes close to cians and historians may have recent trend. Few thinkers and endowing a particular historical different answers to this question social movements in the first moment with a kind of timeless – as indeed will the poor and half of the nineteenth century meaning and significance. The their champions (the ultimate gave the consumer a distinct or changing appeal of the idea here audience of this republican social prominent position. In fact, one becomes a battle between rival democratic ideal). Historians of the few political economists authors and their texts, fighting may debate whether the celebra- who did accord consumption over the body of Adam Smith. tion of Paine’s and Condorcet’s special attention, Jean-Baptiste This approach partly reflects just ideas as a foundational moment Say – who figures in this book how much historians of society of social democracy risks as one of the thinkers unravel- have turned away from socioeco- minimising the contribution of ling the radical vision – did so nomic developments and towards subsequent traditions. The anti- by including the consumption language and ideas to explain Whiggery of the book rests on a in factories as well as that by change. It also, however, assumes stark contrast between an organic private end-users. It was only in that the appeal and function of radical view of the 1780s and the second half of the nineteenth ideas is relatively autonomous ’90s and a subsequent polarisa- century that a language of the from socio-economic develop- tion of discourse and politics into consumer took shape – and then ments. Texts alone cannot explain two rival camps of laissez-faire it did so by fusing civic and soci- the changing social and political individualism and socialism. This The book economic ideas and identities, as purchase and reverberations of an narrative may do useful political in battles over consumer rights idea. Perhaps it was not only tex- work in liberating Adam Smith is more and consumer representation. In tual reinterpretations of political from the clutches of recent neo- short, it is difficult to see how an economy, but also the changing liberals. As history, however, it persuasive individualist free market concep- material world that made later arguably projects twentieth-cen- tion of consumer vs. producer generations of radicals and social tury programmes of individual- in high- could have played a role in the democrats produce and look to ism versus collectivism back into lighting earlier decline of radical social other ideas and interpretations the nineteenth century, where democracy. Quite the contrary, it of the world. Put crudely, per- popular politics were far less just how could be argued that the Victo- haps Paine’s republican fusion clear-cut. Broadening the discus- rian and Edwardian discovery of of commerce, civil society and sion from key texts to popular much the the consumer injected civic ideas citizenship worked better for politics might suggest a reverse into political economy. a commercial society than for narrative. Far from having been reaction to The book is more persuasive an industrial or post-industrial dislodged, many of Paine’s build- the French in highlighting just how much society. ing blocks of free trade and civil the reaction to the French Revo- This last point brings us to society were common pillars Revolution lution amounted to a profound the politicians and political read- of the popular radicalism that disjuncture for the history of ers targeted by this book. Sted- peaked in the decades before the amounted ideas and politics. Paine’s effigies man Jones is rightly critical of First World War. were burnt. His radical bestseller the increasingly ahistorical tone Stedman Jones’ fascination to a pro- was pushed aside by a wave of and tenor of political debate; with Paine and Condorcet lies found dis- loyalist texts. Stedman Jones fellow historians of the left are with their organic or republican shows clearly how this reaction criticised for their ‘distant and conception of socioeconomic juncture and fear of radicalism prompted a condescending’ attitude to the and political identities. In the new moral, Christian and polit- enlightenment (p.9). The 1780s course of the nineteenth and for the ico-economic defence of prop- and ’90s did produce a progres- twentieth centuries, he argues, erty and individual responsibility. sive democratic vision. But is it this new social democratic lan- history of As far as later radical generations a good or adequate vision for guage of citizenship was ‘pushed ideas and are concerned, Stedman Jones our times? Why return all the aside’ by socialism with its emphasises that Paine’s writings way to the radical enlightenment antithesis between worker and politics. were only selectively used. But rather than simply start with

40 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 reviews later ideas of social justice and minister is, of course, that dis- The rela- rested on grants to the poor to social policy, such as the New course is one thing, putting poli- assist their education. This is very Liberalism, welfare economics, or tics into practice quite another. tionship different from the contemporary more recent theories of justice? But it is precisely here that the world where social inclusion Deep down for Stedman Jones, conceptual gulf between ideas between requires not only education but I suspect, poverty and policies to and politics and society opens access to television sets and fash- eliminate poverty are of interest up in the history of ideas driv- free trade ionable clothes to allow the poor less for their size, effect or prac- ing this important book. It is not and a to participate in the lifestyle of a ticality than for the civic vision at all clear how Paine’s vision- society of consuming citizens. lying behind them. Paine and ary idea would have played out social The republican vision also Condorcet would probably be in practice. Nor is it clear at all invokes a certain organic form stunned by the dramatic expan- what particular policy proposals democratic of a community of like-minded sion of social services since the a current minister open to per- active citizens. There is a princi- late nineteenth century. School- suasion should take away from project to pal tension between the idea of ing is universal. In Britain at the the account offered here. What erase pov- such a community and the idea turn of the twenty-first century, policy blueprint has Paine got to of a commercial society. How more than £12 billion was offer a government that is already erty is also could the integrity of such a spent on personal social services; committed to increased spend- community be reconciled with local authorities spent nearly ing on nurseries, health care and problem- the more free-floating, diverse three-quarters of their share social services whilst accepting and pluralistic dynamics of on the most vulnerable groups, the virtuous discipline of mar- atic. an open, commercial society? children and older people. In kets? The historical record of the Paine’s and Condorcet’s notions France in the 1980s (though last century suggests the tremen- of social justice presumed a fairly not in Britain) there was a pro- dous difficulty of overcoming homogenous community with nounced trend closing the gap poverty, whatever governments’ shared moral beliefs. Societies in income between the elderly intentions. today are far more pluralistic and the rest of society, surely What, finally, about political and include many incompatible assisting greater social equality readers with a home in radical beliefs. Civil and commercial and inclusion. Clearly, Stedman politics and social movements? societies, unlike small and more Jones has an important point In contrast to his sustained atten- closed communities, may be that the egalitarian approach of tion to social insurance, Stedman marked by tolerance but they radicals like Paine matters, for it Jones is largely silent about the also involve thin identities that includes the poor as equals in a long-term legacies of the other do not easily rise to the more civic community, whereas early two elements of the early social active demands of republican welfarist legislation could be democratic trinity: civil society citizenship. Arguably, the origi- hierarchical and exclusionary. A and free trade. This is not because nal social democratic vision was fervent New Labour minister, by of ignorance; he has elsewhere trying to do the impossible and contrast, might argue that, rather produced an original perspective reconcile rival systems of com- than having moved away from on Hegel and civil society. Here, mercial civil society and more this older vision, they are mov- however, the silence about free communitarian republicanism. ing closer to it, after the well- trade and civil society in the later The relationship between free intended paternalistic welfarism nineteenth and twentieth cen- trade and a social democratic of Old Labour. New Labour dis- turies distracts from some of the project to erase poverty is also course and policy initiatives are evolving limitations, some would problematic. Paine’s and Con- full of attempts to fuse economy say defects, of a theory that fuses dorcet’s vision was global. In the and politics, market and citizen- social equality and citizenship course of the book, however, the ship, and to create ‘citizen-con- with free trade. Partly, this has focus increasingly narrows to sumers’. Such a minister might to do with the specific nature domestic social policies, ignor- produce a long list of targets and and trajectory of Paine’s version ing global trade and poverty. initiatives intended to replace of civil society. Paine equated Some writers have argued that hierarchical or statist patterns the state with aristocratic cor- British free trade produced ‘late with more local and inclusive ruption, war and immiseration. Victorian holocausts’ by promot- forms of civic engagement that Hence, a strong civil society ing famine and starvation and involve and give voice to the meant a small state. How such resulting in a sharply widening poor and socially excluded. a version of social democracy gulf between First World and More than at any time since the could be squared with the cur- Third World. While a good case Edwardian period, free trade, rent demands of social services can be made that the abolition civil society, and community and taxation is difficult to imag- of agricultural subsidies in the engagement are staples of Labour ine, as the current dilemmas of European Union would raise the Party discourse. The obvious pensions’ reform amply shows. standard of living of producers in riposte to this only semi-fictional Paine’s strategy for inclusion developing countries, an equally

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 41 reviews good case exists to warn that from the overwhelmingly hostile he also enjoyed the nickname in a real world of considerably position of current social move- Lord Cupid and his dedication different levels of development, ments to global free trade, it is to the social pleasures, on which income and power, trade liber- unlikely that a plea for reviving Chambers elaborates more fully alisation has reinforced poverty the original social democratic than most previous biographers, in the poorest parts of the world. utopia of free trade, social insur- may have been too ostentatious Paine’s and Condorcet’s vision of ance and citizenship will make for him to be taken seriously as a the benign and pacific force of for very popular politics. statesman. free trade was a radical utopian All that changed with the idea at the time but it had little Frank Trentmann is Senior Lecturer death of Canning. As anti- to offer social democratic move- in Modern History at Birkbeck Catholic as he remained in his ments in the early twentieth cen- College, University of London, and personal beliefs, Palmerston tury dealing with international Director of the Cultures of Con- saw Catholic Emancipation as crises, trusts and cartels or seek- sumption research programme, funded a necessity of state, electoral ing to provide social justice and by the UK Economic and Social reform as inevitable and a lib- fair prices for both consumers Research Council and the Arts and eral foreign policy as desirable. and producers. There are good Humanities Research Board. He has Consequently, he and the other historical reasons why successive written on consumption, civil society, Chambers Canningites parted company generations of social democrats and free rrade. Recent publications with Wellington and Peel, who moved away from a free trade include Markets in Historical suggests swallowed emancipation but ideal to explore alternative forms Contexts: Ideas and Politics in resisted reform. Under the 1830 of coordination, regulation, or the Modern World (Cambridge that Palm- Whig administration of Grey, ‘fair trade’. It is not at all clear University Press, 2004, edited with he took the Foreign Office and how social citizenship and social Mark Bevir); Civil Society (Pal- erston’s held that position in the suc- equality can be achieved under grave Macmillan, 2005; with John career ceeding Melbourne and Rus- free trade conditions. Historians Hall) and The Making of the sell governments. Despite his are not prophets, but judging Consumer (Berg Publishers, 2006). was, ‘with- reputation of being over-ready to send a gunboat to intimidate out doubt, some poor defenceless smaller nation, Palmerston’s pugna- the most cious foreign policy was more A very distinguished tightrope dancer entertain- concerned with keeping the peace between European rivals James Chambers, Palmerston: ‘The People’s Darling’ ing; and than making marginal additions (John Murray, 2004) to the Empire. To that end, he it was worked hard for the creation of Reviewed by Tony Little Belgium as a buffer to French probably expansion and interfered in the enry John Temple, Vis- be argued that Palmerston was the most politics of the Iberian penin- count Palmerston, began ­crucial to the success of the Lib- sula to promote constitutional Hhis ministerial career in eral Party. influential government and limit French 1807, at the age of twenty-two, By family background and influence. Similarly, his endorse- fresh from university and before an Enlightenment education in interna- ment of Italian nationalism was he found a parliamentary seat. Edinburgh, Palmerston should partly a reflection of his Liberal Yet he did not reach the pre- have been a Whig but, in the tionally’ … values, but more significantly he miership until he was seventy, face of Revolutionary France, it can also sought to limit the over-exten- the oldest first-time prime he accepted junior office under sion of the Austrian autocracy minister. His career took him the Tories. His two-decade be argued so that the Austro-Hungarian from the Napoleonic wars and apprenticeship in junior office Empire remained a valuable the lax aristocratic morality of was unusually long and not eas- that Palm- counterweight to Russian ambi- the Regency period to British ily explained. Throughout his tion. Everywhere he was aware Imperial dominance and the life, Palmerston could irritate erston was of the risk of revolution to the height of Victorian conformity. superiors, from the Queen ­crucial to unreformed European monar- In his preface, Chambers sug- downwards, combining his insist- chies, though his brash warnings gests that Palmerston’s career ence on the prerogatives of his the suc- were rarely heeded by those he was, ‘without doubt, the most own office with disregard for the sought to protect. Chambers entertaining; and it was probably responsibilities of others, while cess of makes the complexities of these the most influential internation- expressing himself so bluntly that Continental affairs clear and this ally’. Although not a claim that he earned the nickname Lord the Liberal book will serve well those with Chambers makes, it can also Pumicestone. As a young man, Party. only a sketchy prior knowledge.

42 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 reviews

militia bill, ending the minority in the middle of a European Whig administration. crisis over Italy. Palmerston A minority Conservative capitalised on the British pub- government under Lord Derby lic’s sympathy for the Italian proved unable to survive with- nationalists, which contrasted out Palmerston’s blessing, and in with the apparent Conserva- Lord Aberdeen’s 1852 coalition tive bias towards their Austrian Palmerston was restored to office enemies. After the election, Italy as Home Secretary. This meant served to reunite the squabbling that ‘Pam’ avoided the blame for Liberal factions in the famous the Crimean War and its inef- 1859 meeting in Willis’s Rooms. ficient conduct despite being a Queen Victoria’s attempts to senior member of the govern- avoid sending for either Russell ment, while Russell was discred- or Palmerston played out in a ited for deserting the sinking ship manner which guaranteed Palm- when he resigned in advance erston the job; Palmerston was of a critical Radical motion to blessed in his enemies. the Commons. In consequence, Palmerston described his role the seventy-year old Palmerston as that of ‘a very distinguished assumed the premiership as the tightrope dancer’ and Chambers inevitable war leader. presents a clear narrative of this Equally inescapable was his confusing period in British poli- return to meddling in foreign tics, although he concentrates on affairs and, while he still did not foreign affairs and succumbs to see eye to eye with Victoria and the temptation of including well- Albert, he kept his provocations known stories from the Crimean below a level which required War because they are well known dismissal. If he had overpowered rather than because they aid our A jolly way of looking at the royal family, he had not yet understanding of Palmerston. disasters mastered the Commons where He deals less well with the com- Palmerston was rather less clear his speeches, polished for pub- plexities of domestic politics and in explaining his purpose to lication, read better than they the motivations of the Liberal Queen Victoria and Prince sounded. He spoke from notes, factions, which, intermittently, Albert whose Germanic and and Chambers describes his combined in opposing their monarchist sympathies clashed delivery as ‘stuttering’ with ‘hesi- nominal leader. with their Foreign Secretary’s tations and grasping for words’ Palmerston’s second govern- broader vision. Palmerston (p. 138). Defeated over the inept ment weathered all its trials and ignored his wife’s sound advice handling by officials of the Chi- he died, still in office, six years that ‘You always think you can nese seizure of the Arrow in 1857, later, shortly after his victory in convince people by Arguments’ his position was only retrieved the 1865 general election. The and the Queen ‘has not reflec- by victory in the ensuing general story of this period is usually told tion or sense to feel the force election. His subsequent defeat in terms of foreign policy crises, of them … I should treat what over the Orsini plot to assassinate which included an Anglo-French she says more lightly & courte- the French emperor ended his arms race, the American Civil ously, and not enter into argu- first government – a rare case War and the notorious Sch- ment with her, but lead her on of Palmerston appearing to act leswig-Holstein problem. Cham- gently, by letting her believe you not as the British bulldog but bers follows this standard pattern both have the same opinions in as a poodle to the French who and gives a clearer presentation fact and the same wishes, but demanded a change in British of the Schleswig-Holstein crisis, take different ways of carrying law to allow the prosecution of in which Bismarck called Palm- them out’ (p. 287). He continued asylum seekers accused of terror- erston’s bluff and Britain left a irritating the royal family until, ist plotting (plus ça change). small powerless ally in the lurch, in frustration, the monarch and The Conservative adminis- than I have seen elsewhere. her consort conspired with Lord tration, again headed by Derby, John Russell to sack him at the which replaced Palmerston’s end of 1851. But the plot was so first government, was itself So much more in earnest inept that the sacking was the short-lived and, while it unfairly than he appeared making of Palmerston’s career claimed the full credit for the However, this focus on foreign rather than its finale. Within resolution of the Indian Mutiny, policy also represents the book’s weeks, Palmerston had his it failed to secure its Reform Bill chief weakness. Chambers finds tit-for-tat with Russell over a and called the resulting election foreign affairs more exciting than

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 43 reviews domestic and he writes well on Palmerston was a mass of he appeared’ (p. 431), captures them but he is following a well- apparent contradictions. A keen an essential component of the gleaned path while neglecting exporter of reforming Liberal- man which leaves room for a the less well-harvested field of ism abroad and a fierce opponent more analytical approach than Palmerston’s domestic poli- of slavery, he felt little need to Chambers adopts. Neverthe- cies, politics and achievements. keep adding to the statute book less Chambers makes the most Palmerston’s period in the Home at home. Not a religious man, of his opportunities to provide Office is briskly despatched, and his carefully thought-out eccle- a tempting introduction to if the first Palmerston govern- siastical appointments, within an engaging character whom ment had domestic achieve- the Church of England, rallied Clarendon described as having a ments they are little noticed. nonconformists to Liberalism; ‘jolly way of looking at disasters’ Palmerston’s second government despising Irish Catholicism, he (p. 437). consolidated the existence of a provided Catholic education Liberal Party and habituated its on his Irish estates. Florence Tony Little is Chair of the Liberal components to working together. Nightingale was a neighbour Democrat History Group. This required considerable skill of Palmerston and her admoni- in the management of men and, tion, ‘though he made a joke 1 For an extensive selection from the in the case of Gladstone, almost when asked to do the right speech see Duncan Brack and Tony Little, Great Liberal Speeches (Politi- superhuman tolerance. Yet this thing, he always did it … He was cos, 2001), pp. 109–119. tricky exercise, so suggestive of so much more in earnest than the Blair–Brown relationship, and Gladstone’s extraordinary management of the Treasury under Palmerston, the principal domestic achievement of the What the voters saw government, are passed briefly over. Indeed the whole of the Emily Robinson & Justin Fisher, General Election 2005 second government is given only – What the Voters Saw (New Politics Network, 2005) 10 per cent of the book’s length. Chambers subtitles his book Reviewed by Mark Pack ‘The People’s Darling’ because Palmerston embodied the spirit he 2005 general election ­contacts they received and this of John Bull. In his most famous has already seen a plethora book analyses the results. speech he ended by asserting ‘as Tof books published, rang- To Liberal Democrat cam- the Roman in the days of old, ing from the latest volume in paigners many of the results will held himself free from indig- the Nuffield election studies be less surprising, perhaps, than nity, when he could say “Civis (Kavanagh and Butler, The British to others – but as it is a staple romanus sum”; so also a British General Election of 2005) through complaint of Lib Dem election subject, in whatever land he may to probably the most detailed organisers that academics and be, shall feel confident that the polling analysis ever published pundits do not understand how watchful eye and strong arm of Chambers of a campaign, the fruits of the their local campaigns really work, England will protect him against extensive opinion polls commis- that is not necessarily a bad thing injustice and wrong’ (p. 322).a subti- sioned (at a cost of hundreds of (though doubtless quite a few Electors and non-electors alike thousands of pounds) by Tory eyebrows will be raised at the recognised more readily than tles his peer Lord Ashcroft (Smell the omission of the Liberal Demo- MPs that Palmerston put the book ‘The Coffee: a Wake-up Call for the Con- crats from the list of parties who interests of the nation first and servative Party). it is said – on page 11 – ‘have the foremost. But Palmerston was People’s In this menagerie, Robinson capability to target different vot- also the first premier to court and Fisher have found a distinc- ers with different leaflets within popularity. Though at odds with Darling’ tive and interesting niche as the same constituency’!). his hostility to electoral reform their work reports on a study, The study provides very after 1832, he sought to incorpo- because conducted by the New Politics clear evidence for more leaflets rate the working classes into the Palmerston Network and funded by the bringing more votes, with the political nation through speaking Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, seats the Lib Dems gained often engagements outside his own embodied into what electors really received showing double-figure number constituency. He was an early through their letterbox, over the of contacts for electors from the and skilled protagonist of press the spirit phone or in person on the door- Liberal Democrats. One lucky management. His wife’s much- step during the election. A panel – or unlucky, depending on your sought-after social entertain- of John of 313 volunteers across 223 point of view – soul in Hornsey ments were carefully designed to Bull. different seats recorded all the & Wood Green received no less bind MPs to him and his cause.

44 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 reviews

reach this level of intensive cam- issue of campaign ethics during paigning activity across a Par- the campaign – and a sketch of liamentary seat – and as a result the campaign in five individual across the country as a whole constituencies. At £7.50 for just the Lib Dem leaflets come out as forty pages the book is rather the least local due to the reliance pricey, but there is enough inter- on standard national artwork in est in this brief book to make it many of the weaker seats. worthwhile – and brevity does The connection between mean a busy political activist may activity and results appears much actually have the time to read it! looser for the other parties, again a reflection of the wider world, Mark Pack works in the Liberal in this case the higher core sup- Democrats Campaigns Department port and media coverage for and, in his spare time, wrote most of Labour and the Conservatives. the eighteen letters and leaflets the The book is rounded off lucky Hornsey & Wood Green resi- with a detailed analysis of what dent received. the parties said on immigra- tion – the most contentious

A Prime Minister speaks Paul Richards (ed.) Tony Blair: In His Own Words (London; Politico’s Publishing, 2004) than eighteen different leaflets Reviewed by Mark Pack from the Liberal Democrats. As the authors understandably conclude, ‘the Liberal Democrats his collection brings The editor, an ardent New were determined to win this together forty-three of Labour fan, argues that Blair’s seat’. The result? A Liberal Dem- TBlair’s speeches, articles and values come through the book as ocrat gain, with a swing of 15 similar items stretching from consistent and heavily based on per cent. Similar double-figure 1982 to 2004. his Christian views. There is no levels of contact were recorded in The quote on the inner flap room here for criticisms of Blair’s other dramatic wins in Manches- is typical Blair: ‘I want us to be timidity after having won a large ter Withington and Westmorland a young country again. With a Parliamentary majority, nor of & Lonsdale. common purpose. With ideals we the Women’s Institute speech A more detailed reading of cherish and live up to. Not rest- that, due to its failure, is one of the figures shows some strong ing on past glories. Not fighting his most famous. results for the Liberal Democrats old battles.’ It has visionary rhet- Perhaps the most interesting on more modest campaigns, but oric, displaying a real verbal ora- speech is Blair’s 1982 lecture out- the overall picture is a clear link torical style (so rare in politicians lining the state of British politics. between very heavy levels of these days) with its sparseness Some later themes of Blairism are Lib Dem contact and good Lib with words and verbs – and not already clear, including criticism Dem results. What is also clear distinctively Labour in content. of Tony Benn for divisiveness. is that in many of these seats the It has overtones of JFK but with Concerns about social exclusion ‘classic ALDC’ type campaign of a few small changes could have and the scepticism of party activ- four or five leaflets is now seen come from Mrs Thatcher. ists (‘the trouble is that they can as barely breaking sweat. This is Some of the speeches are end up with little or no time for partly a reaction to the increas- heavily edited, with the extracts meeting those with whom they ing difficulty of getting a politi- thereby losing their coherence disagree’) are here too. cal message across as advertising and form, but fortunately those Blair was even then search- and marketing material have to suffer most are the conference ing for an alternative to sterile encroached more and more on speeches, which are available right–left debates, albeit in a every aspect of life (and through elsewhere. And Blair’s political rather different form from his the letterbox). On the other CV from 1983 is published in full latter beliefs. In the early 1980s hand, in many seats the Liberal and untouched, leaving in even he was willing to praise the left Democrats clearly still struggle to the bizarre misspelling by Blair of for generating new thinking. And his own name. the 1982 Blair also criticised the

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 45 reviews

­politician and helped bring about the rallying cry – ‘let us lead [the a major shift in the Labour Party’s nation] to our new age.’ attitude towards crime. For such His justification of the war in an important shift, the article Iraq is often couched in similar itself is curiously disappointing. moralistic tones: ‘This is a tough It is a fairly banal romp through choice. But it is also a stark one the horrors of crime with the … I believe we must hold firm usual superficial mêlée of statis- … to show at the moment of tics showing that crime is at its decision that we have the cour- worst since the Creation. There age to do the right thing.’ is no serious analysis of the levels As with any good collection of crime, their trends or their of speeches there are a few gems causes. Yet the soundbite helped of detail to cherish, such as Blair’s bring about a substantive shift in approving quotation of Lenin on Labour’s policies and priorities. the importance of being willing The importance of his reli- to compromise. gious beliefs comes through in The Liberals and Liberal pieces such as his foreword to Democrats barely feature in Reclaiming Socialism: Christianity the book, despite the fact that and Socialism. Here we see how Blair’s views on the possibility his religious beliefs underpin and of realignment and on deals to give justification to his self-right- entrench an anti-Conservative eous stridency and directness on majority had a major role in some issues, notably Iraq: ‘Chris- much of his political thought for tianity is a very tough religion … several years. There is right and wrong. There The production qualities are is good and bad … We should the usual Politico’s mix – good not hesitate to make such judge- paper and clear print, but slop- Labour right for basking in praise ments. And then follow them piness creeps in during the from the Financial Times, The with determined action.’ production process, in this case Times and Guardian – yet seeking The religious tenor appears in evidenced by a rather hit-and- praise from at least the first two many of the speeches and writ- miss index. would later become an obsession ing which were not aimed at a of New Labour. specifically religious audience, Mark Pack has a doctorate in nine- Other early items also clearly as in his 1996 conference speech teenth century English elections, and show traits that have become and its quasi-biblical exhorta- now works in the Liberal Democrats’ emblematic of Blair. In his 1990 tion about ‘1,000 days to prepare Campaigns and Elections Depart- interview with Marxism Today for a 1,000 years’, the references ment, specialising in internet and we have the family man chang- to Old Testament prophets and legal matters. ing nappies, and a determina- tion verging on insolence and wrapped in self-deprecation. He happily admits – even boasts Political studies about – unpopular aspects of his beliefs and background. British Elections & Parties Review: Volume 13 (edited Many of the items have dated very little. This reflects Blair’s by Colin Rallings, Roger Scully, Jonathan Tonge and tendency to talk on larger and more enduring themes than on Paul Webb; Frank Cass, 2003) and Volume 14 (edited policy detail. It also reflects his by Roger Scully, Justin Fisher, Paul Webb and David failure to deliver on many of them in government – he is still Broughton; Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2004) talking about the same issues Reviewed by Mark Pack now because his government has failed to move the debate on. ver the years the volumes ­contain a collection of new Blair’s New Statesman article in this series have main- research in the field of political on crime is also here with the Otained a consistent house science. There is the usual smat- ‘tough on crime, tough on the style despite a large number tering of chapters which make causes of crime’ approach that of different editors. These two a nod to the outside world, and made his name as a national volumes, as with previous ones, a few which do not rely on the

46 Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 reviews detailed consideration of residu- research finding? ‘In general, the Two chapters on devolution als, coefficients and significance more intense a party’s campaign follow, one on the record of levels. But the core of these pub- in a constituency relative to its Scottish opinion pollsters and lications is the detailed statistical opponents’, the better its per- one on the 2003 Welsh Assembly analysis of modern British poli- formance,’ we are solemnly told. elections. The former, in going tics. They are the place to turn to Many campaigners may wonder through a range of explanations for an overview of the latest sta- why it has taken academics so for the poor performance of tistical analyses of the UK politi- long to accept that campaigning political pollsters in Scotland, cal system, by both established has an impact. One reason, of provides a useful primer on the and new academics. course, is that much of the most pitfalls of conducting political The fourteen chapters of effective constituency campaign- polling. Volume 13 and the twelve in Vol- ing has been carried out by those The three overseas chapters in ume 14 mainly cover elections outside the two main politi- Volume 14 – on New Zealand’s held in 1999–2003. The non-UK cal parties – and so considered AMS PR system and on a lead- content of Volume 13 is higher until relatively recently as fringe ership election by party members than normal in the series, due to parts of the political system (and and grassroots campaigning in its coverage of various European therefore not worthy of much Ireland – cover topics of rel- elections in 2002. study). evance to UK elections. The one Both contain the usual triple- Volume 14’s first two chap- other chapter deals with the vot- layered approach familiar to read- ters examine how voters decide ing records of Labour MPs since ers of previous volumes. There whom to support. In the theoret- 2001 (rebelling frequently by are summaries of each chapter, ically perfect world of a rational historical standards, though not which give a brief fifteen-second voter, people base their prefer- Both sug- in large numbers). overview of the content, then the ences on careful consideration gest that There are some production full chapters, and then detailed of the parties’ views on a range blemishes in Volume 13, such as footnotes and bibliographies of issues. In reality, two major some the mysterious footnote three in which often provide pointers to shortcuts are taken. First, there Chapter 2 that does not refer to much deeper levels of detail. is the retrospective evaluation of caution the main body of the text and Volume 13 has a trio of chap- the incumbents – support them the wrong labelling of part of ters on overseas elections in 2002 if they’ve done a good job and should be Table 5 in Chapter 1. More nota- – in France, Ireland and Neth- oppose them if not, regardless of attached to ble is the decline in the quality of erlands. All three in their differ- future policy promises. Second, what should be one of the most ent ways illustrate the crisis of views on issues can be influenced identifying useful appendices. This volume, legitimacy of mainstream parties by the positions parties take. as with the others, includes in its in modern Western democracies. Thus, rather than backing a party a straight- appendices a narrative diary of In Ireland, Fine Gael could not because of its views on issue X, the main political events, details turn dissatisfaction with the gov- a voter may have take a view on forward of election results and similar. ernment into support for itself, issue X because that is the view link This makes the full collection whilst in both France and Hol- taking by their favoured party. of volumes a handy reference land an extreme party managed Whilst the particulars of the between source. But the collection of to force itself centre stage. evidence and the statistical mod- public opinion polls in Volume These studies are followed els are very specific to modern changes in 13 is much thinner than usual. by five chapters on devolution British electoral politics, the gen- Volume 14 sees a welcome and within the UK. They are largely eral theoretical points raise inter- party policy marked improvement. contemporary, with very little his- esting issues for historians of the on issues Despite these blemishes, the torical rooting to the stories they Liberal Party. Both suggest that series remains an interesting tell. What there is, though, serves some caution should be attached such as and useful collection of new as a useful reminder of the paucity to identifying a straightforward research, packaged in a relatively of support for devolution over link between changes in party free trade accessible way and suitable for many years in Wales. Important policy on issues such as free trade a wider audience than just spe- though it may have been to Welsh with consequent levels of public with con- cialist academics. Liberal politicians, it was much support for the Liberal Party. sequent less of an issue for the public. Four chapters then examine Mark Pack works in the Liberal Although many of the aca- the issue of modern political levels of Democrats’ Campaigns and Elec- demics genuinely engage with citizenship and participation in tions Department, specialising in their subject areas, there is still social movements – what shapes public sup- internet and legal matters. The Brit- a degree of ivory tower other- it and what encourages it. As ish Elections and Parties Review worldliness lingering in the with voter choice, these chapters port for series has now been replaced by the background. How else could a attempt to quantify and then the Liberal Journal of British Elections and statement such as the following analyse statistically a range of Parties Review, also published by be reported as a newsworthy possible factors. Party. Taylor & Francis.

Journal of Liberal History 49 Winter 2005–06 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group evening meeting blissful dawn? the 1906 ELECTION On 7 February 1906, the counting of votes was completed in the 1906 general election, and the Liberal Party had obtained a majority of 132 over all other parties. In addition, for the first time, 29 Labour MPs were elected and shortly afterwards the Parliamentary Labour Party was founded. To mark this anniversary, the Corporation of London is organising a lecture to which all Liberal Democrat History Group members are invited.

Speaker: Lord Kenneth Morgan (author of definitive biographies of Keir Hardie and Jim Callaghan, and one of the foremost historians of twentieth-century Britain)

6.00pm Tuesday 7 February (followed by reception at 7.30pm) Old Library, Guildhall, London EC2

Unlike previous History Group events you MUST let the organisers know in advance if you intend to attend the event. The level of security needed at the Guildhall means names must be given to Guildhall security twenty-four hours in advance, so if you want to attend please send your name and contact details to the Public Relations Office, City of London (email to [email protected], or fax to 020 7332 3076).

A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting defender of liberties: charles james fox 2006 also sees the bicentary of the death of the Whig leader Charles James Fox. A proponent of the supremacy of Parliament, the freedom of the press and the rights and civil liberties of the people, and and a believer in reform, rationalism and progress, rather than repression, the ideas he defended – particularly over the challenge of the state to the liberties of the individual in time of war – are as relevant to our own times as to those of the Britain of 200 years ago.

Speaker: Frank O’Gorman (Emeritus Professor of History, Manchester University)

8.15pm Friday 3 March (following the Liberal Democrat History Group AGM at 8.00pm) Queen’s Suite Room 5, Harrogate International Centre

Please note that due to conference security, only those with conference photo-badges will be able to attend. For those only wishing to attend fringe meetings, registration is free but is limited to Liberal Democrat party members; and please allow time to register and pick up your badge at the Conference Centre in Harrogate).