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Shipwreck at Cape Flora: the Expeditions of Benjamin Leigh Smith, England’S Forgotten Arctic Explorer University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books 2013 Shipwreck at Cape Flora: The Expeditions of Benjamin Leigh Smith, England’s Forgotten Arctic Explorer Capelotti, P. J. University of Calgary Press Capelotti, P.J. "Shipwreck at Cape Flora: The Expeditions of Benjamin Leigh Smith, England’s Forgotten Arctic Explorer". Northern Lights Series No. 16. University of Calgary Press, Calgary, Alberta, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/49458 book http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives 3.0 Unported Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca University of Calgary Press www.uofcpress.com SHIPWRECK AT CAPE FLORA: THE EXPEDITIONS OF BENJAMIN LEIGH SMITH, ENGLAND’S FORGOTTEN ARCTIC EXPLORER P.J. Capelotti ISBN 978-1-55238-712-2 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. This means that you are free to copy, distribute, display or perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to its authors and publisher, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form, and that you in no way alter, transform, or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without our express permission. If you want to reuse or distribute the work, you must inform its new audience of the licence terms of this work. For more information, see details of the Creative Commons licence at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ UNDER THE CREATIVE UNDER THE CREATIVE COMMONS LICENCE YOU COMMONS LICENCE YOU MAY: MAY NOT: • read and store this document • gain financially from the work in any way; free of charge; • sell the work or seek monies in relation to the distribution • distribute it for personal use of the work; free of charge; • use the work in any commercial activity of any kind; • print sections of the work for • profit a third party indirectly via use or distribution of the work; personal use; • distribute in or through a commercial body (with the exception • read or perform parts of the of academic usage within educational institutions such as work in a context where no schools and universities); financial transactions take • reproduce, distribute, or store the cover image outside of its place. function as a cover of this work; • alter or build on the work outside of normal academic scholarship. Acknowledgement: We acknowledge the wording around open access used by Australian publisher, re.press, and thank them for giving us permission to adapt their wording to our policy http://www.re-press.org/content/view/17/33/ 3 EXPEDITION TWO: JAN MAYEN AND SVALBARD, 1872 General Ludlow recorded Leigh Smith’s homecoming comments, dra- matically relating that the expedition had been surrounded by ice and casually adding that they had gotten out “all right.”1 Leigh Smith must have gone into greater detail during another visit about a month later, as the General recorded that the expedition had killed numerous polar bear, reindeer and seals. Still one more month on, in late November, a letter arrived from Barbara saying that “she was busy making drawings of the North Pole from Ben’s sketches.”2 The good feelings were marred somewhat by a snipe in the pages of the literary magazine Athenæum just before Christmas. The General writes in his diary that the journal indicated that Leigh Smith had reached lat. 81°13´ N “the highest lat. as yet observed on board ship.” The anonym- ous Athenæum writer continued: “We would however like to see this con- firmed as whalermen and merchant captains generally are not altogether very particular about the accuracy of those observations.”3 It was a bitter first taste of the life of a public figure, and forever afterwards Leigh Smith was determined to avoid it altogether. As for his extended family, he presented them with haunches of reindeer meat for their New Year’s celebrations, and reindeer and polar bear and seal skins to warm them throughout the Sussex winter. The General appreciated the gifts, but in a fair caution hoped that what he called Leigh Smith’s “hobby” would not carry him “too far, i.e. into risks that may be fatal.”4 By the spring of 1872, Benjamin Leigh Smith was forty-four years old and had an exemplary private expedition to the Arctic behind him. He was determined to lead a second exploring expedition to the Arctic in the 77 summer of 1872, in part to continue to restore British credibility in Arctic exploration. As his 1873 expedition companion H. C. Chermside writes, with Leigh Smith’s 1871 expedition to Svalbard, “the old [British] zeal … for Arctic discovery has been maintained by the private enterprise of English yachtsmen.”5 This echoed contemporary feeling, as expressed in a newspaper article anticipating Leigh Smith’s return from the Arctic in September 1872, wherein the writer remarks “that if no public expedition of great pretensions is being carried on here, at least the enterprise of one Englishman is on the alert.”6 More importantly, he sought to further the impressive oceanographic and geographic research of his first expedition in the summer of 1871. Much of this work, such as the bathymetric survey of Vestfjorden or the addition of thirty-three new place names to the maps of Nordaustland- et or the defining of the eastern limits of Svalbard, was largely straight- forward and non-controversial. His startling and counterintuitive recordings of deep-sea temperatures from 1871, however, had led Leigh Smith into something of a scientific controversy. These data suggested a variance of as much as 9° F between surface water temperatures and warmer currents 400 fathoms below the surface, “a fact so extraordinary,” according to his 1872 scientific compan- ion, a Royal Navy captain by the name of John C. Wells, “as to lead scien- tific men to assume that this, our assertion, is so contrary to the laws laid down by modern savans [sic], that they do not declare that the statement we made was impossible to be received.”7 It was primarily for this reason – a search for new data to support the radical 1871 observations – that Leigh Smith determined to sail Sampson once again into the Arctic. Leigh Smith had encountered other, more applied, problems during the 1871 cruise. Only two of his all-Norwegian crew spoke any English and Leigh Smith’s journal evinces no desire on his part to learn Norwe- gian, even as he clearly admired Norwegian women. Wells put the crew selection down to a “mistaken theory,” an apparent belief that Norwe- gian whalers and sealers alone possessed the requisite knowledge to get a sailing vessel safely into and out of the Arctic. This, Wells writes, was a mistake, especially when Sampson encountered ice-free water north of Svalbard in 1871 and had a chance to reach the Open Polar Ocean he and many others believed lay just beyond the edge of the polar pack ice. But 78 SHIPWRECK AT CAPE FLOR A “the superstitious fears of these curious people overcame every attempt to prosecute a voyage so well begun, and our friend [Leigh Smith] was most reluctantly compelled to relinquish an opportunity of sailing into the sea whose very existence is denied by some.…”8 In this, however, Wells was in error, and not only because Leigh Smith would have discovered no great polynia had he been able to sail farther north. On the day of his farthest north, it was already September 11th, and Leigh Smith himself recorded in his journal that the seas at the edge of the polar pack ice were building dangerously. Fortunately for all on board, Sampson did not sail any further north where she would have been trapped and forced into an overwintering for which neither the ship nor anyone on board was prepared. Leigh Smith had already avoided a similar fate earlier in the expedition, when Sampson rounded Nordaust- landet near Kapp Leigh Smith, and he wisely decided against attempting a circumnavigation of the entire archipelago fearing the ship would be frozen in for the winter. As for the possibility of an open water polynia near the pole, it seems incredible that Wells still clung to this notion as late as the 1870s. The British antiquary Daines Barrington had suggested in the 1770s that a polar sea free of ice existed just beyond the ice barrier north of Spits- bergen, and numerous nineteenth-century naval expeditions paid a heavy price testing its possibilities. Elisha Kent Kane had given the idea per- haps its biggest boost in the 1850s. Yet, as Clive Holland has written, “in matters concerning the North Pole, and especially the ‘Open Polar Sea’ beyond it, the ability of otherwise rational men to delude themselves was remarkable.”9 The other problems with the Norwegians that had presented them- selves when Sampson returned to Tromsø made Leigh Smith determined to avoid similar cultural confrontations in 1872.
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