Culture Jamming and Brandalism for the Environment: the Logic of Appropriation
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Supreme Court of the United States
No. _________ ================================================================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States --------------------------------- --------------------------------- GEFT OUTDOOR, L.L.C., Petitioner, v. CITY OF WESTFIELD, HAMILTON COUNTY, INDIANA, Respondent. --------------------------------- --------------------------------- On Petition For Writ Of Certiorari To The Seventh Circuit Court Of Appeals --------------------------------- --------------------------------- PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI --------------------------------- --------------------------------- A. RICHARD M. BLAIKLOCK JOSH S. TATUM LEWIS WAGNER, LLP Counsel of Record 501 Indiana Ave., Suite 200 PLEWS SHADLEY RACHER Indianapolis, IN 46202-6150 & BRAUN LLP Phone: 317-237-0500 1346 N. Delaware St. Email: rblaiklock@ Indianapolis, IN 46202-2415 lewiswagner.com Phone: 317-637-0700 Email: [email protected] Counsel for Petitioner ================================================================================================================ COCKLE LEGAL BRIEFS (800) 225-6964 WWW.COCKLELEGALBRIEFS.COM i QUESTION PRESENTED Petitioner, GEFT Outdoor, L.L.C., buys and leases land on which to construct, maintain, and operate signs and billboards to be used for the dissemination of both commercial and noncommercial speech. Believ- ing the City of Westfield’s regulations of signs to be un- constitutional, GEFT Outdoor, L.L.C. began erecting a digital billboard on land located within the City of Westfield without -
ADVERTISING How to Contact Us
ADVERTISING How to Contact Us David George Chief Investigator – Motor Vehicles (512) 465-4147 [email protected] Sharon Ruszczyk Advertising Investigator (512) 465-4260 [email protected] 2 Outline ▪ WHAT IS ADVERTISING? ▪ WHAT LAWS APPLY? ▪ FALSE & MISLEADING, AVAILABILITY, ACCURACY, UNTRUE CLAIMS ▪ SAVINGS CLAIMS/DISCOUNTS & DEALER PRICE ADVERTISING ▪ IDENTIFICATION OF VEHICLE, TRADE-IN ALLOWANCE, FREE OFFERS ▪ FINANCING DISCLOSURES ▪ BAIT ADVERTISEMENTS, LOWEST PRICE CLAIMS ▪ LEASE ADVERTISING GUIDE, BROKERING ▪ ENFORCEMENT ACTION ON COMPLAINTS ▪ FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS 3 What Is An Advertisement? 43 TEX. ADMIN CODE § 215.244 Advertisement An oral, written, graphic, or pictorial statement or representation made in the course of soliciting business, including, without limitation, a statement or representation made in a newspaper, magazine, or other publication, or contained in a notice, sign, poster, display, circular, pamphlet, or letter, or on radio, the Internet, or via an on-line computer service, or on television. Does not include direct communication between a dealer or dealer’s representative and a prospective purchaser. 5 State Statutes TEXAS OCCUPATIONS CODE § 2301.351 A Dealer May Not: ▪ Violate a board rule. ▪ Aid or abet a person who violates this chapter… or a rule adopted under this chapter. ▪ Use FALSE, DECEPTIVE, UNFAIR OR MISLEADING advertising relating to the sale or lease of motor vehicles. 6 Board Rules 43 TEX. ADMIN. CODE § 215.241 Objective: Regulate advertising by requiring truthful and accurate advertising practices for the benefit of the citizens of this State. 43 TEX. ADMIN. CODE § 215.242 General Prohibition - A person advertising motor vehicles shall not use FALSE, DECEPTIVE, UNFAIR, OR MISLEADING advertising. In addition to a violation of a specific advertising rule, any other advertising or advertising practices found by the Board to be false, deceptive, or misleading, whether or not enumerated herein, shall be deemed violations of the Code, and shall also be considered violations of the general prohibition. -
A Brief Primer on the Economics of Targeted Advertising
ECONOMIC ISSUES A Brief Primer on the Economics of Targeted Advertising by Yan Lau Bureau of Economics Federal Trade Commission January 2020 Federal Trade Commission Joseph J. Simons Chairman Noah Joshua Phillips Commissioner Rohit Chopra Commissioner Rebecca Kelly Slaughter Commissioner Christine S. Wilson Commissioner Bureau of Economics Andrew Sweeting Director Andrew E. Stivers Deputy Director for Consumer Protection Alison Oldale Deputy Director for Antitrust Michael G. Vita Deputy Director for Research and Management Janis K. Pappalardo Assistant Director for Consumer Protection David R. Schmidt Assistant Director, Oÿce of Applied Research and Outreach Louis Silva, Jr. Assistant Director for Antitrust Aileen J. Thompson Assistant Director for Antitrust Yan Lau is an economist in the Division of Consumer Protection of the Bureau of Economics at the Federal Trade Commission. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily refect those of the Federal Trade Commission or any individual Commissioner. ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank AndrewStivers and Jan Pappalardo for invaluable feedback on numerous revisions of the text, and the BE economists who contributed their thoughts and citations to this paper. iii Table of Contents 1 Introduction 1 2 Search Costs and Match Quality 5 3 Marketing Costs and Ad Volume 6 4 Price Discrimination in Uncompetitive Settings 7 5 Market Segmentation in Competitive Setting 9 6 Consumer Concerns about Data Use 9 7 Conclusion 11 References 13 Appendix 16 iv 1 Introduction The internet has grown to touch a large part of our economic and social lives. This growth has transformed it into an important medium for marketers to serve advertising. -
Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, the Montgomery Bus Boycott and The
National Humanities Center Resource Toolbox The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 Black Belt Press The ONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT M and the WOMEN WHO STARTED IT __________________________ The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson __________________________ Mrs. Jo Ann Gibson Robinson Black women in Montgomery, Alabama, unlocked a remarkable spirit in their city in late 1955. Sick of segregated public transportation, these women decided to wield their financial power against the city bus system and, led by Jo Ann Gibson Robinson (1912-1992), convinced Montgomery's African Americans to stop using public transportation. Robinson was born in Georgia and attended the segregated schools of Macon. After graduating from Fort Valley State College, she taught school in Macon and eventually went on to earn an M.A. in English at Atlanta University. In 1949 she took a faculty position at Alabama State College in Mont- gomery. There she joined the Women's Political Council. When a Montgomery bus driver insulted her, she vowed to end racial seating on the city's buses. Using her position as president of the Council, she mounted a boycott. She remained active in the civil rights movement in Montgomery until she left that city in 1960. Her story illustrates how the desire on the part of individuals to resist oppression — once *it is organized, led, and aimed at a specific goal — can be transformed into a mass movement. Mrs. T. M. Glass Ch. 2: The Boycott Begins n Friday morning, December 2, 1955, a goodly number of Mont- gomery’s black clergymen happened to be meeting at the Hilliard O Chapel A. -
The Olympic Games and Civil Liberties
Analysis A “clean city”: the Olympic Games and civil liberties Chris Jones Introduction In 2005, the UK won the right to host the 2012 Olympic Games. Seven years later, the Games are due to begin, but they are not without controversy. Sponsors of the Games – including McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Cadbury’s, BP and, perhaps most controversially, Dow Chemical [1] – were promised “what is chillingly called a ‘clean city’, handing them ownership of everything within camera distance of the games.” [2] In combination with measures put in place to deal with what have been described as the “four key risks” of terrorism, protest, organised crime and natural disasters, [3] these measures have led to a number of detrimental impacts upon civil liberties, dealt with here under the headings of freedom of expression; freedom of movement; freedom of assembly; and the right to protest. The Games will be hosted in locations across the country, but primarily in London, which is main the focus of this analysis. Laying the groundwork Following victory for the bid to host the Games, legislation – the London Olympic Games and Paralympic Games Act 2006 – was passed “to make provision in connection with the Olympic Games and Paralympic Games that are take place in London in the year 2012.” [4] It is from here that limitations on freedom of expression have come, as well as some of the limitations on freedom of movement that stem from the introduction of “Games Lanes” to London’s road system. Policing and security remains the responsibility of the national and local authorities. -
The Perimetric Boycott: a Tool for Tobacco Control Advocacy N Offen, E a Smith, R E Malone
272 Tob Control: first published as 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 on 26 July 2005. Downloaded from RESEARCH PAPER The perimetric boycott: a tool for tobacco control advocacy N Offen, E A Smith, R E Malone ............................................................................................................................... Tobacco Control 2005;14:272–277. doi: 10.1136/tc.2005.011247 Objectives: To propose criteria to help advocates: (1) determine when tobacco related boycotts may be useful; (2) select appropriate targets; and (3) predict and measure boycott success. See end of article for Methods: Analysis of tobacco focused boycotts retrieved from internal tobacco industry documents authors’ affiliations websites and other scholarship on boycotts. ....................... Results: Tobacco related boycotts may be characterised by boycott target and reason undertaken. Most Correspondence to: boycotts targeted the industry itself and were called for political or economic reasons unrelated to tobacco Naphtali Offen, disease, often resulting in settlements that gave the industry marketing and public relations advantages. Department of Social and Even a lengthy health focused boycott of tobacco industry food subsidiaries accomplished little, making Behavioral Sciences Box demands the industry was unlikely to meet. In contrast, a perimetric boycott (targeting institutions at the 0612, University of California, San Francisco, perimeter of the core target) of an organisation that was taking tobacco money mobilised its constituency CA 94143, USA; and convinced the organisation to end the practice. [email protected] Conclusions: Direct boycotts of the industry have rarely advanced tobacco control. Perimetric boycotts of Received 25 January 2005 industry allies offer advocates a promising tool for further marginalising the industry. Successful boycotts Accepted 13 April 2005 include a focus on the public health consequences of tobacco use; an accessible point of pressure; a mutual ...................... -
From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism
Information & Organization, forthcoming 2019 1 From Clicktivism to Hacktivism: Understanding Digital Activism Jordana J. George Dorothy E. Leidner Mays Business School, Texas A&M University Baylor University ABSTRACT Digital activism provides new opportunities for social movement participants and social movement organizations (SMOs). Recent IS research has begun to touch on digital activism, defining it, exploring it, and building new theory to help understand it. This paper seeks to unpack digital activism through an exploratory literature review that provides descriptions, definitions, and categorizations. We provide a framework for digital activism by extending Milbrath’s (1965) hierarchy of political participation that divides activism into spectator, transitional, and gladiatorial activities. Using this framework, we identify ten activities of digital activism that are represented in the literature. These include digital spectator activities: clicktivism, metavoicing, assertion; digital transitional activities: e-funding, political consumerism, digital petitions, and botivism; and digital gladiatorial activities: data activism, exposure, and hacktivism. Last, we analyze the activities in terms of participants, SMOs, individuals who are targeted by the activity, and organizations that are targeted by the activity. We highlight four major implications and offer four meta-conjectures on the mechanisms of digital activism and their resulting impacts, and reveal a new construct where participants digitally organize yet lack an identifying cause, which we label connective emotion. Key Words Digital activism, social activism, political participation, social movements, connective emotion, literature review 1.0 Introduction Not long ago, activism to promote social movements was relegated to demonstrations and marches, chaining oneself to a fence, or writing to a government representative. Recruiting, organizing, and retaining participants was difficult enough to ensure that often only largest, best supported movements thrived and creating an impact often took years. -
Culture Jamming
Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Vincent de Jong for introducing me to the intricacy of the easyCity action, and for taking the time to answer my questions along my exploration of the case. I also want to thank Robin van t’ Haar for his surprising, and unique, contribution to my investigations of the easyCity action. Rozalinda Borcila, the insights you have shared with me have been a crucial reminder of my own privilieged position – your reflections, I hope, also became a marker in what I have written. Also, I would like to thank others that somehow made my fieldwork possible, and influenced my ‘learning’ of activism and culture jamming. Of these I would especially like to thank Nina Haukeland for introducing me to the politics of activism, Kirsti Hyldmo for reminding me of the realities of exploitation, Åse Brandvold for a skilled introduction to the thoughts and tools of culture jamming, and Maria Astrup for showing me the pleasures and powers of aesthetics. Also, I would like to thank the Norwegian Adbusters Network, and the editorial groups of Vreng. To my main advisor Professor Kristian Stokke, I would like to thank you for the excellent support you have given me throughout my master studies. Your insights have been of grate value, and I cannot thank you enough for continually challenging me. Also, the feedback from Olve Krange, my second advisor, was crucial at the early stage of developing the thesis, to defining its object of inquiry, and finally when writing my conclusion. I would also like to express my appreciation to Professor Oddrun Sæther for an excellent introduction to the field of cultural studies, to Professor Matt Sparke at the University of Washington for demonstrating the intriguing complexities of political geography, and to PhD candidate Stephen Young, for proof reading and fruitful inputs at the final stage of writing. -
“What I'm Not Gonna Buy”: Algorithmic Culture Jamming And
‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube Item Type Article Authors Wood, Rachel Citation Wood, R. (2020). ‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube. New Media & Society. Publisher Sage Journals Journal New Media and Society Download date 30/09/2021 04:58:05 Item License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10034/623570 “What I’m not gonna buy”: algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube ‘I feel like a lot of YouTubers hyperbolise all the time, they talk about how you need things, how important these products are for your life and all that stuff. So, I’m basically going to be talking about how much you don’t need things, and it’s the exact same thing that everyone else is doing, except I’m being extreme in the other way’. So states Kimberly Clark in her first ‘anti-haul’ video (2015), a YouTube vlog in which she lists beauty products that she is ‘not gonna buy’.i Since widely imitated by other beauty YouTube vloggers, the anti-haul vlog is a deliberate attempt to resist the celebration of beauty consumption in beauty ‘influencer’ social media culture. Anti- haul vloggers have much in common with other ethical or anti-consumer lifestyle experts (Meissner, 2019) and the growing ranks of online ‘environmental influencers’ (Heathman, 2019). These influencers play an important intermediary function, where complex ethical questions are broken down into manageable and rewarding tasks, projects or challenges (Haider, 2016: p.484; Joosse and Brydges, 2018: p.697). -
301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change A
Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer Activism for Social Change Abstract Consumer activism, or activism through participating in the market such as through boycotts or ethical shopping, is the most common form of political action in the United States aside from voting. While consumer activism was a popular macro practice social work intervention by social work pioneers and has been an important part of many social change movements, it is rarely discussed formally in the field of social work today. This article provides an overview of consumer activism as a social work intervention, describes historical and twenty-first century examples of consumer activism, discusses the effectiveness of consumer activism, and discusses the strengths and challenges of consumer activism for social workers who engage in it either professionally or personally. This is the unedited Author’s Copy. The published article is: Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Lightfoot, E. B. (2019). Consumer Activism for Social Change. Social Work, 64(4), 301-309. Consumer activism is activism taken by consumers through participating in the market. This can involve activities such as choosing to shop for only fair-trade products or boycotting a company because of its labor practices. Consumer activism has a long history in the United States (US), and more than half of US citizens have participated in a form of consumer activism in their lives, with more than a third participating in the past year (Keeter, Zukin, Zndolina & Jenkins, 2002). Aside from voting, consumer activism is the most common way that citizens engage in political participation and is far more common than other types of political engagement, such as contacting legislators, fundraising for charity, taking part in a protest or volunteering for a candidate. -
A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J
Marquette Law Review Volume 100 Article 8 Issue 2 Winter 2016 A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience Karen J. Pita Loor Boston University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Immigration Law Commons Repository Citation Karen J. Pita Loor, A Study on Immigrant Activism, Secure Communities, and Rawlsian Civil Disobedience, 100 Marq. L. Rev. 565 (2016). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol100/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized editor of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 38800-mqt_100-2 Sheet No. 140 Side A 02/22/2017 09:25:38 LOOR-P.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 2/16/17 12:32 PM A STUDY ON IMMIGRANT ACTIVISM, SECURE COMMUNITIES, AND RAWLSIAN CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE KAREN J. PITA LOOR ABSTRACT This Article explores the immigrant acts of protest during the Obama presidency in opposition to the Secure Communities (SCOMM) immigration enforcement program through the lens of philosopher John Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience and posits that this immigrant resistance contributed to that administration’s dismantling the federal program by progressively moving localities, and eventually whole states, to cease cooperation with SCOMM. The controversial SCOMM program is one of the most powerful tools of immigration enforcement in the new millennium because it transforms any contact with state and local law enforcement into a potential immigration investigation. -
Re:Imagining Change
WHERE IMAGINATION BUILDS POWER RE:IMAGINING CHANGE How to use story-based strategy to win campaigns, build movements, and change the world by Patrick Reinsborough & Doyle Canning 1ST EDITION Advance Praise for Re:Imagining Change “Re:Imagining Change is a one-of-a-kind essential resource for everyone who is thinking big, challenging the powers-that-be and working hard to make a better world from the ground up. is innovative book provides the tools, analysis, and inspiration to help activists everywhere be more effective, creative and strategic. is handbook is like rocket fuel for your social change imagination.” ~Antonia Juhasz, author of e Tyranny of Oil: e World’s Most Powerful Industry and What We Must Do To Stop It and e Bush Agenda: Invading the World, One Economy at a Time “We are surrounded and shaped by stories every day—sometimes for bet- ter, sometimes for worse. But what Doyle Canning and Patrick Reinsbor- ough point out is a beautiful and powerful truth: that we are all storytellers too. Armed with the right narrative tools, activists can not only open the world’s eyes to injustice, but feed the desire for a better world. Re:Imagining Change is a powerful weapon for a more democratic, creative and hopeful future.” ~Raj Patel, author of Stuffed & Starved and e Value of Nothing: How to Reshape Market Society and Redefine Democracy “Yo Organizers! Stop what you are doing for a couple hours and soak up this book! We know the importance of smart “issue framing.” But Re:Imagining Change will move our organizing further as we connect to the powerful narrative stories and memes of our culture.” ~ Chuck Collins, Institute for Policy Studies, author of e Economic Meltdown Funnies and other books on economic inequality “Politics is as much about who controls meanings as it is about who holds public office and sits in office suites.