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Whither Tactical Media?

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Whither Tactical Media? Third Text, Vol. 22, Issue 5, September, 2008, 519–524 Introduction: Whither Tactical Media? Gene Ray and Gregory Sholette We began collaborating on this Special Issue in June of 2006. Our concern was to understand how tactical media (TM) had evolved in the decade since its emergence and to ask how far and in what ways this stream of critical cultural practices and approach to media activism remains viable today. The current global situation is characterised by two factors that were absent or still obscure in the mid-1990s: the renewal of radical and anti-capitalist imagination ignited by the 1994 Zapatista uprising in Chiapas and by movements, protests and struggles against neo-liberalism in Seoul, Seattle, Buenos Aires, Durban, Genoa, Quito and many other places; and the new politics of fear and perma- nent war that have been imposed globally since September 11, 2001. To these, we can add the undeniable indicators of global climate change, resource depletion and ecological degradation, and the openly fascistic tendencies generated by the politics of fear. In light of these shifts, we felt a reflective assessment of tactical media would be timely. Above all, we felt it had become necessary to revisit the question of strategy and the conditions for durable, organised struggle. Despite TM practitioners’ Downloaded By: [New York University] At: 15:28 12 February 2009 aversion to strategic thinking, institutionalisation, categorical hierarchies and grand narratives, it is apparent that a group of radicals with no such prejudices and inhibitions are busy imposing their ultra-conservative vision on the world. Is it still reasonable, then, to insist on the viability of ephemeral tactics that hold no ground of their own, that disappear once they are executed, and that represent no particular politics or vision of a desirable future? Thus, to a range of theorists and activists, we posed this question: ‘Whither tactical media?’ We hoped the results would at least contribute to recently renewed debates about the limits and possibilities of politically engaged art. Since 1968, social movement activism – with its emphasis on identity and subjectivity and its autonomist and DIY (do it yourself) tactical orientations – has largely displaced the party-based structures and strategies of the Old and New Left. While recognising that there are good reasons for this displacement, it has become clear that a strategic deficit is one of its consequences. After the demise of the Party, no new Third Text ISSN 0952-8822 print/ISSN 1475-5297 online © Third Text (2008) http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/09528820802439989 520 collective structure has emerged to effectively organise strategic thinking. Despite the important international encounters staged by the Zapatistas in 1996 and 1997 and the social forum events that came out of them, and despite a general recognition that the revolutionary process needs to be ‘reinvented’, the ‘movement of movements’ still lacks organisational effectiveness capable of countering the strategic (not merely tactical) forces mobilised by neoconservatism and neoliberalism. There is at least a notable tendency within TM theory to endorse de facto a refusal of strategy. For this tendency, inspired above all by the work of theorist Michel de Certeau, TM has no space of its own. A tactic, in de Certeau’s words, ‘insinuates itself into the other’s place, fragmentarily, without taking it over’.1 In a 1997 text that became foun- dational, Geert Lovink and David Garcia endorse this perspective in their definition of TM: An aesthetic of poaching, tricking, reading, speaking, strolling, shopping, desiring. Clever tricks, the hunter’s cunning, maneuvers, polymorphic situations, joyful discoveries, poetic as well as warlike… Our hybrid forms are always provisional. What counts are the temporary connec- tions you are able to make. Here and now, not some vaporware promised for the future.2 Behind the appealing lightness and optimism of this description looms real ‘end of history’ despair about the failure of past revolutionary strug- gles and experiments and the impossibility of any ‘outside’ to capitalism. In a world without heroic visions or alternatives, the art of everyday resistance seemed preferable to the methodical work of building sustained opposition only to wind up with a new boss, the same as the old boss. Thus, for Lovink TM was ‘born out of a disgust for ideology’.3 To be sure, TM practitioners did not simply give up their political commitments. Many of them remain engaged in activism that in its underlying principles appears – at least to us – broadly leftist in orienta- tion; that is, its concern for greater personal and political freedom is balanced by a framework of social responsibility and practical solidarity, and it includes anti-authoritarian reflexes that, in this moment, translate Downloaded By: [New York University] At: 15:28 12 February 2009 into opposition to the militarist nexus of corporate power and the national security state. That said, TM clearly belongs to that cultural shift, so strong in the 1980s and ’90s, from macro-history to micro- politics. The abandonment of strategy and the mundane work of organ- ising leaves TM free to pursue a tacticality that emphasises ephemeral inversion and détournement, experimentation, camouflage and amateur 1 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, versatility. At the same time, TM crystallised within a corporate climate trans Steven Rendall, that celebrated dis-organising the organisation and thinking outside the University of California box, two managerial mantras of neoliberal enterprise culture. However, Press, Berkeley, 1984, p xix these same strengths that made TM so dynamic in the 1990s may now 2 Geert Lovink and David have become handicaps. As we see it, the need now is for a return to Garcia, ‘ABC of Tactical Media’, 1997, online at strategic thinking about structures and forms of struggle. We therefore http://www.ljudmila.org/ asked our contributors to this issue to consider whether it may now be nettime/zkp4/74.htm necessary to rethink the emphasis on ‘tactics’ as the privileged principle 3 Geert Lovink, Updating of critical cultural theory and practice. Tactical Media: Strategies for Media Activism, Writing from diverse locations in the global North and South, our forthcoming fifteen contributors respond to these concerns by rethinking the theory 521 of TM, by addressing its likely institutionalisation, and by reporting on specific cases of current TM practice. All of our contributors neverthe- less make one thing very clear: cultural politics remains an active sphere of contestation. At the same time, it is far easier to recognise shared opposition to militarism, social injustice, ecological ruin and patriarchy, than it is to find agreement about what a ‘better world’ would be like, how we should struggle to get there, and just who we ‘opponents’ of these forces are, collectively or individually. Historically, artistic avant- gardes frequently worked in support of working-class movements and subaltern revolutionary struggles. By contrast, the language of TM appears to project a very different locus of agency: a dissipated and distracted spectator constituted by historically unique sensory experi- ences made real by the rise of new media technologies. In contradistinction to Marx’s Promethean working class, TM offers Eros and the liberation of the libidinal drive. But it is not so clear how this vision of empowered fragmentation relates to the historical break- down of traditional working-class identities and cultures. While there may be some liberation and empowerment for some individuals, these processes of fragmentation seem on the whole to have been disastrous: they reflect shifts in the modes of capitalist exploitation and a neoliberal attack that have given rise to precarious forms of labour not widely seen in the developed world since the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This new ‘precarity’ now extends from the maquiladoras and other zones of legalised super-exploitation to the electronic and cultural sweatshops of New York City where recent art school graduates find employment. Certainly there are enormous differences in material condi- tions, prospects and expectations within this category of precarised labour. But most forms of precarious work involve ever-increasing expo- sure to disciplinary forces, including anti-union legislation, the intense surveillance of both work and privatised ‘public’ spaces, and the daily terror of familiar examples, reinforced incessantly by mainstream media, of what awaits those who cannot keep up or try to resist: bankruptcy, homelessness, imprisonment, or worse. Whether experiences of precarity can become a new basis for the re-composition of class struggle, or will merely remain a factor of fragmentation and decomposition, remains to Downloaded By: [New York University] At: 15:28 12 February 2009 be seen. By contrast, the form of agency projected in some TM theory seems very far removed from these brutal realities. With TM, we sometimes seem to be dealing with a liberation of desire through the appropriation and re-functioning of new technologies – a kind of liber- ated unconsciousness or borderline self-consciousness that could perhaps at most be linked to Walter Benjamin’s notion of artistic or cine- matic distraction. We are not suggesting such liberation is wholly with- out militant potential. But TM generally lacks the unequivocal commitment to anti-capitalist struggles
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