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The Melammu Project THE MELAMMU PROJECT http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/ “The King, the Emperor, and the Empire. Continuity and Discontinuity of Royal Representation in Text and Image” JOAN WESTENHOLZ Published in Melammu Symposia 1: Sanno Aro and R. M. Whiting (eds.), The Heirs of Assyria. Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Tvärminne, Finland, October 8-11, 1998 (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project 2000), pp. 99-125. Publisher: http://www.helsinki.fi/science/saa/ This article was downloaded from the website of the Melammu Project: http://www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/ The Melammu Project investigates the continuity, transformation and diffusion of Mesopotamian culture throughout the ancient world. A central objective of the project is to create an electronic database collecting the relevant textual, art-historical, archaeological, ethnographic and linguistic evidence, which is available on the website, alongside bibliographies of relevant themes. In addition, the project organizes symposia focusing on different aspects of cultural continuity and evolution in the ancient world. The Digital Library available at the website of the Melammu Project contains articles from the Melammu Symposia volumes, as well as related essays. All downloads at this website are freely available for personal, non-commercial use. Commercial use is strictly prohibited. For inquiries, please contact [email protected]. WESTENHOLZ T HE KING, THE EMPEROR, AND THE EMPIRE JOAN W ESTENHOLZ Jerusalem The King, the Emperor, and the Empire: Continuity and Discontinuity of Royal Representation in Text and Image * Empires in the Ancient World he concept of empire relates to a made by kings as diverse as Šamši-Adad I period when disparate geographical of Assyria (1813-1781) and Nabonidus, the Tterritories are united under one re- last Babylonian king (555-539). The titu- gime, but this was the exception rather than lary of the Assyrian kings, two of whom the norm during the first 1,500 years of bore the name of Sargon, imitated the Sar- Mesopotamian history. Nevertheless, a gonic titulary, expressing conscious Assy- paradigmatic ideal of empire was estab- rian emulation of the world dominion of the lished in Mesopotamia by the dynasty of Sargonic empire. Echoes of the impact of Akkade (2334-2154) in the third millen- the Akkadian empire can be heard in Roman nium. 1 For the duration of Mesopotamian times. An omen-text concerning Sargon of history, not only did the Akkadian kings Akkade has been traced down to Roman represent the ideal monarchy, but their poets. 2 Notwithstanding some dissent, 3 it memory also served as a source of authori- has been maintained that Sargon created a tarian legitimation for later rulers. Their new type of charismatic kingship, with a statues stood in the sanctuaries of the great new emphasis on the royal person in the urban centers and sacrifices were offered public plastic arts and public display cere- before them. Pilgrimages to Akkade were monies, and an “empire” of a type unknown * This paper was written in response to a call for papers “Amar-girids Revolte gegen Nar am-Su’en,” ZA 87 on the theme: “The Heirs of Assyria: several empires or (1997), 11-32. one supranational Empire with changing leadership?” 1 For a possible justification of the application of the Since I am not a political historian, I have attempted to term “empire” to the “empire of Akkad,” see D. Charpin, focus on the image of the emperor and to begin at the “The History of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Overview,” beginning, with the conception of “emperor” and “em- in J. Sasson et al . (eds.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near pire.” It is with great humility and trepidation that I speak East (New York, 1995), 810-11; M. T. Larsen, “The of this subject, which many scholars have already treated. Tradition of Empire in Mesopotamia,” in M. T. Larsen All abbreviations are those of The Assyrian Dictionary (ed.), Power and Propaganda (Copenhagen, 1979), 75- of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago 103. All dates in this paper are BCE unless otherwise (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956- ) and The Sumerian noted. Dictionary of the University Museum of the University of 2 W. G. Schileico, “Eine Omentext Sargons von Akkad Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: The University Museum, und sein Nachklang bei römischen Dichtern,” AfO 5 1984- ), with the following exceptions and additions: (1928-1929), 214-18. Bildstelen = J. Börker-Klähn, Altvorderasiatische Bild- 3 P. Michalowski, “Memory and Deed: The Historio- stelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs (BaF 4, Mainz, graphy of the Political Expansion of the Akkad State,” in 1982); Legends = J. Westenholz, Legends of the Kings of M. Liverani (ed.), Akkad, The First World Empire Akkade (Winona Lake, 1997); Wilcke ZA 87 = C. Wilcke, (Padua, 1993), 86f. Sanna Aro and R.M. Whiting (eds.) MELAMMU S YMPOSIA I (Helsinki 2000) ISBN 951-45-9043-0 99 WESTENHOLZ T HE KING, THE EMPEROR, AND THE EMPIRE before him, based on the novel conception shepherd of his people, as wise judge and of world domination, šar kiššatim .4 The en- legislator, and as protector of his people. suing empires – the Assyrian, Babylonian, Treatises have been written concerning the Persian, Alexandrine, Roman, Sassanian attributes of leadership, the exercise of and Byzantine – all followed the Akkadian power, and the construction of royal auth- paradigm, a process that was later called ority. Visual evidence glorifying that power translatio imperii . and authority has also been investigated. At the heart of an empire stood the em- Asymmetry has also already been noted be- peror. Much has been written concerning tween image and text. 5 the visual and textual traditions surround- Despite this wealth of analysis, I would ing him. Manifold studies have focused on like to offer some possible insights into the royal life-cycle events – the birth, divine royal representation of kings. Among the election, coronation, and death of the king. various types of kings, I have selected the Special attention has been paid to the birth emperor – the consolidator who brings the of the pre-ordained monarch, of the king- empire to its greatest heights, who wields redeemer, of the god-like child, of the hero, unlimited power and authority over his sub- and of the bringer of universal cosmic jects. In order to illustrate the techniques peace. In addition to life-cycle events, employed in his symbolic discourse with scholars have concentrated on various as- his subjects, I have chosen a few specific pects of the image of the king, such as the elements of the images and texts used by the king’s relationship with the divine and with emperor to convey his message of power his people. Other themes that have been and dominion, searching out similarities investigated include kingship from heaven, and channels of transmission between rep- and the king as pontifex, as bridgemaker resentations from different times and between heaven, the gods and the people, as places. Evidence and its consideration When examining royal images and texts, direction; let us not forget the two direc- one should remember that these representa- tions from which the king expected to be tions can have complex multi-layered inter- viewed – from heaven and from earth. pretations, which I have labeled the literal, The royal image appears in various metaphorical/figurative, and symbolic/ media, ranging from display monuments to mythic, in an earlier publication. 6 Further- glyptics and coins. Art was commissioned more, these representations should be in the service of the empire and conceived understood as referring to several simulta- by court planners as an artistic program, neous levels of perception. However, we presenting the king or emperor as the mas- are still viewing the royal image from one ter of the world by using royal images of 4 H. Limet, “Aspect mythique de la royauté en Mésopo- tic Environments in the Ancient Near East (Washington, tamie, Sargon l’Ancien et Cyrus le Grand,” in F. Jouan D.C., 1990), 39-51 and A. Motte (eds.), Mythe et Politique (Paris, 1990), 6 J. Westenholz, “Symbolic Language in Akkadian Nar- 167-79; Michalowski, “Memory and Deed,” 87. rative Poetry: The Metaphorical Relationship between 5 J. S. Cooper, “Mesopotamian Historical Consciousness Poetical Images and the Real World,” in M. E. Vogelzang and the Production of Monumental Art in the Third Mil- and H. L. J. Vanstiphout (eds.), Mesopotamian Poetic lennium B.C .,” in A.C. Gunter (ed.), Investigating Artis- Language (Groningen, 1996), 193. 100 WESTENHOLZ T HE KING, THE EMPEROR, AND THE EMPIRE power. The royal inscription is another case like. On the other hand, there is a need to of self-presentation, and is often couched in use both image and text, which together the first person. This fact has given defini- provide information about the iconography tion to literary categories (such as autobio- of rule and the ideology of empire. The third graphy and pseudo-autobiography), so it is factor is the need to differentiate between essential to note that the royal inscriptions general correspondences and specific par- from the Sargonic period are mostly ex- ticulars. The fourth factor consists of tabu- pressed in the third person, whereas those lating the mechanisms of transmission, 9 the from the second millennium are in the first evaluation of significant connections across person. While the majority of Assyrian cultural boundaries in terms of established royal inscriptions are written in the first correspondences, whether of single or mul- person, segments written in the third person tiple traits. For this reason, in the following, were also re-introduced. 7 Beyond art and single isolated elements attested in later text, there were celebrations of kingship in material with similarities to earlier compo- ritual, public displays of worship and loy- nents will be mentioned together with their alty, royal journeys through the kingdom, precursors, while multiple traits belonging and victory celebrations.
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