Quechua Language

Quechua Language:

Documenting Contemporary Revival and

Maintenance Strategies

Gabina Funegra

A thesis in fulfilment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Humanities and Languages

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences

August 2016

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School: Faculty: School of humanities and languages Arts and social Sciences Title: Quechua Language: Documenting Contemporary Revival and Maintenance Strategies

Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE)

The ancient family of Quechua languages of the South American Andes is in a precarious situation, not because of numbers of speakers as such, but because of impediments to intergenerational transfer. This thesis, in two parts, is both reflexive and active. It endeavours to understand the history and context of the current ‘fading’ language, and then it studies and adopts strategies, in local and international contexts, that attempt to maintain and revitalise Quechua. As part of the research study, I visited three global locations: Cusco, Paris and New York, in order to investigate how people use a range of strategies to grow the Quechua language. The research draws on sociolinguistics, ethnographic methods and a range of other disciplines. This thesis is presented in two parts, a documentary film and a written thesis. As a Peruvian whose knowledge of her Quechua language and heritage was blocked by well-meaning parents who saw Spanish as the road to success, I embody the intergenerational problem this thesis tackles. As a documentary filmmaker, I sought to mobilise my skills in the production of a film as the creative part of this thesis. The making of the film across the three locations was intimately tied to the ongoing research in theory, method and practice. Inviting people (Quechua teachers, artists, media practitioners) to participate in the film and respond to it enabled them to become allies in the objective of this research: the promotion of Quechua as an attractive, interesting and vital language for future generations.

Declaration relating to disposition of project thesis/dissertation

I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation.

I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstracts International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only).

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FOR OFFICE USE ONLY Date of completion of requirements for Award: Abstract

As a Peruvian whose knowledge of her Quechua language and heritage was blocked by well- meaning parents who saw Spanish as the road to success, I embody the intergenerational problem this thesis tackles. As a documentary filmmaker, I sought to mobilise my skills in the production of a film as the creative part of this thesis. The making of the film across the three locations was intimately tied to the ongoing research in theory, method and practice.

Inviting people (Quechua teachers, artists, media practitioners) to participate in the film and respond to it enabled them to become allies in the objective of this research: the promotion of Quechua as an attractive, interesting and vital language for future generations.

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... 1 Table of Contents ...... 2 Acknowledgements ...... 5 Table of Figures ...... 6 Publications and films ...... 7 Chapter 1. Introduction ...... 9 1.1 Overview ...... 9 1.2 Rationale for the study ...... 12 1.3 Motivation for the study ...... 13 1.4 Research aims ...... 15 1.5 Organisation of the thesis ...... 16 Chapter 2. Literature review ...... 17 2.1 Film and media as a language revitalisation strategy ...... 18 2.2 The power of language ...... 24 2.2.1 Language ideologies and language attitudes ...... 24 2.2.2 Endangered and Indigenous languages ...... 28 2.2.3 The impact of colonialism and postcolonialism on languages ...... 36 2.3 Language maintenance and revitalisation of Indigenous languages ...... 40 2.3.1 Language planning and language revitalisation ...... 45 2.3.2 Efforts to revitalise Indigenous languages ...... 46 2.4 International language revitalisation efforts ...... 48 2.4.1 New Zealand ...... 49 2.4.2 Quebec ...... 51 2.4.3 Ireland ...... 51 2.4.4 Australia ...... 53 2.4.5 North America State of Hawai’i ...... 57 2.4.5 Africa ...... 60 2.5 The Quechua language ...... 61 2.5.1 Linguistic variations and demographics ...... 63 2.5.2 The Quechua family of languages ...... 65 2.5.3 Quechua, the Inca Empire and Spanish Conquest ...... 69

2.5.4 Modern Quechua ...... 72 2.6 Summary of the literature review ...... 74 Chapter 3. Research approach and methodology ...... 76 3.1 Ethnography ...... 78 3.2 Participant selection and setting ...... 79 3.2.1 Working with participants ...... 80 3.2.2 Participant description ...... 84 3.2.3 Research settings ...... 84 3.3 Methodology for collecting data ...... 87 3.3.1 Participant observation ...... 87 3.3.2 Semi-structured interviews ...... 90 3.3.3 Visual data (film and photography) ...... 91 3.3.4 Reflexive journal ...... 93 3.4 Data analysis ...... 94 3.4.1 Data analysis and stakeholder perspectives ...... 94 3.5 Concluding thoughts on methodology ...... 95 Chapter 4. Case studies ...... 96 4.1 Paris case study, 2011 ...... 97 4.1.1 Background ...... 97 4.1.2 Stories from Paris ...... 100 4.1.3 Conclusions ...... 107 4.2 Cusco case study, 2013 ...... 108 4.2.1 Background ...... 108 4.2.2 Case study findings ...... 112 4.2.3 Conclusions ...... 135 4.3 Paris case study, 2014 ...... 136 4.3.1 Background ...... 136 4.3.2 Case study findings ...... 138 4.3.3 Conclusions ...... 145 4.4 New York case study, 2015 ...... 146 4.4.1 Background ...... 146 4.4.2 Case study findings ...... 148 4.4.3 Conclusions ...... 162 Chapter 5. Conclusions ...... 163 5.1 Summary of research findings ...... 163

5.2 Limitations ...... 169 5.3 Future research directions ...... 170 References ...... 171 Appendices ...... 192 Appendix 1: Consent form and participant information slip (English) ...... 192 Appendix 2: Consent form and participant information slip (Spanish) ...... 196 Appendix 3: Interview schedule (English) ...... 200 Appendix 4: Interview schedule (Spanish) ...... 203 Appendix 5: Interviews and transcriptions (samples) ...... 207 Appendix 6: Research diary ...... 219 Appendix 7: Film titles and transcription ...... 234 Appendix 8: Illustrations ...... 263 Appendix 9: CD cover design ...... 267

Acknowledgements

This thesis is dedicated to my parents Francisco and Ofelia, examples of self-sacrifice, perseverance and strength and to my children Julian and Erika, who gave me the motivation to achieve my goals in life. Thank you also for your contributions to this study.

I would like to extend heartfelt thanks to the following people for their support over the past few years:

Professor Stephen Muecke for your kindness and patience. Thank you for your time; even when you were pushed, you made space for me. I could not have imagined having a better supervisor for my PhD study.

Dr Gabrielle Finnane for your guidance on the film field and documentary.

Dr Peter Ross thank you for twenty years of support and encouragement.

Dr Joanne Faulkner for your guidance and assistance during this time.

Dr Ursula Rao for getting me started on this journey all of those years ago.

Dr Carol Waites for your encouragement and advice you have provided throughout my time in this study.

Dr Shannon Kennedy-Clark; meeting you in the courtyard that day changed my life. Thank you for believing in me.

Special thanks to Eileen Hall, who showed me, how a healthy body strengthens the mind.

All of my students over the past twenty years; your joy and energy have always inspired me.

Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the people of Paris, Cusco and New

York. They warmly welcomed me into their communities; their generosity in sharing their stories was of great value to my research and to my understanding of the global Quechua community.

Table of Figures

Figure 1: Quechua language speakers (UNESCO 2010) ______63 Figure 2: Quechua language families (Cerrón-Palomino 1987). ______66 Figure 3: Quechua language families (Adelaar and Musyken 2004) ______67 Figure 4: Map showing location of Quechua communities and Quechua language programs (Osado 2008) __ 73

Publications and films

The following are selected publications and films relevant to the study.

Peer-reviewed papers

Funegra, G. (2010) ‘Una Lengua en Extinción, el Quechua’, Voces Hispanas 7. Consejería de

Educación, 42-43.

Funegra, G. (2011) ‘Language and identity: the shifting face of Quechua in Peru’ in M.

Haboud and N. Ostler (eds) Endangered Languages: Voices and Images, The 15th

Annual Conference of the Foundation for Endangered Languages, Quito, Ecuador,

25-32.

Funegra, G. (2014) ‘Noqanchis Magazine: Using print media to promote Cool and Quechua

in Cusco’ In P. Heinrich and N. Ostler (eds) Indigenous Languages: their Value to the

Community, The 18th Annual Conference of the Foundation for Endangered

Languages, Okinawa, Japan, 144–149.

Funegra, G. (2015) ‘The music of Quechua’ in N. Ostler and B.W. Lintinger (eds) The Music of

Endangered Languages, The 19th Annual Conference of the Foundation for

Endangered Languages, New Orleans, USA, 12–16.

Peer-reviewed conference presentations

Funegra, G. (2012) Quechua, an Endangered Language. Language Endangerment in the 21st

Century. The Foundation for Endangered Languages, Te Ipukarea – National Māori

Language Institute. Auckland, New Zealand, 12-15 September.

Funegra, G. (2012) Quechua, el Desvanecimiento de la Lengua Inca. II Encuentro

Intercultural de la Literatura, Palabras de los Pueblos Amerindios, Lima, Peru, June

2012.

Funegra films

Funegra, G. and Bonifaz, E. (2010) Quechua: The Fading Inca Language. Funegra Films.

Funegra, G. and Bonifaz, J. (2011) Quechua in Paris. Funegra Films.

Funegra, G. and Bonifaz, J. (2015) Quechua in Cusco. Funegra Films.

Funegra, G. and Bonifaz, J. (2016) Mother Tongue. Funegra Films.

Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Overview

The aim of this thesis is to identify approaches currently used in a range of linguistic contexts to revitalise Quechua. In the process, it highlights strategies that may be able to facilitate language revitalisation in general. In 2010, as part of my Master’s thesis, I made a documentary Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz 2010). This documentary showed links between Quechua as a language, culture and identity in

Huallanca, a small village in the Peruvian Andes and my mother’s birthplace. This documentary has been well received locally and internationally. As I presented the documentary around the world, I have found people who can relate to the story and feel connected with other Indigenous languages and cultures. Audiences have been able to sense the way I feel about my mother tongue while learning something about the

Indigenous culture in Peru. It has been an ongoing process for me, learning again, with a second video for this thesis, how documentary can be a powerful tool to create a sense of connection between people. This experience has underpinned my research approach for this study in further exploring the role that video can play as a research method. On the basis of my findings in the first documentary, Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz 2010), I decided to delve deeper into the story of Quechua, my mother tongue, and explore, more deeply and on a global scale, strategies people use to promote the

Quechua language and, in turn, help promote and revitalise other endangered languages.

As part of the research, I visited three locations: Cusco, Paris and New York, to investigate how people use a range of strategies to grow the Quechua language. In this sense, the

research does not sit strictly within a linguistics field, not an ethnographic field. Rather it crosses a range of disciplines and offers a small, but hopefully important, contribution to studies of language revival and maintenance. Hence, this research study comprises two parts: a film and a written thesis.

The written thesis is based on three case studies that explore Quechua in both local and foreign communities. I hoped that, by examining what is being done at a local level, I may be able to find cases of success, no matter how small. That is, I wanted to work with people at a community rather than at a government or policy level, as a small scale successes provide an intimate understanding of the role and value of a language to the speakers of endangered languages. This approach is supported by Romaine (2002), who argues that evidence from various quarters indicates that grassroots initiatives are often more effective than top-down directives. Hence, while there is value in analysing initiatives at a government level, there is also a strong case for investigating grassroots strategies to revitalise languages.

The growth and flux of language is both a result of the evolution of languages and a consequence of social, economic and political power contests. Therefore, examining language practices, associated identities, attitudes and socio-economic structures that emerge in an environment of language revival is crucial for further revitalisation of dying

Indigenous languages. Furthermore, industrialisation, globalisation and modernisation are processes that impact on languages, especially Indigenous Languages. For example, due to social, political and economic pressures, many minority languages face a crisis as a result of contact with major languages such as English, Spanish or Russian (Dixon 1997; Crystal 2004).

Consequently, Indigenous languages experience a loss of identity and move towards homogeneity as minority languages are influenced by the dominant linguistic groups.

Coulmas (2005) and Ritzer (2007) both argue that dominant powers are the ones that gain most from globalisation, whether in the colonial era or today. This affects languages significantly, as ‘super languages’ supersede minority languages: in order to participate, agents must use the dominant languages, adding pressure to minority Indigenous languages.

While there is a robust body of literature that investigates and analyses the decline of

Indigenous languages, this thesis will focus on the maintenance and revival of Indigenous languages globally. The link between language and the construction of identity will form the basis of my research into the maintenance and revival of Indigenous languages. I argue that language use is closely linked to the construction of identity – individually and collectively articulating a complex relationship to processes of modernisation and globalisation. As this research looks at the revitalisation of Indigenous languages, my focus was on the promotion of one of the Indigenous languages of the Americas, Quechua.

Quechua was the language of the Inca Empire, mainly spoken in the Andean highlands of

Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia. Although there are approximately 8 to 10 million speakers,

Quechua is considered to be an endangered language in need of urgent attention (Haboud

2004). In 2010, UNESCO officially declared the Quechua language in danger – not because of the number of speakers but because those who speak it are not transmitting it to their children (UNESCO 2010). The literature review provides a more detailed background on

Quechua.

1.2 Rationale for the study

This research study is an extension of an earlier study that investigated the language, culture and identity of a remote village in the Peruvian Andes (Funegra 2011). This study found that speaking Quechua was not seen to be as prestigious as Spanish by the community in which the fieldwork was conducted. Consequently, there was little perceived value in learning or reviving the language in the village, where most aspired to have a more cosmopolitan and global identity. Overall, the focal point of these earlier findings was the decline of Quechua, whereas my new extended study focuses on strategies being implemented to preserve Quechua in institutions and in communities across the world that promote, and try to rehabilitate, Quechua. Film is the main vehicle to conduct and present the research findings. It does this both by being a research tool (the filmmaking process has agency during fieldwork, asking people to participate), as well as a multimedia product that presents the results.

As such, it is a qualitative study hoping to contribute to the body of research on localised success stories of language revitalisation. Focusing on approaches that succeeded locally may enhance the likelihood of similar strategies being adopted in other languages and cultures aiming for similar success in a global context.

While many of the Indigenous languages of Latin America have been the subject of academic research, it is important that the existing research be converted into effective materials for language preservation and revitalisation (UNESCO 2010).

The research explores three case studies that represent institutional and government policies and programs. The study also examines the motivations of the community – speakers, and non-speakers. This is important as people’s attitudes play an important role in the status of language, which is a reflection of the community’s social and cultural values.

Unique local attitudes towards Indigenous languages will predictably play a large part in the successful relationships and dynamics within revitalisation projects. Under this premise, these relationships must be further studied and incorporated into future language revitalisation efforts.

1.3 Motivation for the study

My experiences as a child in Lima greatly influenced the way that I approached this research and analysed the data. Qualitative social science research is necessarily interpretive

(Cresswell 1994), and the researcher’s own experience can be a valuable resource, including him/herself in the story – ‘social researchers are part of the world they study, not some sort of objective, detached research tool’ (O'Reilly 2005: 222). Therefore, I reflect on the motivations of the study that influenced my data collection and interpretation.

My interest in Quechua developed from my childhood experiences. When I was a child, it surprised me that my parents spoke to each other in a language, Quechua, which I could not understand. They spoke Spanish to their children. Although I was only young, I felt that the knowledge of both languages was an advantage rather than an impediment, and I therefore wanted to have that advantage. It was then, as a child that my interest in languages began, since my identity was formed on a symbolic disjunction, a world divided in a complex way.

My highly educated father discouraged my interest in Quechua, asserting that Spanish was

the official language and that it was very important for both my education and future.

English was also important, but not Quechua. The study of English was seen as a way of securing the future and offering educational and career opportunities. Quechua and the culture associated with it were regarded by his generation, in general, as of the past, and irrelevant to modern life. In an effort to direct their children towards an upward social trajectory in Lima society, my parents did what they believed was good for us by separating us from Quechua language and culture.

As I was growing up, I began to understand my parents’ views, especially when I experienced firsthand real and spontaneous prejudice regarding not just the language,

Quechua, but also the entire culture. I encountered the use of the word serrano, which in

Spanish means ‘from the sierra / highlands’. Serrano is a derogatory term for ‘Indigenous’, mostly used with the intention of insulting a person. Another word is cholo/a, which is used to describe someone who is a mixture of European and Indigenous descent, such as myself.

As an adolescent, I attempted to disguise the Indigenous part in me by adopting a European dress code. In this way, I could avoid been called chola. These experiences helped me to understand why my parents never returned to the places where they were born. In the process, my interest in the Quechua language faded.

Several years later, this interest reawakened in Australia due to optimistic findings about the revival of Quechua from European researchers. This motivated me to travel to the highlands of Peru in order to better understand how the language was being used. In

January 2009, I travelled to Huallanca, my mother’s birthplace, a small mining town in the

Peruvian Andes, to undertake two months of fieldwork on the subject. I quickly realised that

Quechua remains a marginalised language. The following incident illustrates the point.

When I arrived in Huallanca, I went to the main square to meet people and find participants.

As I walked around the town, I realised that the primary language spoken in Huallanca was

Spanish. My first interaction with locals was perplexing. Three girls approached me and began casually chatting. They were curious to know why I had come all the way from

Australia for fieldwork. When I told them the purpose of my research, which was the status of Quechua in Huallanca, I observed a remarkable change in their facial expressions. Their interest faded and they politely informed me that they did not speak the Quechua language.

They claimed no one of their generation spoke Quechua and that conducting fieldwork in town would be a waste of time. Up to that point, I had been very enthusiastic. The girls seemed sympathetic and then added: “Perhaps you can go to the punas [plateaux] and find some old people who still speak Quechua”. They remarked, with a touch of pride, that in the town of Huallanca the population was monolingual. After that quick conversation, they apologised and left. This dismissal of the language by these young girls made me want to investigate and further explore attitudes towards Quechua and how Quechua was being taught both inside and outside of Peru.

1.4 Research aims

As outlined above, this research aimed to develop approaches to revitalise Indigenous languages, focusing on strategies being implemented to revive endangered languages and culture in institutions and organisations that promote and try to rehabilitate them across the world. This was achieved by exploring the following questions:

1. How are language revitalisation projects contributing to Indigenous identity and

heritage?

2. How are strategies that promote the revitalisation of Quechua language and culture

both in local and external contexts contributing to the revisualisation of the language

in a globalised world?

3. What tools and technologies contribute to the revitalisation of Indigenous languages

and culture, and how are these tools useful for ensuring that language revitalisation

movements can grow and survive?

In seeking to best document my thesis topic, being the revival and maintenance of Quechua language, I intended to mobilise my knowledge and background as a Peruvian woman, as well as my filmmaking skills.

1.5 Organisation of the thesis

This thesis contains two parts - a dissertation of approximately 44,000 words, and a 50- minute documentary film, Mother Tongue (2016). The dissertation is arranged as follows:

Chapter 1. Introduction

This chapter contains an introduction to the study, followed by the rationale and motivation, the main aim and research questions.

Chapter 2. Literature review

The literature review provides a background to the Quechua language, definitions of key theoretical concepts and an analysis of relevant literature in the field including film as a data source, the role of postcolonial theory for understanding the process of declining

Indigenous languages and culture, and concepts from the sociolinguistic sub-fields of

language planning and language revitalisation. This chapter also explores ideologies of language and language attitudes.

Chapter 3. Research approach and methodology

Chapter 3 provides an overview of the methodology and a justification for the adoption of these methodologies, such as data collection and analysis.

Chapter 4. Case studies

Chapter 4 investigates three institutions that promote a wide range of Indigenous languages including Quechua. These are:

1) Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies (CLACS), New York, USA.

2) L’Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO), Paris, France.

3) Centro Guaman Poma de Ayala, Cusco, Peru.

Chapter 5. Conclusions

This chapter provides an integrated discussion that synthesises the main findings from the case studies and relevant literature. It also explores, designs and develops strategies to promote change in the attitude of Indigenous communities towards their culture and an increase in self-respect and pride.

Chapter 2. Literature review

This chapter presents a review of the existing literature in a range of fields in order to understand the diverse body of work on language revitalisation of Indigenous languages.

While this particular study will examine the use of Quechua, it is necessary to consider the

broader principles governing language vitality in contemporary postcolonial societies. As a non-traditional thesis with a film as its creative component, the thesis does not sit fully within one field. It draws on applied linguistics fields, including sociolinguistics, language maintenance and the history of language. Some cultural studies and postcolonial studies are also relevant. It also discusses a number of cases of language revitalisation in order to highlight the range of strategies that have been implemented across the globe. The literature review begins with a presentation of the value of film in language revitalisation.

2.1 Film and media as a language revitalisation strategy

I decided to use film as a means to represent my research based on the enthusiastic reception of my earlier film, Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz

2010). Presenting this film to audiences around the world while my latest video was being shot was integral to the method. While still photos and texts can provide some insights into a language, the richness of visual and audio mediums have the potential to bring the language to life: children have voices, women have songs, and music shares the story of the people. While film as a research artefact is still not common, a number of studies provide the background for using film and media in higher degree research.

The emergence of visual anthropology as an academic discipline as well as the claims and counter-claims regarding the validity of this approach have become prominent in recent years as people globally have begun to assert their right to a greater say in the ways in which their lives are represented (Tomaselli and Shepperson 1997). Harper (1998) traced the history of anthropology and the use of visual media as forms of data. He explained that originally anthropology, which emerged at the end of the nineteenth century, was first closely related to

biology, which was viewed as a primary science of classification. Hence, photography provided visual information, which was used to categorise human races, and this data supported theories of social evolution, the focus of early anthropology (Harper 1998). He further argued that sociologists should record visual aspects of reality as part of the relatively conventional research activities. This does not necessarily mean that photography or film should form the data collection method, but rather that visual data can provide a strong source of data in a study of cultural phenomena, as they may complement written data sources.

The use of film and photography in ethnographic studies is by no means a new approach. For example, Bateson and Mead in their fieldwork studies in Bali in 1936 catalogued and sorted images to present several perspectives on a single subject or in sequences, which showed how a social event evolved through time (Jacknis 1988). Single images were used to construct longer visual statements. In writing about their project, Bateson and Mead were sensitive to subjectivity in the filmmaking process. As Bateson claimed:

We tried to shoot what happened normally and spontaneously, rather than to decide upon

the norms and then get Balinese to go through these behaviours in suitable lighting. We

treated the cameras in the field as recording instruments, not as devices for illustrating our

theses (Bateson and Mead 1942: 49).

This acknowledgement of the subjectivity of the collection of visual data has an impact upon this study. In general, an anthropologist takes a photograph or video to illustrate a finding that he or she has already decided is significant. The camera is then incidental to the research activity and comes into use late in the fieldwork period. Thus, the camera is not a research technique, but a highly selective confirmation that certain things are so, or is a very selective sample of ‘reality’ (Collier

1967).

In this sense, participatory observation is relevant here. Participatory observation provides a sense of what it is like for a filmmaker in a given situation. Hence, Nichols (2001) explains that it is actually the sense of bodily presence, rather than the absence that locates a filmmaker on the scene. Thus, what we may learn is dependent upon the interactions and experiences of the filmmaker and subject. The first person voice of the filmmaker impacts upon the overall structure of the film. The filmmaker’s participatory engagement with unfolding events holds our attention. Nichols (2001) argues that filmmakers who endeavour to represent their own direct encounter with their surrounding world, as well as those who seek to represent broad social issues and historical perspectives through interviews and compilation footage, form two components of the participation mode. He believes that these qualities may have appeal to the viewer as they present representations of the historical world and social contexts from specific perspectives that are both contingent and committed.

While approached from a different angle, this study draws some parallels with Russell’s (1999) premise that the ideal ethnographic film is one in which social observation presents a form of cultural knowledge. She adds that this ‘knowledge’ is bound to the hierarchies of race, ethnicity and mastery implicit in colonial culture. Tomaselli and Shepperson’s (1997) arguments correspond to this in that they argue that Western discourses of the ‘Other‘ tend to trivialise those subject to the scrutiny of the camera. The filmmaker and viewers looking at the subjects via the finished film/video tend to make sense of these subjects within discursive frames that emphasise difference. It is largely then a matter of the contextualisation of the filmmaker’s stance. This is echoed by Townsley (1993), who clarified that the appropriateness of a particular film, such as La Ciudad Perdida (The Lost City)

From the Heart of the World- The Elder Brothers’ Warning, (Ciudad Perdida 2011) is due to quite specific circumstances. He states that despite the controversy surrounding the film, the tone, style, content and effect of the film seem right. Fabian (1987) contends that traditionally, the problem with film representations has been in their “accuracy‘, and the degree of fit between reality and its

reproduction. It can be argued, therefore, that the filmmaker, in presenting their experiences, is representing the otherness of the social and historical context in that they are representing the quality or fact of being different. National Indigenous Television (NITV)’s series Talking Languages with Ernie Dingo (2013) examines language as an integral part of the Australian Aboriginal culture. There are myths of the origins of these languages. They are constructed around ancestral connections to natural features, which, for Indigenous Australians, are seen as vitalising the relationship between language and country.

Coming from an Indigenous background himself, Ernie Dingo becomes an authentic character who, due to his presence in the series, is a vehicle for the knowledge conveyed.

Dingo is embedded in the culture, interacts with the other subjects, and then uses his character, thus informed, to reach a broad audience.

My video documentary is presented in a similar participatory manner. My own experience of growing up in Peru and having Quechua-speaking parents provides a direct connection to the subject matter; thus incorporating my own autobiographical material. Similar to Talking

Languages with Ernie Dingo, my video documentary explores the Quechua language as an integral part of the Indigenous culture in Peru, making visible the important connection it has with the cultural landscape, poetry and songs. But my approach is a little different, in that I delve deeper into finding various strategies for the survival and maintenance of the

Quechua language, which has been in constant state of change since the Spanish colonisation.

My PhD research is a hybrid project, which crosses the fields of sociolinguistics,

experimental ethnographic filmmaking research, as well as some visual anthropology and sociology. Building upon this is the use of film as a source of data. According to Flower and

McConville (2009), advocacy in filmmaking is an attempt to use visual data to drive change at a grassroots or community level. They state that participation is a blanket term, which may implicitly endorse a community surge of grassroots action, where no voice shouts louder than any other. A participatory film-advocacy model is one that attempts to drive change through film.

Films can be a significant avenue of reaching the public and may influence public opinion.

According to Coronel-Molina (2013), while there is not a booming Quechua film tradition, some efforts have been made. Coronel-Molina (2013) specifies that a few movies have been produced by Indigenous groups in Bolivia in a mix of Quechua, Aymara, and Spanish, and that these films span over 50 years. The films include Aysa (1965), Akaman (1966), Yawar mallku (1969), Jatun auca (1973), and Llujsi caimanta (1977). More recent films that include some element of Quechua include The Dancer Upstairs (2002) (Malkovich 2003), La Teta

Asustada/ The Milk of Sorrow (2009) (Cineamerica 2010), and Q´eros Hombres de Altura

(Trailer) (2010) (Piedra Azul 2014).

There are a number of organisations that support the use of the Quechua language through film and media. These language revitalisation initiatives, through media and technology, are being carried out from both top-down and bottom-up approaches by Indigenous and non-

Indigenous people. For example, the Association for Teaching and Learning Indigenous

Languages of Latin America has an active Facebook page with links to articles and events pertaining to Quechua around the world. The page has over two thousand likes. The

organisation Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Cine y Comunicación de los Pueblos

Indígenas (the Coordination of Latin American Film and Communication of Indigenous

Places) is aimed at the dissemination of the worldview and reality of the Indigenous peoples of the continent. There are also festivals, such as the Festival Internacional de Cine Indígena de Walmapu, FICWALLMAPU. This festival was created with the aim of promoting the encounter and dialogue between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples, from the perspective of respect for cultural diversity, through audio-visual production. This festival can be viewed as an opportunity for Indigenous and non-Indigenous filmmakers to broadcast their audio-visual works referring to topics relevant to the Indigenous peoples.

FICWALLMAPU seeks to be a platform of diffusion that allows people to express the different ways of seeing the cinematographic and video-graphic production from the look of the nationalities and Indigenous peoples. It aims to promote networks, spaces for exchange, technical training and training for local filmmakers, Latin Americans and others attending the festival. There are also numerous documentaries, such as Lenguas Nativas de Colombia

(Guanolema 2014), which highlight the importance of Indigenous languages.

Similarly, Rising Voices/Hótȟaŋiŋpi (2015), a documentary film by Lawrence Hott and Diane

Garey, used this approach in an attempt to improve the revitalisation of the Lakota language and nation in North America. It explores the rise of the English language and how it has contributed to the demise of the Lakota language. Rising Voices is a serious documentary, but it is unconventional, not conforming to general practice or beliefs.

Similar to my documentary video, at times language issues are described from personal

Indigenous perspectives of the characters themselves, examining the dangers of language loss and its effects on culture itself. Both Rising Voices and my own documentary argue that

by finding one’s authentic language, an individual is connected to a deeper sense of belonging to their culture. In Rising Voices, there is a profile of a visual artist who ‘speaks

Lakota‘ through her paintings rather than through words. In my documentary, there are musicians who claim similar thoughts. In many ways, Rising Voices is an advocacy attempt that educates the public on social and personal consequences of language loss. I feel that my documentary would be beneficial to advocacy associations that understand that the extinction of languages such as Lakota or Quechua is a global concern, not just a local one.

In an attempt to conserve and contribute to revitalisation efforts, I am hoping that my documentary video will reach native and non-native speakers, helping them acknowledge that language loss can cause dramatic despair, both social and personal, within communities. I hold the principle that everyone should be involved in honouring and rebuilding Indigenous identities around the world, which is endorsed by the 2007 United

Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

2.2 The power of language

This section of the literature review discusses the perceived power of language. A range of theories, attempt to understand how language is used to empower and disempower people.

2.2.1 Language ideologies and language attitudes Language policies, ideologies, language attitudes and identities all form a complex relationship that affects language shift, maintenance and revitalisation. Positive attitudes towards a language (whether by institutional policy or organically emerging) will govern the

desire to pass a language on to the next generation, thus facilitating revitalisation attempts.

Conversely, negative attitudes or ideologies that undervalue or marginalise a language will thwart or interfere with revitalisation.

In different regions in the Andes, people attach different sets of values to Quechua and its dialects and sociolects. In some regions, such as Peru, there is still a widespread stigma attached to speaking the Quechua language. The dominant society and the Quechua speakers themselves overtly devalue the language. This leads to people denying or hiding the fact that they can speak the language for fear of being ostracised (Hornberger and

Coronel-Molina 2004: 13). In Peru, Spanish is viewed as being superior while Quechua is seen as parochial. Language preference is closely tied to ethnic identity, as summed up by the linguist Tsunoda (2005: 167), who explains that ‘… the loss of a language entails the loss of many important aspects of the culture, but what remains may be utilised to reconstruct the basis of the group’s identity’. Hence, whether the language and identity are used between family members or for commercial purposes, ethnic identity is interwoven with the language.

Meek and Messing (2007) question the strength of ‘reversing language shift’ programs, as they found that very few of these programs have resulted in the generation of enough new or first language speakers to cover the loss of experienced speakers. They give examples of exceptions, such as one in New Zealand. However, they explain that this lack of new speakers is often due to the framing of the programs by educators, as they tend to reassess the unequal power relationships between the dominant and Indigenous languages. They argue that the dominant or ‘unmarked‘ language can interrupt the learning of ‘marked’

languages in heritage-language events. They discuss the complexity of these language events in the context of bilingual programs wherein elementary students attempt to learn, for example.

They put forward several considerations pertaining to language revitalisation efforts. Firstly, the programs need to consider the students’ needs and wants, so content is considered.

Secondly, anthropologists, linguists and other educational consultants are included in the process to ensure that materials in endangered languages do not reaffirm the conditions of oppression by ‘look and feel’. Thirdly, they ensure that programs pay attention to which materials they prefer, how they use them, and what response they elicit. Hence, they assert that the content, appearance and types of materials need consideration to ensure that they do not unwittingly reaffirm the power of the unmarked language.

Mufwene (2004) also questions the value of revitalisation efforts, as he notes that in Europe globalisation seems to have had the most significant impact on languages at the local level.

Mufwene (2004) noted that since the late 1980s, the majority of research on language loss has centred on the Indigenous languages of European ex-colonies, as well as to some extent on the minority languages of the European Union. The focus of language death and birth that comes with Europe’s colonisation of most of the world since the sixteenth century, has led to the perception that both processes may be recent developments in the history of humankind rather than an ongoing process of language change. He argues that the emphasis on worldwide economic globalisation as the primary cause of language loss may prevent worthwhile comparisons between recent and current language evolutions with the ongoing political and linguistic histories of humankind.

Mufwene (2004) gives the example of language shift among Native Americans to show that types of colonisation have also affected language birth and death. Language shift in this case seems to be an adaptive response to changing socioeconomic conditions, wherein their heritage languages are seen as being undervalued and marginalised. Native Americans, he explains, have recognised the global economic value of the European colonial languages.

This explanation is consistent with why Indigenous languages in former exploitation colonies, such as Africa and Asia, have been losing ground, not to European colonial languages but to Indigenous vernaculars and linguae francae associated with new

Indigenous urban life, such as Swahili in much of East Africa. Therefore, he states that the language use in exploitation colonies is different to language use in settlement colonies.

Globalisation has not affected former exploitation colonies in the same way it affected former settlement colonies.

Hence, the processes of globalisation, modernisation and industrialisation have affected languages in settlement colonies in general with a shift towards homogeneity, especially evident in the late colonial era, when modernisation on a Western model was largely accepted as a cultural-industrial model for former colonies. The use of the language of the coloniser was an accepted part of ‘being modern’.

This impact seems to be more catastrophic for Indigenous languages in former settlement colonies than in exploitation colonies. Mufwene (2004) explains that in the settlement colonies, European colonists sought to create ‘new Europeans’ who were preferably unified by one language, be it Spanish, English or another language. As part of the process of

colonisation, an official language for government, industry, and education was set in place.

Hence, the language of the colonisers gradually entered the private lives of citizens to the extent that the ‘new’ language entered the ‘higher’ social strata of government, education or commerce, and code-switched its way ‘down’ to vernacular usage, where it alternated with local pre-colonial languages. What this represents for this research is that the dominance of Spanish as the vernacular in Peru was an integral by-product of the actual development and construction of the colony. As the settlement expanded and became more stable, the language also became more integrated into the lives of the residents, but

Quechua was not eliminated, as we shall see.

2.2.2 Endangered and Indigenous languages An Indigenous language can be considered a language that is ‘native‘ to a particular area

(Walsh 2005). However, what defines a language as Indigenous is often complicated. It is often hard to distinguish between languages and their variations, which makes the task of identifying an Indigenous language problematic as there are often political and social issues attached to the identification of a language (Walsh 2005). A robust body of literature connected to Indigenous languages investigates or analyses the social, political, economic and cultural identities. An estimated 6,000 languages are spoken around the world at present, including numerous Indigenous languages (Krauss 1992: 5).

An obviously enduring theme in the literature on Indigenous languages concerns the myriad factors that contribute to their decline. There are diverse views on the actual extent of language decline; however, language endangerment needs to be addressed, as it is a concept that underpins much of the literature. Indigenous languages are often categorised

as endangered languages, or languages that are facing a decline in use; however, this is often not the case (Walsh 2005). A language on the verge of extinction is one considered to have only a few remaining speakers, many of whom are elderly (Ostler 2003). Krauss (1992) suggested that by the end of the 20th century, 3,000 of the world’s 6,000 languages would be extinct. This is supported by the view that of the 6,800 known living languages, more than 400 are believed to be on the verge of extinction. About a quarter of them are used by fewer than 1,000 people, and probably half will be extinct by the end of the 21st century

(Ostler 2003; Coulmas 2005). Other linguists agree with Krauss’s 1992 predictions that half of the languages in the world today will decline in use (Crystal 2004). These studies demonstrate a commonly held belief that Indigenous languages are in decline. For example,

Dixon (1997), writing 20 years ago, also believed that many languages are endangered.

Tsunoda (2005) indicates that many minority languages, in reality, have already disappeared or are disappearing as a result of contact with major languages such as English, Spanish and

Russian, and Mir (2004) indicates that even those that have large speaker populations, such as Catalan, with 11 million speakers, can be viewed as being endangered. Hence, there is consensus among a field of researchers that Indigenous languages are facing a decline in usage.

However, not all of the literature agrees with the progressive extinction of Indigenous languages and suggests rather that in many instances languages have a strong linguistic presence within a community. Hornberger and King (2001) ask how Quechua, a language spoken by millions of people, can be considered as endangered. Being endangered is often presented in terms of both the speakers’ collective social status and political power. Local languages are typically derided as markers of provincialism and backwardness, as opposed

to the modernity of the nation-state. Speaking the language of the nation-state becomes a political act, a sign of patriotism (Scanlon and Singh 2006). Crowley (1998) and Tsunoda

(2005) both indicate that many Indigenous languages such as those of the Pacific, and Sami, which is spoken in Northern Europe, are not threatened, are in a stable state of bilingualism, and are being maintained in these regions. Hence, Walsh (2005) suggests that scholars often contest what defines or categorises a language as endangered, and that a vast array of situations may complicate any simple classification of a language as Indigenous or endangered. Among the more comprehensive collection of papers are the works of Fishman

(2001), Hinton and Hale (2001) and Matzumura (1998). Numerous texts have also been dedicated to both general and specific endangered and Indigenous languages, including the work of Crystal (2000) and Nettle and Romaine (2000). This indicates that there is a stronger understanding of the influences and changes that languages experience – not all of which result in extinction; rather, these studies have simply shown that languages change over time.

Indigenous languages are influenced by internal and external environmental factors. These factors alter the dynamics of the language – the way it is used, viewed and represented in society. Hinton (2003) states that industrialisation and globalisation have impacted upon

Indigenous languages and cultures, and Scanlon and Singh (2006) also see globalisation and colonisation as influences on Indigenous languages. Moreover, Hinton (2003) and Scanlon and Singh (2006) both address the rise of the nation-state and environmental destruction, and the impact these factors have on Indigenous languages. Indigenous languages are dynamic, but a major influence on the vitality of these languages occurred though major impacts across territories. The loss of languages is divided into two periods: the pre-

European colonial period and the European colonial period (Dorian 1998). Pre-European colonial language loss involved the loss of languages within an area due to local movements, tribal warfare and disease. Pre-European colonisation occurred between members of the same ‘race‘. For example, the Aztec Empire of Central America and the Inca Empire of

South America achieved great dominance in their respective regions with Nahuatl and

Quechua languages for some centuries until they were colonised by the Spaniards (Dorian

1998). Dorian (1998), however, explains that both Nahuatl and Quechua languages were spoken and continued to grow after the invasion. The impact of post-colonisation language use has been well documented in the literature.

European colonisation resulted in the loss of languages due to invasion by European nations around the globe. The languages of the European powers spread to other parts of the world, which resulted in a decline in the usage of Indigenous languages. The impact on the languages was a result of the removal of people from their native environments to urban areas and through processes such as work, education, attempts at slavery, and enculturation into the dominant culture, including religious practices (Tsunoda 2005).

Examples of this colonisation and the impact on local languages are evident in the Spanish colonisation of Central and South America and the decline of Indigenous languages in regions and, in some cases, nations (Tsunoda 2005). In the case of Quechua, the decline in language use has occurred over several hundred years since the arrival of the Conquistadors in 1535 – indicating that the impact of colonisation was not instantaneous. Other colonial- related impacts influencing the decline in language populations were more immediate and through external factors, such as epidemics of small pox, measles and the common cold

(Tsunoda 2005).

Assimilation, marginalisation and genocide are three other impacts of colonisation that have had a resounding effect on Indigenous languages. Assimilation occurs when members of a community are enfolded into the colonising culture – this includes the use of the language.

Marginalisation occurs when members of the Indigenous culture are forced to the extremities of society, are disenfranchised as their traditional economic structures are broken down, and they are not admitted into the settler economy. Genocide occurs when members of a community are killed en masse because of their race or ethnic identity, which often results in a population collapse (Tsunoda 2005). As Tsunoda (2005) states, the demographic impact of on the Aztec capital of Tenochitilan presents humanity with a catastrophic example of colonisation. The impact of colonisation is that the knowledge that was previously embedded in the language and passed from one generation to the next (oral traditions) was destroyed (Scanlon and Singh 2006). Walsh (2005: 303) agrees when he explains that ‘one way to kill the language is to get rid of all the speakers’. Hence, even if the intention was not to kill the language, it was one of the consequences of colonisation and, as a result, there was a collapse in the population and a reduction in the number of speakers who were left to pass the language on to the next generation.

Politics and the democratisation of a society may also have an impact upon language ideologies. Democracy is the participation of a population in government activities. A population group in pursuit of their political and economic needs often uses democracy as a path to power, which is especially relevant in the case of ethnic populations who may have a large numerical strength but little voice in the political arena without democracy (Coulmas

2005). It has been argued that language is, in many ways, responsible for creating social

realities; hence, both a democracy and a dictatorship are ruled by talk (Wieman 1942).

However, social context shapes meaning. Thus, words are employed to create understandings of social phenomena, which can differ and shape thoughts and actions in a variety of ways - this concept of building social realities through language is known as

‘framing‘. For example, in Peru, words such as serrano/a and cholo/a are used as insults and can be used to show divisions between ethnic identities and classes. However, other words such as Inca can be associated with power. Similarly, after the disintegration of the Soviet

Union, the once Soviet-dominated Baltic States passed anti-Russian language laws to prevent and dissolve the power associated with the ethnic Russian language in favour of local languages, meaning that a choice of language can benefit society (Coulmas 2005).

Mufwene (2002) argues that shifting to a particular language is typically associated with particular benefits to be derived from its usage, especially economic benefits.

The ‘technologisation’ of languages is seen from diverse perspectives in terms of language vitality and globalisation. Technological developments – the Internet, World Wide Web, software and electronic communication devices - can be used to promote literacy in minority languages, and hence, provide a communication means which the global community can access. However, in reality, many of these languages will never have an instrumental role in maintaining linguistic diversity, as there are insufficient resources and information available in these languages via these communication channels (Coulmas 2005).

For instance, a Google search of Quechua will result in access to dictionaries and vocabulary, but will not provide rich data such as articles in the language. Hence, while technology may afford opportunities to engage with a minority language, these technologies may not improve language vitality, as the resources available are localised and limited.

Consequently, globalisation can be perceived as a threat to minority languages (Coulmas

2005), but Mufwene (2002) claims this has not been proven to be a valid theory. While the free market may benefit nations such as the United States, the growth and flux of languages is both a result of the natural evolution of languages and a result of economic power.

Language plays an important role in nationalism. Fishman (1989) presents nationalism as a concept that is created to unify a group based on their shared unique beliefs, values and behaviours. This conscious action aims to empower a group based on common characteristics, such as a single language, in order to maintain a unique and bounded identity. Fishman (1972) states that nationalism is consciously undertaken to produce self- consciously modern, authentic, and unifying standard languages. These languages are deliberately chosen and conscientiously espoused, where previously there existed only regional and social varieties, unconsciously employed and sometimes unemotionally abandoned.

Billing (1995) speaks of ‘banal nationalism‘, the everyday, less visible forms of nationalism, which shape the mind of a nation’s inhabitants on a day-to-day basis. Although nationalism influences many aspects of life in stable nation-states, its presence is not highly visible, since the nation-state is taken for granted. Theories around nationalism suggest that, while emotions such as loyalty and the need for identity might be part of the human condition

(Billing 1995), nationalism is always a construction. Nationalism can also project or create power structures: modernist theories on nationalism suggest that until the nineteenth century, no one had more than local loyalties and that the idea of a ‘national‘ identity was a concept imposed from the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie and holders of power, and had little

real or inherent value (Anderson 1991). Anderson (1991) indicates that from the middle of the nineteenth century, ‘official nationalism’ developed inside Europe.

Modernisation theories of nationalism, such as those of Anderson (1991), indicate that print and capitalism were necessary factors in the development of nationalism, which also have a significant impact on language – especially Indigenous languages and dialectal variations of standard languages. Only spoken languages can be ‘vital’; languages confined to oral communication are more likely to decline as populations decline (Scanlon and Singh 2006:

12), but a written language without native speakers (such as Latin) is technically dead.

Anderson (1991) indicates a strong relationship between nationalism, print capitalism and loss of language diversity. He gives an example of Low German dialects being lost to the printed High German. In the imbrications of language and power, more prestigious varieties are promoted over others, and can achieve national status, but only if they are codified with the establishment of grammars, dictionaries, teaching of the national language in schools and universities and ultimate regulation by a learned academy.

Overall, nationalism can be seen as a useful concept for understanding the fate of

Indigenous and endangered languages. Nationalist movements promote unifying features of a group; therefore, official national languages bring a group together, and these languages are standardised by having their variations ‘policed’ with the help of grammars, education and national literatures. Nationalism is coupled with political, social and economic issues, which in turn impact upon the power of a language to include and exclude, and minority languages, which are replaced by the unifying standardised language – in a colonised country such as Peru by the imposed language of the coloniser. Vernaculars and Indigenous

languages are effectively driven underground, and can find new functions as secret languages, or languages of resistance.

2.2.3 Impact of colonialism and post-colonialism on languages Any study of Indigenous languages needs to consider what factors impacted upon the language in the past, as well as factors that impact upon the present. Postcolonial theory developed within the study of literature and culture by writers such as Frantz Fanon, Ngugi wa Thiong’o and Chinua Achebe (Achebe 1977; Ngugi 1981). The fundamental argument underpinning postcolonialism is that the effects of colonialism and imperialism are still being felt today in the places that were colonised. Research studies on multilingualism and language use in postcolonial spaces, in places such as Africa, Asia and the Americas, have often focused on three aspects of language use:

1) The functional and social relationships between competing languages which may consider roles such as dominant, minority, or endangered;

2) The speakers’ attitudes towards their own languages or others’ languages, which may identify roles such as favourable and unfavourable ones; and, finally,

3) The linguistic influences of Indigenous languages on new varieties of colonial languages

(Anchimbe 2007).

Studies indicate that the choice of language is rendered complex by the fact that the foreign language differs from the Indigenous language in several ways, which plays out in the tensions between written versus oral, taught in school versus learnt at home, and formal employment versus everyday interaction. However, postcolonial societies today, regardless of whether the colonisation was formerly for exploitation or settlement, are typified by

multifaceted, hybridised and hybridising patterns of cultural and linguistic identity construction (Anchimbe 2007).

The history of colonialism in places such as Peru involved the occupation and conquest of both peoples and their languages. Thus, a study of a postcolonial society should be complemented by a study of the history of the language and its speakers, and how language use moderates the daily lives of these speakers (Anchimbe 2007). While this thesis is not a study on colonialism and post-colonialism society, it is worth touching on some of the work that has been undertaken on their effects on Indigenous languages. According to Young

(2003:7), ‘Post-colonialism claims the right of all people on this earth to the same material and cultural well-being; it seeks to change the way people think, the way they behave, to produce a more just and equitable relation between different peoples of the world’. The research takes into account the institutional and government policies and programs, and importantly, the motivations of the community – both Quechua speakers, and non- speakers; people’s attitudes play an important role in the status of language, which is a reflection of the community’s social and cultural values. Unique local attitudes towards

Indigenous languages predictably play a large part in the successful relationships and dynamics within the revitalisation projects. Under this premise, Coronel-Molina (1997) argues that perhaps, if more Peruvians that speak both Spanish and Quechua were made aware of just how widely Quechua is becoming spoken around the world, this awareness would become a possible tool to enhance its prestige in their eyes, and make more of them willing to learn it, or to continue speaking it. In the context of this study, I aim to build upon the existing work on Quechua and to create a visual representation of where, why and how this language is being spoken both in Peru and overseas.

In this respect, it is necessary to understand both why and how languages are being used.

The work of Stewart (1972) is relevant in this instance, as it provides a clear outline of the functional and perhaps even transactional use of a language. Stewart (1972) lists 10 functions that a language may have in society:

(1) an official function;

(2) a provincial function;

(3) the wider communication or lingua franca that does not have any official capacity of (1) and (2);

(4) the international function;

(5) the capital function for use in the capital city;

(6) the group function for use in a local or ethnic group;

(7) the education function;

(8) the school subject function;

(9) the literary function used for literary or scholarly pursuits, and

(10) the religious function pertaining to the use of language for the practice of a religion.

The plurality of functions reminds researchers to reflect on which are at play in any given context, whether official, interpersonal or transactional, and how rapidly switching among functions can occur.

In the case of Peru, language policy tends to fluctuate depending on the views of the government in power. This is relevant to Stewart’s (1972) specific functions of language discussed above. Language rights, Coronel-Molina (1997) explains, are not timeless declarations, but are time-limited and subject to shifting political regimes. Romaine (2002) notes that in Peru, Quechua was made co-official with Spanish in 1975. In this ruling,

Spanish was designated as the only official language, with Quechua and Aymara having

‘official use zones‘ (Hornberger 1995). This is reiterated in Stewart’s (1972) explanation that languages can function both in official and provincial capacities. Provisions were made for

Quechua to be taught at all levels from 1976, and from 1977 for it to be used in court actions involving Quechua speakers. She explains, however, that opposition from the

Spanish-speaking majority did make implementation difficult, and the implantation of the policy has never achieved the intended outcomes.

Hence, Quechua is in the category of ‘official use zones‘ or ‘provincial’ use, with official language status limited to certain legally specified regions of the country. The 1979 constitution is still in force, so Quechua retains its legally recognised provincial status.

Cerrón-Palomino (1989), however, recognised that such a limitation of Quechua to specific regions or ethnic groups can be problematic, especially in the large coastal cities, which have experienced migration of Indigenous people from the highlands, as they then may be excluded from the provincial use function. Such a regional limitation could lead to the suppression of an entire ethno-linguistic group’s right to speak their native language.

2.3 Language maintenance and revitalisation of Indigenous languages

In the context of this research, three concepts can be used to explain language varieties and their current status: language shift, language maintenance and revitalisation. Language loss or language shift involves a circumstance where a speech community witnesses the gradual displacement of one language by another (Dorian 1981). Language shift nearly always entails a languages-in-contact situation and a power disparity between two or more speech communities with the more powerful language community gaining prominence (Hornberger

2002). Before moving on to language maintenance, language death also needs to be defined, as it expresses the finality of a language. In the research on endangered languages, languages are often presented as a species that are born and then die, and in this sense language death can be defined as a protracted change of state that results in a community- level loss of competence in a language (Mufwene 2002). Mufwene explains that language death is a process that does not affect all speakers at the same time nor to the same extent.

From one perspective, language death is concerned with the statistical assessment of the maintenance versus loss of competence in a language variety among its speakers. Thus, total death is declared when no speakers are left of a particular language variety in a population that had spoken the language.

Language maintenance refers to the relative stability in domains of use, speaker numbers, language distribution and the proficiency of speakers in a language community (Hornberger and Coronel-Molina 2004). Language revitalisation, the renewal or reversing of language shift, implies that strategies are being used to recuperate and reconstruct features of a language or its use which have been partially lost (Hornberger and Coronel-Molina 2004). To understand language shift, it is necessary to understand how external factors can impact

upon the language and environment. Therefore, it must be considered in the context of the social, political, economic and linguistic factors that interact and influence the language (Gal

1979). Importance must be given to linguistic ideologies, language attitudes and uses of identity in influencing language use patterns and planning efforts. The linguistic ideologies and shifting identities are rooted in sociocultural conditions or ‘dislocations‘ that contribute to language shift (Fishman 1991). The main dislocations that Fishman describes are physical/demographic, social and cultural. Physical/demographic dislocations refer to trends such as population transfer and out-migration, be they voluntary or involuntary, driven by natural disasters, such as famines, floods or earthquakes, or by human intervention, such as warfare, genocide, or pollution of resources (Fishman 1991).

These dislocations have been a persistent feature of Quechua life. Illness has had a significant impact upon the language community. At the time of the Conquest, there was a dramatic reduction in the number of Quechua speakers due to war, illness, slavery and famine. Illness still remains a contributing factor to Quechua population decline. As many

Quechua-speaking people belong to the poorer sectors of society, they are more vulnerable to malnutrition and are susceptible to illness and poor health in general. According to

Blondet Montero (1993), this leads to higher than average mortality rates within these communities relative to the population at large and, hence, contributes to the shrinking percentage of Quechua speakers. Birth and death rates, not surprisingly, have an impact upon the demographics of language use.

Hornberger and Coronel-Molina (2004) provide an example of the impact of guerrilla warfare on populations in Peru. In the early 1980s through the mid-1990s, extreme physical

dislocation was experienced as mass migration of rural Andean communities to the cities in

Peru. This mass migration was an attempt to escape the guerrilla warfare rampant in the countryside, which occurred during the campaign of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path),

a revolutionary guerrilla movement primarily active in highland communities (Hornberger and Coronel-Molina 2004). In response to the Sendero Luminoso, the government dispatched army and police patrols that killed and jailed many innocent people. Many community members were killed during the warfare, while thousands of others fled to the cities to escape the danger. In addition to warfare and illness, Andean populations have experienced a number of natural disasters, such as earthquakes and droughts. These events have contributed to the migration of Quechua-speaking populations in search of a new home or better prospects for their families.

Social dislocation refers to the status of minority ethno-linguistic groups, and the social, economic and political disadvantages that accrue to those in that position. These groups have fewer opportunities to access education or to advance economically or socially. In an attempt to overcome these social disadvantages, people may try to assimilate into the dominant culture. They may do this by migrating out of their own subsistence-based communities in search of employment in the wage-earning sector. Grebe Vicuña (1997) postulated that the main areas of migration were to major metropolitan areas such as Lima,

Quito, La Paz and Santiago de Chile. Members of an Indigenous minority ‘who seek social mobility become dependent on [the majority] society and they are not only co-opted into that society, but try to make sure that their own children gain entry into it at as early an age as possible’ (Fishman 1991: 60). This movement has an impact upon the languages spoken,

as the dominant language may also be the language of employment and new social connections.

Cultural dislocation involves the disruption of traditional cultural practices, be it through extreme measures such a genocide or legal prohibition, or more indirectly by means of removal of the group from its customary areas, for example. This results in robbing members of ‘control of the natural resources that could constitute the economic basis of a more self-regulatory collective life and therefore of a possible avenue of cultural viability as well’ (Fishman 1991: 62). All of these dislocations may be at work concurrently and can function synergistically to compound the language-shift process. In cases where Quechua speakers migrate into a Quechua-speaking community to the outskirts of a large city, they can experience changes in the dynamics of their social networks. For instance, intermarriage between Quechua speakers and Spanish speakers is often related to migration and can lead to language shift, as it is common for the Quechua partner to speak Spanish and for the couple not to pass Quechua on their children (Myers 1973; Carpenter 1983; Baker 1996).

Hence, the aggregated impact of these dislocations, whether they be social or physical, can have an impact on language use.

In terms of cultural dislocation and out-migration, there is also some movement of Quechua speakers overseas. According to Fishman (1991), modernisation and globalisation have:

made it easier for small and previously isolated people to forge new extra national

links, most notable with global political movements dedicated to human rights or

environmental protection.

While emigrating to the United States or Europe may not be within the economic reach of most Quechua peoples, there is some small-scale movement of people. For instance, in the state of Utah in the United States, some large agricultural companies financially assist

Andean shepherds to migrate to the United States to work on their farms. In California, approximately 5,000 people from the Huancavelica and Ayacucho regions of Peru work in company farms raising domestic animals (Tamaki 2000). Carpenter (1983) also provides the example of the Ecuadorian Otavaleños who, despite having assimilated and accepted

Western cultural traits, have succeeded in maintaining their own culture and identity.

Zevallos Aguilar (1999) outlines the example of many Andean Indigenous people who migrate internationally for economic reasons, and find once they adjust to the new culture that they can express their Andean identities more fully than they ever could within their home countries.

The impact of these dislocations is felt largely in the breakdown between generations of language speakers. Traditional informal socialisation received at the hands of family and community members is the means by which the older generation passes on its linguistic and cultural wisdom and practices to the younger generation. However, in the case of Quechua

(and other endangered languages) this transmission is interrupted. Fishman (1991; 1989) insists that such inter-generational transmission is the most important determinant in language maintenance and language shift. Due to the effects of modernisation, democratisation, and globalisation, Quechua has been influenced by a range of factors, including physical, social and cultural dislocations. These dislocations are neither positive nor negative per se; they are simple explanations for shifts in language use to better understand how the language is currently being used or viewed.

2.3.1 Language planning and language revitalisation Language planning is the combination of efforts by governments and non-government institutions to promote the language. In short, language planning is about the uses of language, the acquisition of language and corpus planning (Cooper 1989). ‘Status planning’, the highest level of planning, concerns all the efforts to establish or change the status of a language in its social context. Methods include government policies and promotion of the language in new domains like mass media and literacy production, via top-down and bottom-up means (Hornberger and Coronel-Molina 2004).

Planning is also seen as a symbolic measure to recognise Indigenous groups. Quechua has been granted recognition in four countries’ constitutions: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and

Peru, all of which recognise the rights of the Indigenous groups. However, specific articles establish Spanish as the official language, making this planning symbolic (Hornberger and

Coronel-Molina 2004), as translations of the constitutions are not used in administration.

Nevertheless, there are several examples where Quechua is used in official situations. In court, oral procedures and testimonies have been accepted in Indigenous languages as of 31

May 2000 (von Gleich 2004). Quechua is also used within the Ministry of Education offices for promoting bilingual education (von Gleich 2004), although a recent analysis of bilingual schools in 99 communities shows that in practice, not many of the state goals have been achieved (Howard-Malverde 1997). Furthermore, Quechua is used for health education, promotion activities and hygiene in Ecuador (Howard-Malverde 1997). Moreover, some official documents and international pamphlets have been translated into Quechua; for

example, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, albeit by non-government organisations. Unless Quechua is taught not only to Indigenous people but also to the

Spanish-speaking majority, Quechua will be used in official settings as a symbolic gesture rather than a means of addressing the status of the language (Hornberger and Coronel-

Molina 2004).

In terms of language revitalisation, researchers such as Fishman (1991) and Crystal (2000) agree that the role of schools is fundamental in restoring endangered languages. Languages cannot survive as abstractions. Restoring Indigenous languages requires special planning that includes formal recognition in the education system and incorporation into school curricula. Schools are, therefore, fundamental in securing a place for an Indigenous language in a society. Schools have the potential to promote the development of a child’s mother tongue by teaching it to them in the early stages of their lives. On the other hand, school gives children the opportunity to adopt and develop social and cultural values related to indigeneity. By integrating these values in the curricula, as well as in the extracurricular activities, the education system is able to give Indigenous languages a formal place alongside the dominant language (Crystal 2000).

2.3.2 Efforts to revitalise Indigenous languages Language vitality and revitalisation are umbrella terms used to describe attempts to maintain and sustain a language. They also explain the methods of recording and promoting

Indigenous languages and looking for the key elements that determine the outcome of the models of language revitalisation (Hinton 2003). The seminal article by Krauss (1992) spurred linguists to raise their involvement in the language revitalisation movement. In the

context of this study, it is necessary to acknowledge the role and value of a language. This value of languages is clarified by Dixon (1997: 116), who states that ‘language is the most precious human resource’ and that each language has a different phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic organisation from every other, which means that each language, with its organic historical growth, is unique and precious. Only by studying the various possibilities across all languages can we get a general picture of patterns of languages and the nature of the society that relates to language activities. As Crystal (2000) explains, language is the most important part of human expression. Rituals, music, painting, crafts and all other forms of labour all play their part, but language is central. Hence, to acknowledge the value of a language is to acknowledge the value of the culture, rituals, and creativity that are enmeshed in the visual, verbal and physical representations of the language.

Fishman (2001), a pioneer and a central figure in the field of language revitalisation, presented his views from a platform of sociological theory. He sees ‘language loyalty’ as a priority (1991; 2001), and developed much of the terminology used to analyse language revitalisation with his ‘Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale’ (Fishman 1991: 397), which he likens to the Richter Scale for the severity of earthquakes, representing stages for increasing devastation. For each stage, he provides a characterisation of the situation and suggests what needs to be achieved to reach the next stage. An example of a strategy that has been used to normalise a language is seen in New Zealand. The broadcasting of Mãori

Television is an explicit strategy to normalise the use of Te reo Mãori, to make it relevant to the wider community, and to show the use of Mãori in everyday settings that are relevant to people (O Laoire 2008). In examining this strategy, it is evident that a widely accessible

technology (television) is the foundation for representing language and culture in a medium that is both familiar and comfortable to both the endangered and dominant language speakers. This use of new technology is an example of what Tsunoda (2005) calls the integrative function between language and culture for traditional languages, which plays an essential role in maintaining the group’s identity.

2.4 International language revitalisation efforts

In order to contextualise the study, it is worthwhile to provide examples of Indigenous languages in other countries. In relation to European expansion in the colonial age,

European languages were spread around the globe, ‘conquering‘ the entire Western hemisphere, Australia and New Zealand, and gaining important footholds in Africa, Asia and the Pacific. The dominance of languages such as English and Spanish is secured by their indispensability in the maintenance of the new imposed political economy (Coulmas 2005).

More generally, dominant languages expand at the expense of smaller ones. The result is a diminishing linguistic diversity worldwide (Coulmas 2005).

Romaine (2002) states that evaluation of the potential and actual impact of language policy on endangered languages is complicated by a lack of casual connections between types of policy, language maintenance and shift, as well as policy and planning. She points out that language policy is not an autonomous factor, and what may appear to be the same policy may lead to different outcomes, depending on the situation in which it operates.

Tenuous linkages between policy and planning may render many policies ineffective, which can be seen in a number of failed language revitalisation strategies (Romaine 2006).

Conventions and treaties adopted by international organisations and agencies recommending the use of minority languages in education usually lack the power to reinforce them. Additionally, policies can negatively impact on home use, which is essential for continued natural transmission of endangered languages. Romaine maintains that survival cannot depend on legislation as a main support. Legal provision may allow speakers of endangered languages to claim some public space for their languages and cultures. She further observes that most European nation-states still apply one set of rules to the national language and another to minority languages within their boundaries, often applying different standards to Indigenous and non-Indigenous minorities. Similarly, New Zealand has progressed in its treatment of Mãori language issues, while it has lagged behind in recognition of the rights of migrant Pacific Islander communities.

2.4.1 New Zealand In Aotearoa (New Zealand), te reo Mãori (the language) had been in decline for many years, but efforts at a national level have successfully begun the process of restoring linguistic attitudes towards te reo Mãori (Gallegos et al. 2010). Efforts to revitalise te reo Mãori are arguably unique in their success by world standards. In the 2006 census, over 150,000 people claimed they were able to converse in the language, representing approximately half of the Mãori population. A key factor of this achievement is the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi, a political compact and basis for partnership between Mãori chieftains and the British Crown, and a document that somewhat safeguarded Mãori rights to preserve their cultural identity at different points in history (Gallegos et al. 2010).

Immersion programs as part of the language revitalisation strategy were developed. The

language centres were established by Mãori for Mãori communities with very little or no financial assistance from the Ministry of Education. Therefore, they functioned as private schools, so they could develop their own system of administration, with their own curricula and ways of teaching that were consistent with Mãori values (New Zealand Ministry of

Education 2002). These reinforced the ability and conviction of Mãori to set foundations for a revolutionised anti-assimilation education system. These schools operate under the philosophy of the ‘Ako’ principle, which is a culturally specific process of learning as well as teaching (Bishop et al. 2003). The Ministry of Education now contributes in different ways to immersion programs, providing resources and professional assistance to Mãori medium education, scholarships for those wishing to become Mãori medium teachers, assistance for student loans and extra curricula funding for every student enrolled in Māori language programs.

Benton and Benton (2001) contrast the Kura Kaupapa Mãori (a special category of New

Zealand state school with a Mãori language and cultural orientation) with the Ataarangi movement aimed at the Mãori language needs of whole families, which works in homes rather than schools. Because the latter receives no government support, it is not subject to government controls. Attempts to manage the Kura Kaupapa Mãori category at government level have been divisive. The council governing these schools lobbied the House of

Representatives in 1998 for a bill to require schools seeking to be defined as Kura Kaupapa

Mãori to subscribe to a particular set of philosophical principles. Not all communities favoured this move, prompting Benton and Benton (2001) to comment that it remains to be seen whether what were originally independent schools will command the ideological control of a group selected by the state to enforce a ‘legislatively defined’ Mãori world

view.

2.4.2 Quebec Quebec provides another example of language revitalisation and maintenance. Bourhis

(2001) explains that in Quebec in the 1970s, language planners argued in favour of the

French language with strong intergenerational transmission on their side, even though a sociolinguistic analysis would have led to the conclusion that such planning was unnecessary. Romaine (2006) states that in Quebec, more than 80 percent of the population had French as a mother tongue and more than three-quarters were monolingual French speakers. She further adds that the Francophones controlled most of the provincial administration, even though they lacked control of the major business and financial institutions. In this sense, French survival in the long term, in the face of a declining birth rate and increased emigration of Anglophones, is likely to assimilate to the Anglophone population, providing the rationale to mobilise language programs (Romaine 2006). She concludes by stating that in other cases, however, communities may not recognise or wish to confront the impending language loss, or may feel that other concerns are more pressing.

2.4.3 Ireland Gaelic in Ireland provides a different example of language revitalisation strategies.

Slomanson (2012) declared that ‘leaving the dissemination of Irish and other languages entirely to school systems in which it is a subject rather than a medium is not an effective strategy, given the absence of a facilitating cultural context outside the school system’.

Making Irish meaningful to young people requires making it as attractive as possible to them. Slomanson (2012) argues that it is important not to underestimate the power of

modern popular culture, and to make it available in Irish in Ireland in order to override the language’s history of marginalisation, and that of its speakers. The Irish-speaking world is moving increasingly in this direction, which can only be regarded as a positive sign for the future of the language, of its speakers, and of their respective social and professional network and communities. Slomanson (2012) states that what Ireland needs is not less language education, but better language education. It is a matter for applied linguistic research, policy formation and curriculum design, in which ideological considerations and mere rhetoric cannot be permitted to detract from the outcome of the planning process.

One can contrast the case of French in Quebec with that of Irish, with its far weaker demographic base for reproduction of the language, where similarly aggressive legislative policies in favour of Irish have not significantly reversed language shift. Only 18 percent of the population was reported to be Irish speaking in the 1926 census, just after the foundation of the Irish Free State (Slomanson 2012). The newly independent government in

1922 promoted policies directed at altering the linguistic market, in order to enhance the social and legal status of Irish by maintaining it where it was spoken and extending its use elsewhere. Irish was required in public administration, law and media domains in which it had not been used for centuries.

Ó Riagáin (1998), however, says that the problem was not the small demographic base, but rather the social distribution of Irish, which was confined to peripheral rural communities. It was hoped that supporting the agricultural sector would support the Irish language and those speakers who were primarily engaged in farming. By the early 1960s, supporting the agricultural sector was not working and the economic policy was shifting towards

encouraging small industry and the export market.

Over the past few decades, the thrust of policy, in so far as there is any explicit statement of it, has been towards maintenance rather than restoration. Meanwhile, the official rhetoric has shifted towards talking of survival rather than revival. Yet today the largest proportion of Irish speakers is between 10 and 20 years old. Ó Riagáin’s (1998) assessment, based on the examination of a century of language policy in Ireland, reveals how timing enters into the equation in another sense.

2.4.4 Australia Australian Indigenous languages have been in decline since colonisation. Current census data indicates that around 2 per cent of the population claims Indigenous status (Australian

Bureau of Statistics 2016). More than three-quarters of the original Australian languages have been lost, and the survival of a majority of the remaining languages is threatened. In

Australia, the 1987 Language Policy (Lo Bianco 1987) did not really challenge the dominance of white Anglophone society after two centuries of assimilation and restrictive immigration practices (Romaine 1991). Fishman (2001: 227) offers a more recent assessment, commenting that ‘Australian policies and processes constitute a positive but ineffective approach to Reversing Language Shift on behalf of recent immigrant languages …’, while Lo

Bianco and Rhydwen (2001) say that community language maintenance has been relegated to a subordinate status with insufficient resources to sustain the policy.

Clyne (2001) points out how individual states subsequently developed vastly different

policies and chose different priority languages. Lo Bianco and Rhydwen (2001) explain how the ‘Indigenous language policy’ of the Northern Territory Government’s Department of

Education serves only as a recommendation to schools and does not cover the specific needs of Aboriginal communities. Neither does its social and cultural education guidelines cover the kinds of programs that Aboriginal people want to implement. The lack of strong policy support has meant that Aboriginal language and culture programs have not achieved a secure place in schools. In 1998, the Northern Territory abandoned public funding for

Indigenous bilingual education, which had originally been established by the

Commonwealth Government when education in the Northern Territory was under its jurisdiction. Lo Bianco and Rhydwen (2001) conclude that policy can lead to change in the outgoing trend of attrition and restriction if control, resources, and the means for decision- making, as well as institutional domains where language socialisation occurs are in the hands of those affected. They doubt whether Aboriginal Australians will be given the space for self-determination and regulation to a sufficient degree.

However, there are also examples of strategies that have worked. In regard to government level initiatives to revitalise Aboriginal languages, an Indigenous language subject (Gadigal) was introduced in 2016 as a Higher School Certificate (HSC) elective. The current New South

Wales Education Minister, Mr Adrian Piccoli, supported this move as he explained that the aim of the new course was to help maintain Aboriginal cultures, and also to improve education prospects for young Aboriginal people (New South Wales Department of

Education 2015). The schools that participate in this initiative are part of the Connected

Communities initiative. At present, Connected Communities schools offer students

Aboriginal cultural studies or activities. Nine of the 15 schools in the program offer the

opportunity to learn Aboriginal languages. The HSC Aboriginal Languages course, as it stands, counts towards the Higher School Certificate and appears on a student's Record of

Achievement. It does not, however, contribute to the calculation of a student's Australian

Tertiary Admission Rank (ATAR).

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the Aboriginal languages of the south- eastern corner of Australia. Communities throughout Victoria, supported by the Victorian

Aboriginal Corporation for Languages (VACL), are reviving their languages through language camps and educational material for children, music and dictionaries. VACL provides assistance to Aboriginal communities to set up and administer their language programs, writing retrieval plans and funding applications and research tools. VACL, on their website, has a range of interactive and digital media that centre on Aboriginal languages and they offer school-based programs, workshops and other forms of training (VACL 2016).

An international organisation, Living Tongues, has also worked with communities to document their languages. Living Tongues is one of the world’s most active research organisations that is dedicated to documenting endangered languages (Living Tongues

2017). National Geographic Mission Programs in partnership with Living Tongues Institute for Endangered Languages launched the Enduring Voices project to promote to the broadest possible audience the growing global crisis of language and loss of knowledge (Living

Tongues 2017). Enduring Voices supports Indigenous community grassroots efforts at language revitalisation and language maintenance worldwide. The first Enduring Voices expedition was to the Northern and Central Australia Language Hotspot in July and August

2007. They met with representatives from over a dozen Aboriginal communities and

observed grassroots revitalisation efforts at various stages and with different degrees of success.

Another grassroots level initiative is Sharing Stories (2017), which is a digital storytelling program and is one of the major programs run through the Sharing Stories Foundation. This initiative focuses on collecting the stories of young people in remote Indigenous communities. The children learn digital media skills in order to support a creative digital storytelling practice. The digital storytelling process enables children to develop a creative voice with which they can explore, tell and share their own stories in their own words. The program is aimed at not only building confidence in new technologies, but also to strengthen identity and build community links through workshops with elders, country and culture.

Another example of a small-scale language revitalisation project is the Arrernte Women’s

Project. The Arrernte Women’s Project was filmed in Alice Springs in 2015. It was an ethnographic project that was guided by Rachel Perkins along with Arrernte women to document the song lines of their culture for future generations (Perkins 2016). This project differs from other language revitalisation projects as it centres on capturing the language and stories of women through songs.

In the case of Australian Indigenous languages, there are myriad examples of projects aimed at revitalising the languages. It has been argued that the revitalisation of Indigenous languages is part of the larger international renaissance of indigeneity where a community’s involvement can be seen as an act of reasserting their sovereignty in their own country and

maintaining it, even when members of the community are living elsewhere (Lowe 2010).

What makes it difficult in the Australian context is the sheer number of languages that are spoken, the lack of a written language in some cases, the remoteness of many of the communities, and the small number of speakers in comparison to languages such as Maori or Quechua (Lowe 2010). While these factors are not precursors to failure of language revitalisation projects, they do make it more difficult to sustain the longevity of a revitalisation attempt.

2.4.5 North America State of Hawai’i

The case of Hawai’i is also worth discussing, as Hawai’i is the only state of the United States with an official language in addition to English. There is a single Hawaiian language spoken throughout Hawai’i. The Hawaiian language was banned in the schools, and as a result of the ban on the language, Hawaiians adopted Hawai‘i Creole English as their own language between 1900 and 1920 (McCarty 2003). Except for on Ni‘ihau, Hawaiian children born after

1920 could not speak Hawaiian fluently. In 1978, it was voted through constitutional convention to re-establish Hawaiian as an official language in the State of Hawai’i (McCarty

2003). Article XV Section 4 of the Constitution of the State of Hawai’i states that ‘English and

Hawaiian shall be the official languages of Hawaii, except that Hawaiian shall be required for public acts and transactions only as provided by law’. A second amendment (Article X,

Section 4) contains a provision ‘to revive the Hawaiian language, which is essential to the preservation and perpetuation of Hawaiian culture’. In 1996, the Office of Hawaiian Affairs

(OHA) brought a case against the Department of Education claiming that the Department’s failure to provide sufficient financial and technical support for the Hawaiian immersion

program was a violation of both state law and The Native American Languages Act (NALA).

In 2000, the Department of Education and OHA reached an out of court settlement, which provided an additional US$7.5 million to the immersion programs under the 2:1 funding partnership, with the state to spend up to a million dollars a year for the next five years

(Lucas 2000). This case demonstrates how legal and political power can impact upon language maintenance programs.

Hawai’i provides examples of language revitalisation through education and academic pursuits. For example, the PhD in Hawaiian and Indigenous Language and Culture

Revitalization at the University of Hawai’i is the first doctorate specifically designed to serve the needs of the State of Hawaiʻi for advanced academic training and scholarly research in the Hawaiian language. All students in the doctoral program are required to speak an

Indigenous language and are expected to further develop their knowledge of that language in courses that explore the similarities and differences among Indigenous languages. This demonstrates the acknowledgement, at an academic level, of the value of the Hawaiian language.

A second example of language revitalisation is the Hawaiian immersion pre-schools or Aha

Pu nanā Leo, which translates as ‘language nest gathering’ (Wilson and Kamana 2001,̄ p.

149). The family-run pre-schools, which began in 1983, give children the opportunity to interact with fluent speakers entirely in Hawaiian. There are 13 Pūnana Leo throughout the

State of Hawai‘i located on the islands of Hawai‘i, Maui, Moloka‘i, O‘ahu and Kaua‘i. These immersive pre-schools centre on teaching children the Hawaiian mauli. Aha Pūnana Leo pre- schools are the world’s first accredited early education program conducted through an

endangered and Indigenous language. The accreditation was issued by the World

Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium (WINHEC) (n.d).

Mauli encompasses the culture, worldview, spirituality, morality, social relations, and other central aspects of an individual’s life and that of their community (Wilson and Kamana ̄

2001, p. 161). According to Wilson and Kamana ̄ (2001), the curriculum for the pre-schools includes singing and chanting, cultural activities, language, play as well as the more formal lessons on pre-reading and pre-mathematics. The success of the pre-schools is echoed in the establishment of Hawaiian immersion elementary and secondary schools. In these schools, children are educated in Hawaiian until fifth grade, at which point English language arts is introduced, often in Hawaiian. Wilson and Kamana ̄ (2001) add that language revitalisation of Hawaiian has also been encouraged through the development of an interconnected group of young parents who are improving their proficiency in Hawaiian, and through the creation of a more general environment of language support by individuals of all ethnic backgrounds. For example, parents that speak Hawaiian with their children in supermarkets are often congratulated for doing so by members of the general community, not just speakers of Hawaiian.

Research suggests that the Hawaiian immersion schooling has produced noteworthy academic benefits. Student achievement on standardised tests has equalled and in some cases surpassed that of Native Hawaiian children enrolled in English-medium schools,

(Kamana ̄ and Wilson 1996; Wilson and Kamana ̄ 2001). Of course, there have been setbacks in the development of these language programs. However, immersion schooling has succeeded in strengthening the Hawaiian mauli, and has contributed to the revitalisation of both the language and self-determination within the Native Hawaiian community, and

enhancing children’s academic success. Due to the longevity of the language program, it can be viewed as a model and a catalyst for Indigenous language revitalisation efforts in other countries.

2.4.5 Africa The case of Africa is perhaps the most complex due to the numerous language groups and the political instability, environmental disasters and social fragility experienced by a number of countries on the African continent. It has been argued that up to 80 percent of the

African languages lack orthographies making it difficult to contemplate their effective use in schools (Adegbija 2001). For example, Nigeria has weak linkages between the policies, state and national governments and the local communities, preventing more schools from implementing the National Policies for Education, which stipulate that a pupil’s mother tongue be used in the lower level of public education. More importantly, no government sanctions are applied to schools that do not follow the policy. In Senegal, six African languages (Mandingo, Diola, Peul/Poular, Serer, Soninke and Wolof) have been declared official, but little effort has been made to use them in education. Various factors inhibit implementation, such as a lack of funding for materials development, teacher training, parental anxiety about their children’s acquisition of the dominant language, along with fear among the elite of losing their status gained through education in the colonial language.

Brenzinger (1998) estimates than fewer than 10 percent of African languages are included in bilingual education programs, with the result that more than 1,000 African languages receive no consideration in the education sector.

This section shows that there is no simple answer to revitalising a language. A range of external and internal factors along with the historical impacts, affect how a language is

viewed and used. Therefore, what comes out of these studies is that each language and context needs to be viewed independently as what may work in New Zealand for example, may not have any value or merit in Peru.

2.5 The Quechua language

The Quechua language was and is still spoken mainly in the Andes, on the Coast and in the

Amazon basin of South America. At the transnational level, there are Quechua speakers as first language (L1) and second language (L2) in some countries worldwide. The Incas, who were Puquina and Aymara speakers, adopted Quechua strategically to conquer the vast territory where multiple varieties of Quechua speakers existed. In other words, the Incas were trilingual: Puquina, Aymara and Quechua speakers (Cerrón-Palomino 2013).

In order to contextualise the study, the current demographic and geographic information is provided alongside the organisation of the language families. The pre- and postcolonial history of the language is also included. The current status of the language and relevant theories and opinions pertaining to the origin and evolution of the language is also discussed. The status and ongoing viability of the Quechua language family is a matter of debate. The distribution of the language across the west coast of South America means that it is difficult to gauge exactly how many people speak Quechua and how successful revitalisation efforts have been. Some researchers, such as Hornberger and King (2001), believe that the survival of Quechua is assured, while others, such as Haboud (2004), disagree and argue that Quechua is a threatened language and is still considered an endangered language that is in need of urgent attention.

Quechua is a family of languages spoken in South America. Quechua has, like all languages, numerous linguistic variations and a range of sociolects and dialects. Quechua is like the family of Romance languages, such as Spanish, Italian and French, in that it is derived from an original language. Since no one knows what that language was called, Proto-Quechua is posited (Orr and Longacre 1968; Itier 2013). Hence, there is no one single form of Quechua.

As it was a spoken language, it is difficult to establish exactly where and when original

Quechua was first spoken. Most of our knowledge of the Quechua language is related to how the language has evolved over the last five centuries since colonisation.

The actual origin of the Quechua language family is as uncertain. It has common links to languages such as Aymara, which indicates that there has been intermingling and evolution of the language family for potentially thousands of years. Quechua gained power as a language during the Inca Empire, where the Cusco variation of the language was used as the language of communication across the Empire. This power-base was consolidated during the early years of Spanish occupation. However, the language was banned as part of the

Castilianisation process in the eighteenth century wherein Spanish became the main vehicle for communication. Although Quechua has been given status as an official language in Peru,

Bolivia and Ecuador, efforts to maintain and revitalise the language are fairly isolated and are not integrated into the Peruvian education system. There is, however, an international interest in the language and culture, which is helping to ignite sparks of interest in the revitalisation of the language and celebration of the culture.

2.5.1 Linguistic variations and demographics Quechua, as I mentioned previously, has variations with a range of sociolects and dialects.

This section provides an overview of the Quechua that is spoken across the Andes and regions of Central and South America. Quechua is an Indigenous language of South America, which has 8 to 12 million speakers in the region, who are mainly concentrated in the

Andean highlands of Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador. Smaller numbers of speakers or communities are found spread across Argentina, Chile and Colombia (Albó 2004; Haboud

2004; Hornberger and Coronel-Molina 2004; King and Hornberger 2004). Figure 1 provides an estimate of the number of Quechua language speakers in South America.

Figure 1: Quechua language speakers (UNESCO 2010)

Quechua is the most widely spoken Indigenous language in the Americas, with an active community of language learners and users. In terms of linguistic diversity, Quechua has many language varieties such as Huaulay, Huancay and Ap-Am-Ah, but some researchers argue that it is lacking an overarching structure that connects all languages and speakers

(Hornberger and King 2001). It is difficult to establish exactly how many people speak

Quechua and numbers provided in sources do vary.

Sociolinguistically, Quechua-speaking communities are spread across a diverse range of domains including major urban centres, with their pueblos jovenes (shantytowns).

Monolingual Quechua communities or Quechua speakers often live in close contact with the speakers of other Indigenous languages such as Aymara, which influences the nature of the language and community (Hornberger and King 2001). Quechua contends with issues and obstacles such as purportedly mutually unintelligible varieties (Hornberger and Coronel-

Molina 2004). As a result of Quechua’s centuries of contact with different languages such as the previously mentioned Aymara and languages such a Guaraní, various linguistic and extra linguistic conditions characterise each specific situation, all of which make the diverse and diffuse situation of Quechua difficult to describe as a whole (Haboud 2004). Consequently, there is no typical Quechua community and it is difficult to develop or make observations about the language due to the mosaic of contexts and experiences in which Quechua occurs. Because of the geographical and ethnic diversity and regional varieties of the language, the revitalisation of Quechua faces linguistic, social and geographical challenges

(King and Hornberger 2004). In the following section, the language variations are presented.

2.5.2 The Quechua family of languages Movements of people have shifted the geographical boundaries of the language varieties. In postcolonial South America, Quechua was spoken largely in rural areas, and the language varieties tended to be more localised. However, as a result of the migration of people out of rural areas and massive urbanisation over the last fifty years, there has been a movement of the language varieties and a shift in language communities from rural to non-rural areas

(Hornberger and King 2001). An example of this is seen in the movement of people from the highlands to the coast. Figure 2 shows the distribution of Quechua down the west coast of

South America. The two main language varieties, Quechua I and Quechua II, are also provided. Figure 3 provides a more detailed breakdown of the language families. In this figure, Adelaar and Musyken (2004) use the Quechua I / Quechua II (central/peripheral) bifurcation first outlined by Torero (1974), but it includes later modifications by Torero.

Figure 2: Quechua language families (Cerrón- Palomino 1987).

Quechua I and Quechua II Geographically, Quechua I is located in the central region of Peru from the coast to the central highlands. Quechua II extends down the south and southeast (Figure 2). Quechua I is in decline and Quechua II is maintaining the number of speakers. This presents a problem for revitalisation strategies as neither variation is better than the other, but there is a more significant representation and easier access to Quechua II through books, resources and education.

However, as Quechua II also has several variations, this further complicates efforts to make the language accessible to learners. According to Adelaar (2013), three criteria can be used to differentiate between Quechua I and II. These are lexical, phonetic and morphological.

Figure 3: Quechua language families (Adelaar and Musyken 2004)

Adelaar (2013) explains that in regard to lexical differences, Quechua I seems to have been more bound to the group (less dispersion), while Quechua II was the vehicle, either forced or for practical reasons, which was used for communication by both the Incas and conquistadors, so it was more widely distributed than Quechua I. Hence, it is very difficult to separate the lexical characteristics of the variations.

Phonology The phonological changes in both variations have been ongoing over the history of the languages.

Quechua words are normally written without the letters b, c, d, g, v, x, z. At some stage, the proto language divided, and it is evident that Quechua I and II have different linguistic evolutionary paths, in the same way that Latin-based languages have different phonology. The evolution has been gradual rather than instantaneous and is perhaps a result of geographical dispersion

(Adelaar 2013).

Morphology The morphological differences between Quechua I and II have been widely discussed in the relevant literature (see, for example, Torero 1964; Parker 1969; Parker 1971; Cerrón-Palomino

1987; Torero 2002; Adelaar 2004; Heggarty and Pearce 2011). The differences related to features of the language like prefixes and suffixes (Adelaar 2013). The morphological variations seem to provide the most valid arguments for the classification of the languages into two main groups. It is important to understand the similarities and differences between all the modern written varieties of Quechua, since they all started out from this one same original form.

Syntax In general, the basic sentence word order in Quechua is: subject- object- verb. Suffixes are added to the root verb to create new words. In Quechua, there is no masculine or feminine. Quechua does not have definite and indefinite articles, (‘the’ and ‘a’), nor does it distinguish between formal and familiar terms (as languages like Spanish do). Moreover, there are no irregular verbs in

Quechua; if you know the form of one verb, you will know the others.

2.5.3 Quechua, the Inca Empire and Spanish Conquest In modern terms, the Inca Empire includes the Andean and Pacific regions of Ecuador, Peru,

Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina. The Empire was over 900,000 square kilometres and encompassed a range of environments from deserts to mountains and tropical rainforests

(McEwan 2006). The Spanish conquistadors were amazed at the complexity and organisation of the empire that had only been in existence for a little over one hundred years prior to their arrival

(McEwan 2006). Quechua was the official language during the period of Inca administration.

Quechua, and its role in the expansion of the Inca Empire, is often compared to Latin in the

Roman Empire. Across many centuries and under Inca, Spanish and nation-state rule, Quechua had an important role in preserving the history and unique identity of the Quechua language (King and Hornberger 2006). At the time of the Inca Empire, Quechua was a spoken language; there was no written representation. A consequence of this was that when the language was transcribed using the Latin alphabet there were vast differences in the spelling of words and inconsistencies in usage (McEwan 2006).

Shortly before the arrival of the Spanish invaders in 1532, the Andean region was unified under the Inca Empire. The Empire grew quickly over a period of about 80 years (1450 – 1532 C.E.) from its base in the Cusco region of what is now southern Peru. Consequently, the Inca expansion in many instances introduced a new dialect of Quechua, rather than a new language. The emphasis, therefore, was the acquisition of Cusco Quechua; Cusco being the capital of the Inca Empire

(Cerrón-Palomino 1987). In the field of research focusing on Indigenous culture in Peru, there have been many views held of the importance of the Cusco dialects and the expansion of

Quechua. Overall, the belief is that the variations split and that the first wave of expansion probably occurred at least 500 years before the rise of the Inca Empire. Consequently, Quechua did not originate in the Inca centre of Cusco and was not introduced to all regions and populations only by the Incas – rather the language and its variations had already existed in the regions for several centuries.

The arrival of Pizarro in 1532 heralded many changes for people of the regions. Surprisingly, this included the expansion of Quechua as the Spanish colonial regime solidified its control of the new world. The Spanish promoted the use of Quechua as Lingua general (general language) and a useful communicative, educative and symbolic tool in different ways for different groups (King and Hornberger 2006). While these factors aided the Spanish conquest of the Andes, the language was also used as a means of organising resistance and revolting against Spanish rule. The rebellion was quelled in 1781 with the execution of the main leaders, including Tupac Amaru. Quechua and all other Indigenous languages were suppressed and any use was officially banned (Adelaar and

Musyken 2004). It is difficult to measure the exact impact of the ban on the use of Quechua;

however, the use of Quechua during the early stages of Spanish colonisation represented the last wide-scale measures to expand Quechua.

A decree from the Spanish crown in the second half of the eighteenth century mandating compulsory Castilianisation of Native Americans marked the end of the toleration of Indigenous languages (von Gleich 1992; Cerrón-Palomino 1987). As the Spaniards solidified their control of the region in subsequent decades, the Spanish language spread and became de facto and de jure the language of power and prestige, while ‘the Indian population and their language/s were further denigrated’ (Haboud 2004: 25). Although the instruction of Spanish was not well organised, the Indigenous population learned the dominant language informally for social survival and as part of the biological and cultural process of mestizaje (racial in-mixing) (von Gleich 1992:

49-50). Indigenous groups played only marginal roles in the military and political campaigns for national independence from Spain in the following decades. The state protection of the

Indigenous peoples was affected once the Andean nations gained independence (Adelaar and

Musyken 2004). As the newly independent Andean countries followed European models of nation-state consolidation, Spanish was established as the official language, which positioned it as central to the nation’s identity, both practically and symbolically. During this period, Quechua lost ground to Spanish, as there was little symbolic or practical space for linguistic and cultural diversity (Adelaar and Musyken 2004). Hence, the diminished popularity of the language was not a direct result of political and social change beginning in the second half of the eighteenth century. Rather, it was part of the colonisation process, as the specific ban of Quechua led to its current endangered status.

2.5.4 Modern Quechua Currently, Quechua has the status of being an official language (but with ‘official use zones’ or provincial use) alongside Spanish, in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. As previously stated, Quechua did not have a written form, until the Spanish arrival with the introduction of the alphabet, which has made it difficult to preserve the language. Moreover, Quechua has become intermixed with

Spanish with numerous loan words from both languages being used concomitantly. This means that having a standardised form of the language is fairly difficult (Coronel-Molina 1997).

At present, a number of strategies are being investigated to revitalise and encourage the use of

Quechua. These strategies will be discussed in greater detail in subsequent chapters. In the context of modern education, Quechua has achieved an international prestige that is certainly lacking in Peru. Quechua has become an academic subject to be studied at universities and language institutes (Figure 4). In conjunction with the increasing interest in studying it, a current availability of Quechua in universities and institutes has developed worldwide, from the United

States (15 universities with courses) to Britain (4) to Japan (1). There are other universities across

France, Holland and other countries, which offer Quechua language courses.

The United States universities include: Cornell University, Georgetown University, Indiana

University, New York University, Pennsylvania University, Rowan University, Stanford University,

University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), University of California - Santa Cruz, University of

Illinois, University of Maryland, University of New Mexico, University of Pittsburgh, University of

Texas-Austin and University of Wisconsin.

British ones include: London School of Economics, University of Liverpool, University of

Manchester, and University of St. Andrews.

In Tokyo, Japan, it is the Academy of the Quechua Language (Coronel-Molina 2015).

Map of present distribution areas of most widely spoken pre-contact languages in Latin America. Colours’ meaning: Quechua Guarani Aymara Nahuatl Lenguas Mayas Mapudungún

Figure 4: Map showing location of Quechua communities and Quechua language programs

(Osado 2008)

The Rheinische Friedrich Wildelms University in Bonn, Germany held a conference commemorating 60 years of the Quechua Language Institution (Rheinische 1996), and the

University of Hamburg also has a program. There is also a significant Quechua web-presence, with numerous Quechua web pages on the Internet. These pages are often bilingual, such as English and Quechua. The increased access to Web 2.0 tools and the Internet have provided avenues for sharing the history of Quechua, the language and identity with a global community. Concerning higher education, there are programs in Quechua in Peru, and there is also evidence of program funding by international non-governmental organisations in Peru. In primary and secondary schools, Spanish is the main language for communication with English being the preferred second language. Hence, Quechua is not actively taught as part of the school curriculum.

2.6 Summary of the literature review

The literature review reveals that no one single approach can guarantee that a language will maintain or retain vitality. Languages change, grow and diminish as a result of complex social, political and environmental factors, and complexity is part of the ongoing history of humankind.

The research demonstrates that there are many complications and uncertainties associated with language revitalisation efforts. It shows, for example, that a language may be thriving in the home environment, but may not be taught in schools. A language like Quechua may also be the language of an underclass excluded from the main economy that may need to move elsewhere to seek work in order to support their families, and when they do move into a larger speech community, they may not be able to retain everyday use of their own language. A common thread in all of the research was that endangered languages like Quechua lack prestige and value

even in the eyes of the speakers. Hence, this research study comes from a concern for the loss of diversity in this most basic human resource.

Chapter 3. Research approach and methodology

This thesis is in two parts: 1) an ethnographic and sociolinguistic investigation of a precarious language in a global context, across three sites; and 2) a documentary film, which amplifies the research question by eliciting, editing and broadcasting the voices, stories and cultures of the communities involved. It is hoped that the Quechua revivalist strategies identified will have implications for other endangered languages and cultures. In the case of the film, it is already clear (from the response to my first film) that the film in itself plays a role in the revival of interest in Quechua and a recalibrating of its perceived prestige. A purely academic thesis is much less likely to accomplish such a goal by itself.

This chapter provides the rationale for the choice of ethnography as the preferred methodology for developing a conceptual understanding of the status and use of endangered languages in a globalising world through the specific case of Quechua. Drawing on the literature outlined in the previous chapter, it synthesises existing knowledge of Quechua and extracts from it theoretical insights through an anthropological linguistic lens that can be used to build an understanding of language revitalisation strategies. The focus is specifically on the implications of Quechua maintenance strategies for other endangered languages and cultures. The ethnographic methodology is a dual one, corresponding to the written and filmed parts of the thesis, though of course the two complement each other. With sophisticated multimedia technologies available, it seemed valid to select the audio-visual to partner the written methodology in order to more literally capture the voices and stories of the people involved.

As discussed in the previous chapter, there is no simple strategy to revitalise a language. Rittel and Webber (1973) define situations in which there appear to be no simple solutions to understanding complex problems as ‘wicked problems’. The reappropriation and revalorisation of an endangered language is an example of a ‘wicked problem’, as it is bound both by complexity and ambiguous and sometimes disputed values and goals. Hill (2006) explains that minority and

Indigenous language communities such as Quechua are almost always oppressed and marginalised. As a consequence, these factors produce an intensification of ideological projects aiming specifically at language. For example, the suppression of these languages can impede the distribution and implementation of the products of research in terms of the support strategies, even within the community (Hill 2006). The very complexity of the situation makes it difficult to isolate causal mechanisms of what strategies may enable the growth and vitality of Quechua.

Exploration of such complexity will always present problems for a researcher, in that observations, claims and proposals will be influenced not only by the researcher’s experiences, but also by the complexity of the natural setting.

The research design employed for addressing questions is also presented within this chapter including the role of the researcher, a description of the participants chosen, the data analysis process, and the study limitations.

For the purposes of clarity, the research questions are provided below again:

1. How are language revitalisation projects contributing to Indigenous identity and heritage?

2. How are strategies that promote the revitalisation of Quechua language and culture both

in local and external contexts contributing to the revisualisation of the language in a

globalised world?

3. What tools and technologies contribute to the revitalisation of Indigenous languages and

culture, and how are these tools useful for ensuring that language revitalisation

movements can grow and survive?

3.1 Ethnography

Ethnography is a type of methodology where researchers undertake an in-depth examination of a phenomenon while in the field. Ethnography stands apart from other methodologies due to its emphasis on culture and the examination and revelation of what happens in that culture. The core aim of ethnography is to capture the voices and stories of people in a natural setting and not as part of an experimental study where variables are manipulated to measure an effect (Brewer

2004). Ethnography is not a prescribed set of methods – it is a methodology that acknowledges the complexity of human experiences and the need to research it by close and sustained observation of human behaviour (O’Reilly 2005); in this case of sociolinguistic behaviour that enhances language maintenance.

While authors such as Evans (1993) argue that ethnography no longer has relevance in the era of globalisation as the focus of the study is too limited, Brewer (2000) outlines three characteristics of ethnography that are of particular relevance to this study. Firstly, ethnography can be used to describe how global processes are affecting a particular group, or region. Secondly, ethnographic methods can show if, what, how and why traditions and cultural practices may persist. Finally, 78

ethnography can show how local, traditional identities interact with emerging global identities.

Ethnography permits access to the social meanings and activities of people and involves a close association and familiarity with the social setting and context (Brewer 2000). While ethnography draws upon the full range of qualitative methods and the triangulation of data, such as participant observation, interviews, personal documentation, photography and film, what distinguishes their application in ethnography is that they are used in the exploration of social meanings of people in the field.

The data will be presented as three case studies that investigate Quechua in Cusco, Peru; Paris

France; and New York, United States of America. Since this study is partially concerned with how people make sense of their lives, experiences, feelings and structure of their world, particularly in relation to language (Stake 1995; Creswell 2002; Yin 2003), these three case studies will attempt to identify how Quechua is being used and promoted both within and outside of the natural setting of the language. My aim, through these case studies, is to explore and find out what motivates people to learn or teach Quechua and why it is that they devote some of their lives in these pursuits.

3.2 Participant selection and setting In the three sites in question, I was able to find people who were significantly involved in strategies to revitalise the Quechua language. There are three broad categories of participants:

1) the first group comprised directors of organisations and institutions that are involved in language revitalisation projects;

2) the second group of participants was drawn from people that are studying Quechua at these

institutions; and

3) the third group was formed by members of the community that have been successful in the promotion of the Quechua language through traditional media.

These participants were invited to participate in semi-structured interviews as well as spending time with the researcher in formal and informal settings. As photographs, video recordings and/or audio recordings were made during the interviews, participants were asked to provide consent for their use.1

3.2.1 Working with participants Before the study commenced, I obtained consent of the participants, clearly indicating that their participation was completely voluntary and would not affect their study or position at their places of employment in any way (see Appendices 1 and 2). Qualitative research often raises ethical issues as I moved into people’s daily lives, talking to them, watching them, asking them questions, thinking about what they were saying, writing about what they were saying, analysing what they were doing, and sometimes being critical towards my findings. For the analysis of the study, pseudonyms are used for all informants.

John, a primary school teacher in Cusco, is an interesting case. John was referred to me by Adam, who had known him for many years. John is well known for promoting the Quechua language and culture around the Andes. He is of Indigenous background and speaks Quechua. John is in his early fifties, has a long ponytail, is slightly overweight and is married with two sons. As a teacher,

1 An ethics application was submitted and approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC). All aspects of this research proposal adhered to the Research Code of Conduct of the University of New South Wales. 80

he is trying to embed Quechua into the classroom, aiming to get students to speak Quechua rather than just Spanish. On 4 January 2013, we met outside the Qurikancha, the temple to the

Inca sun god, Inti. John was leading the ceremony of ‘Pachamama Raymi’, which is a tribute to

Mother Earth. I asked him why he was interested in the traditional Inca customs; he said he felt that people were moving away from the traditions too much and preferred more modern processions and customs. He wanted to remind people of their heritage. His aim is to give people the chance to celebrate in the ruins of the temple and reclaim the space. He said that the space is now used as a conference centre and offices, so its purpose is no longer for the people. He explained that Pachamama is Mother Earth and that people should feel free to celebrate her.

At the ceremony, there were about 20 to 30 actors dressed as Inca warriors performing outside the great granite walls of the Qurikancha ruins. A large group of people arrived for the traditional ceremony that John conducts on the first Friday of every month. They were in traditional attire, wearing vests and long skirts in brightly coloured pinks, oranges and greens. This was in contrast to the brown hues of the hats they wore. The women had long plaits and the men wore ponytails.

There was a wide range of ages present, from children to people in their sixties and seventies. The whole ceremony was conducted in Quechua and started at 6 a.m. on a beautiful crisp mid-winter morning, and the sun was just rising. I could not understand specifically what was happening, as it was in Quechua and I was still a little jet-lagged. People were performing rituals, praying, lifting their hands to the sky and then touching the ground. The participants seemed to know the process without being instructed. There was also dancing, singing and music – men were playing flutes. John’s son, Siwar, told me that I was not allowed to film or take photos of the event, a rule extended to all participants, and to which everyone adhered. Therefore, I could not include this 81

event in my film; instead, I focused on John’s role as a teacher. I had to bear some ethical considerations in mind. I did not want to represent John in a way that may have repercussions on his job and his family. As a researcher, I tried not to include events and activities in the film or text that may have negative effects upon the participants.

At around 9 a.m., the police came and attempted to stop the ceremony; they claimed that there were too many people and that it was disturbing the peace. Four police officers approached John and asked him to end the ceremony. John stayed calm and explained the purpose of the ceremony. The main concern of the police was the number of people at the ceremony rather than the actual ceremony itself – they were not against Pachamama, as such. However, John’s son

Siwar told me that at a ceremony a couple of months beforehand, a Catholic Bishop came and excommunicated John from the Catholic Church, so the ceremonies have not always been without trouble. The participants at this ceremony were complaining about the police trying to stop them. The police did not talk to me. In the end, the police left and the ceremony continued.

It was fairly peaceful, but it made me think about how the people really did have the right to be there, celebrating Mother Earth in front of the Temple of the Sun. This also clarified for me the complexity of conducting ethnographic research and the need for me to develop a more thorough understanding of events involving people. In this sense, as an ethnographic researcher, I needed to be aware of the implications of my role in other people’s lives.

I also needed to consider how my own story could influence my interpretation of events. As

Plummer (2001) has argued, qualitative researchers are now more likely to reflect upon their own roles, positions, biases, political affiliations, expectations and justifications, on friendship both in 82

the field and out, sometimes in a narcissistic way but, more positively, with an awareness of the socially constructive nature of social research.

In the case of George, a local musician, his strong views on academia and how Quechua was being taught incorrectly may have had implications for his profession. George is in his early fifties. He is

Indigenous and he lives outside of Cusco with his family. He also has a house in his hometown. He is a fluent Quechua speaker (as his mother tongue), and he is a strong advocate of speaking

Quechua because he cannot express himself clearly in Spanish. He explained that a joke is funnier in Quechua and a love song more romantic. He is also an academic who argues that you cannot learn Quechua in a classroom. As an academic who teaches Spanish, I understood how certain views can impact upon an individual’s career. In fact, I teach language in a classroom setting, which is in opposition to his view that a language should be acquired through daily activities, such as cooking. In the video, we did not focus on his academic views and focused solely on his music.

The reason for this was that I did not want to represent George’s comments out of context and I did not want my own role as a teacher to influence my understanding of his views on language teaching and learning. In addition, it seemed more important to focus on the positive aspects of his creative approach to teaching Quechua and his insights into the language rather than his academic career. Rather than abandoning their research due to ethical problems, the result of ongoing debates has generally led researchers to become more thoughtful, more informed, more reflexive, and more critical of their own actions, perspectives and responsibilities (O’Reilly 2005).

In this sense, I had to position myself outside of my role as an academic and focus on George’s views on being a musician. 83

3.2.2 Participant description Thirty participants were recruited for the interviews. It should be clarified that there were many more people involved in the study. However, due to practical constraints involving analysing the data and managing the participants’ anonymity, not every person was interviewed and not all interviews made the final cut.

I recruited participants from the three locations. Recruitment of many of the participants was opportunistic in that I met them in markets, at events, at schools or through personal connections. Participating in the local Quechua community (rather than conducting research at a distance), and following up contingencies as they arose is normal practice during fieldwork. Due to the nature of the product, i.e. a video, the participants were made aware that their consent to being in the video was optional. Storing audio recordings or notes made also required their consent. In this way, participants had control over how they were recorded. I ensured that the participants had the opportunity to view the documentary and to grant their permission for the use of their opinions in the documentary prior to release. In this way, participants have been represented in a manner they are comfortable with.

3.2.3 Research settings

Paris In April 2011, I was invited to participate in the Festival de Cinéma Péruvien de Paris (Peruvian

Film Festival in Paris) (Pérou Pacha 2011). I also decided to go to Paris because a friend had told me about a Peruvian musician, Carl, who speaks Quechua and had been living in Paris for more than twenty years. He has a successful career as an Indigenous musician, and I wanted to learn

more about how, outside of Peru, Quechua was being celebrated in a different sociolinguistic context. At the film festival, a member of the audience told me about Alan, a Quechua language scholar. I contacted Alan, who invited me to present the video and research at L’Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO). This gave me an opportunity to see how

Quechua was being taught in Paris. From this point, INALCO became the location of my first case study, as I wanted to learn how a language institute in a foreign country could be a vehicle for promoting an endangered language. Through this case study, I hoped to find out what motivates students to study Quechua and how Quechua was seen and experienced by people ‘outside’ of the language.

In Paris, participants were recruited from INALCO, and it was there that I was able to present my study and screen my documentary. I invited students and staff to participate in the study. Ten students and three teachers were interviewed. Not all of the participants appear in the documentary; however, their opinions are discussed in the case studies in this thesis. The participants also had the opportunity to review their videos. From this experience, I made a short documentary on their views when I returned to Sydney. I showed it to the INALCO participants in

May 2014.

Cusco My main motivation for travelling to Cusco in 2013 was that it was the capital of the Inca Empire and therefore the heart of Quechua, not only the language, but also the music, the traditions, art, the architecture and the culture. I was hoping to find people that still felt the connection to the language. This had largely been missing from my earlier studies in the Andes and Lima. I wanted

to find people who were proud enough to pass the language and culture on to the next generation, a big difference from what I had experienced as a child with my own family.

In Cusco, participants included artists, musicians, singers, students, models, project leaders and community members. All of the participants were recruited based on their ability to speak

Quechua and/or were part of the Quechua culture. I was not too concerned about the level of

Quechua fluency, as this may have precluded a number of people from participating. For example,

Mark and Alice, the two musicians, were representative of the ‘lost generation’ of Quechua speakers. They could not speak Quechua, but rather had found a connection to the language and culture through their music. I included them in the study because their passion for singing and music showed a deep emotional connection to the language that they felt rather than spoke. On a personal level, I could share their experience, as I am also part of this lost generation. Thus, participants did not need to be fluent speakers nor did they need to know how to read or write the language. Selection was more based on the individual’s identification with the community, involving people who felt they had a genuine connection to Quechua.

New York Going to New York University (NYU) was very interesting as the Quechua language is open to all undergraduate and graduate students at NYU, as well as to Columbia University undergraduate students, MA and doctoral students. The Quechua courses offered are: Beginners Quechua I;

Beginners Quechua II and Intermediate II. Students at the advanced level have conversation

Quechua classes with native speaker Zoe. Eight students and three teachers were interviewed. I also observed the meetings and interviewed the members of the ‘Runasimi Outreach Committee’

(ROC), a student organisation that plans events and programs related to Quechua language and culture. One of the most important events is the ‘Quechua Night’, which is a monthly gathering organised by ROC that celebrates Quechua language and Andean culture. I was happy to be at the start of the first ‘Quechua Night’ of the year and satisfied with the way the night went. Being a guest for the program, ‘Kichwa Hatary’, a Quechua program transmitted every Friday from 6 to 8 p.m. on the radio station ‘El Tambo Stereo’ at the Bronx also gave me the opportunity to interview all the members of the radio station.

I also talked to Ann, co-founder at ‘the New York Quechua Initiative’, and also member of the musical group ‘Inkarayku’, an Andean band with a New York edge. It was interesting to see the dual identity of being connected with their heritage and being connected with being from New

York. As I mentioned before, not all of the participants appear in the documentary; however, their opinions are discussed in the case studies in this thesis.

3.3 Methodology for collecting data The research project used various methods for collecting the data, including participant observation, semi-structured interviews, visual data and a reflexive journal.

3.3.1 Participant observation This research project relied heavily on participant observation in order to reach its conclusions.

Participant observation is an aspect of fieldwork that involves immersion and observing a community from an anthropological perspective (Punch 2000). As part of the fieldwork process, a researcher needs to be able to remove themselves every day from the immersion so that they can intellectualise what they have seen and heard, and to put the observations into perspective and document their observations convincingly. In order to maintain the reliability of my observational

data, I used a process of peer de-briefings whereby I submitted my observations for discussion with my supervisory team in order to gain feedback and insights into my observations, to reduce the potential for selection bias and to build a process of moderation into my data collection.

Overall, as Russell (2002) explains, observation is a craft, and becoming a ‘skilled artist’ as a participant observer does take practice.

In Paris, I observed how excited students were as they came into their Quechua classroom. They were looking forward to studying and learning Quechua. The Institute is next to the Louvre, and the actual classroom facilities were pleasant, providing an inspiring atmosphere for learning. The students were aged from their early twenties to their early fifties. The majority of students could speak languages other than French. The teacher was well prepared, with a scholarly background in the language. As a language teacher myself, I was in awe of his passion and knowledge of the language and his generosity for sharing this knowledge with his students.

In Cusco, I had the opportunity to visit a Quechua school. Here, I could see the difference in the learning experience. In Cusco, the classroom was cold and the school was old and dilapidated. The teacher was unprepared and talking on his mobile phone during the class. The materials were outdated and the approach to teaching the language was through narratives. The students were mainly young and were studying so that they could improve their work opportunities in jobs that required written Quechua. Through these observations, I could see how different perceptions of

Quechua could be observed through different education settings. The Parisian Institute had access to resources and facilities, and students were learning by choice. In Cusco, students were

learning due to a perceived necessity. From here, I tried to use the observations to analyse how the different contexts may have resulted in different responses to the language.

Observation produces the type of experimental understanding that enables researchers to explain, convincingly, what it feels like to be a local in the high Andes, a Quechua student at NYU or a Quechua student in Paris. Through observing the use of Quechua in day-to-day contexts, I was able to construct a narrative of different phonetic varieties of Quechua used by residents. For example, I saw how Quechua is used in commercial activities and community cultural events. I also undertook observations at organised cultural events in the three locations. I recorded a

Quechua cultural night in Cusco, including how and when Quechua was used at the event. The aim of using two forms of observation, persistent and opportunistic, was to build a detailed account of how Quechua is both learnt in formal contexts and used in informal contexts.

While collecting data through participant observation, I tried to reflect on my own position, and I found the conceptual difference between insider and outsider particularly helpful (Pe-Pua 1989).

This is due to my interesting position of being both from ‘within’ and ‘without’; my family comes from Peru, I have strong ties to the country, but because I was born in Lima, the capital, and have spent more than twenty years overseas, I am not part of the Andean community, which impacts upon how I related to my experiences during fieldwork. The literature indicates that there is a need for balance between the immersion and reflexive distance, as they are complementary. For me, this means a more conscious taking up of these roles. Thus, even though I sometimes felt like a stranger at the beginning, with that process the respondents came to realise that we had things

in common and that with that level of interaction, meaningful relationships developed that resulted in honest and open channels of communication.

3.3.2 Semi-structured interviews Interviews formed a core aspect of the data collection. I conducted semi-structured interviews with people (students and teachers) from the different institutions and organisations that agreed to participate in the study. As the semi-structured interview is less formal and more free flowing, there was a better opportunity for the participants to talk about their experiences and opinions in greater detail than if I had used a highly formal survey instrument. In this sense, the interviews were more like a guided conversation. I used this approach, as some people may not have felt comfortable participating in a rigid interview experience. The semi-structured interviews were guided by open-ended questions and through following a general script that covered a list of topics (Russell 2002). Hence, I used a set of questions that acted as a guide, but I changed the questions to allow for deviations from the questions as the interviews progressed (O’Reilly 2005).

Examples of the interview schedules are available in Appendices 3 and 4. I video recorded the interviews where possible so that I could make further observations of the interview afterwards.

However, if the participant did not want to be videoed, I used audio recordings for the interviews with a ‘Livescribe Smartpen’, with the interviewee’s consent, as this is far less intimidating than a traditional recording device. This device allows one’s notes to appear instantly on one’s mobile devices. All of the participants were happy to be videoed or audio recorded. Samples of transcribed interviews are available in Appendix 5. The aim of the interviews was to gain an understanding of the participants’ views of Quechua, the language and culture, their motivation for learning Quechua, their views on how the language can be rehabilitated, and their 90

perspectives on globalisation and the postcolonial position of Quechua and endangered languages around the world.

3.3.3 Visual data (film and photography) The creative output of this thesis is a documentary. The use of the audio-visual approach is based on the concept of shared knowledge as proposed by the anthropological filmmaker Jean Rouch

(Hikiji 2010). In this thesis, the act of recording and producing is understood to be a wide-ranging process that relates me, the researcher, to the research subject (Nannicelli 2006; Hikiji 2010).

Ethnographic filmmaker David MacDougall (1998) describes how, to the filmmaker, image-making is an extension of the self towards others, so it is pointing out something within one’s own self and reaching out to others. Visual data such as photography is useful in social research as it repositions both the photographer and the image wherein meanings are mediated, so the images affect how people perceive and relate to each other (Mjaaland 2009).

During the course of my fieldwork, I collected visual data. The visual data included video, photographs of locations, participants, the landscape and audio recordings. The reason for collecting these data was twofold. Firstly, I used the images to validate my personal observational data, and, secondly, they offered a rich and persistent source of data about the contexts of the three case studies. I made video recordings as part of my fieldwork; these films included interviews with people, recordings of the urban areas, and recordings of natural landscapes. As

Edwards (1997) contends, the use of visual images such as film and photography can bridge the space between the visible and the invisible. I tried to capture a diverse range of speakers across a variety of situations. I filmed musicians, singers, researchers, students, project leaders and 91

community members. I managed to make recordings during community cultural events, educational and classroom activities, organised Quechua events, and in daily life activities.

The rationale for using visual data, as Hinton (2001) explains, is that paper documentation such as a notebook lacks the actual sound of the language and lacks information on facial expressions and gestures, so in this sense using visual data I was able to collect a data-rich range of stories and scenes about the use of the language. Moreover, as Hinton (2001) adds, video recording of endangered languages provides an authentic documentation of the actual sounds of the language, which can be used by researchers and educators to understand how the language is/was used by the community. It may eventually have archival value.

In ethnography, there is a long history of capturing visual data, and correspondingly, a number of issues have been raised in the literature that informed my approach to undertaking a visual anthropological study. Earlier filmmakers such as Robert Flaherty provide rich narratives about how the research methodology developed (Nannicelli 2006). For example, Nannicelli (2006) explains that later filmmakers such as Rouch derived from Flaherty the concept or idea of the

‘staging of reality’, wherein many events that occur are actually staged in order to be filmed. He further adds that researchers often fall prey to the traps of exoticism, where foreign cultures are romanticised and idealised simply because they are exotic (Nannicelli 2006). To ensure that I did not romanticise or focus on the exotic, I subjected my document to a rigorous peer-review process with my supervisors and I also submitted the documentary to international conferences in the field to enable colleagues to evaluate and provide feedback upon my interpretation of the data. MacDougall (1997: 286) says: 92

Above all, the visual media allow us to construct knowledge not by “description”… but by a

form of “acquaintance”.

Gibbs et al. (2002) portend that the advances in technology make it possible to rearrange, present, and navigate through video in ways that were not possible before, which means that researchers can analyse their data, and create whole new areas from which data can be collected and ways in which it can be collected. In order to reach a wider audience for my research, I produced a 50-minute film using a combination of documentary, re-enactment, graphics/animation, music and sound. I interweaved the different stories in the film, organised by topic rather than a linear approach that analyses one location after another. For example, while an interviewee talks about her reason for learning Quechua in Paris, the Quechua landscape and

Andean community interacting with each other in Quechua complement her narration.

3.3.4 Reflexive journal Anthropology, and in particular ethnography, tends to be characterised by an individual pursuit of data (Davey 2008). What Davey (2008) is arguing here is that ethnographic studies, unlike other hard sciences where people work in project teams, tend to be an individual pursuit. As the sole researcher-participant in this study, I maintained a research journal during the course of my fieldwork to try to capture as many of my experiences and observations as possible in a timely manner. In the journal, I recorded my reflections on each day’s events and my feelings and responses to my experiences, trying to link my personal story as an expatriate Peruvian to the experiences that I had when I was immersed in the three fieldwork locations. I acknowledge at this point that all of my reflections were undertaken through the lens of an Indigenous Peruvian 93

who has lived outside of the country for over twenty years. The journal was used not only as a source of data, but was also used to ensure that I maintained direction in my fieldwork and that I managed the data collection process effectively. There was so much going on during my fieldwork trips, such as the large number of social and cultural events, that often my attention was diverted to the more joyful side of human interactions. Through the use of a reflective research journal, I was able to show how I developed my ways of thinking, and how and why I responded to situations in the way that I did. Silverman (2005) states that by keeping a research diary, a researcher can develop a substantial part of the methodology of a thesis, and that is, on the whole, an important source of data in any fieldwork study.

3.4 Data analysis

I began my analysis of the data by looking for patterns that spoke of the interrelationships between Quechua language use, strategies that seemed to result in success and failure, and desired outcomes for the language and culture as they related to participants’ views and experiences. I am biased of course because of my own background and experiences growing up in

Lima; however, I attempted to honour the participants’ interests, experiences and point of view while they narrated stories and experiences that were meaningful to them. I have used their stories and reflections to build connections from their words and worlds toward understanding language revitalisation.

3.4.1 Data analysis and stakeholder perspectives While I was in Peru, France and United States, I contacted the participants involved in this study in order to share with them my preliminary analysis and findings from the data. I arranged meetings 94

in their offices, outdoor locations such as plazas, coffee shops and restaurants, specifically to share with them how I was analysing their experiences and words and to share the video footage.

For the individual participants, I highlighted my use of their stories, quotes and descriptions of events to check for accuracy. I offered to remove and/or edit any representations that they did not agree with. For the most part, the participants favoured my use and interpretation of their experiences, and offered words of encouragement to continue my research. They were happy to have their stories heard, reflecting on the deeply personal nature of the stories they shared in our interviews. Their encouraging and respectful commentary toward this research study helped to strengthen the project as a whole.

3.5 Concluding thoughts on methodology

To conclude my discussion of methods, I will bring attention back to the human elements of research that I have sought to engage through gathering, analysing and writing this dissertation.

As I conducted interviews with real people who, in some instances, had experienced racism and exclusion, I could not simplify nor erase the emotion involved in telling and listening to their personal stories. Through my documentary, I wanted to present the struggle and persistence of the individuals in this study; yet, I also wanted to show the positive and dynamic energy that came through in the interviews. These people did not want pity; they wanted to celebrate who they are now. Asking questions allowed me to listen and to reflect upon my own journey.

Throughout my analysis, I chose to privilege hope, but did not ignore the real struggles that went on in the daily lives of those whose voices are shared in this analysis of Quechua. In the following chapter, I present the three case studies.

Chapter 4. Case studies `

Quechua has its own beauty. It allows us to express everything in ways which touch the

heart. Through it we can express all sorts of things, from guessing games, to wise thoughts

or numerous and amusing insults, and all that with infinite nuances, from the coldest and

most bitter to the sweetest and most tender.

Porfirio Meneses Lazón, ‘Runasimipi sumaq-qillquay atikuyninmanta’ (2000)

This chapter presents the case studies. It should be noted here that the actual variation of

Quechua being taught and the linguistic features of the language were not of relevance to the study. The case studies consider why and how the language was being taught in order to understand at a micro level what motivated people to learn an endangered language, not why they might use one pronunciation rather than another.

Samples of the interviews and transcriptions of the interviews can be found in Appendix 5.

4.1 Paris case study, 2011

4.1.1 Background As mentioned previously, I was invited in 2011 to the Festival de Cinéma Péruvien de Paris to show my documentary Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz 2010). During this trip, I witnessed a strong academic interest in Quechua and the language. The centre of academic language research and teaching ‘L’Institut National des Langues et Civilisations

Orientales’ (INALCO) concentrates on non-Western languages and cultures at a national level. The festival that I attended showcased films in both Spanish and Quechua, and the winning documentary was a Quechua language film. This was the first time that I had seen a range of films in Quechua. I personally witnessed a public appreciation of Peruvian heritage, expressed through the creativity of contemporary Peruvian directors, and this greatly inspired my research. It was on this trip that I started pulling ideas together for my doctoral thesis.

One member of the audience at the festival, a lecturer at Paris-Sorbonne University, invited me to present my film at the Sorbonne. The students at the University found the theme ‘Mother

Tongue’ very interesting. One of the students wrote an essay related to my talk and the paper was well received. I was surprised that my documentary was also so well appreciated, and the novelty of presenting on the subject of Quechua in Paris started to fuel my interest in analysing how and why Quechua has a global reach.

From this presentation, I gained another connection that led me to answers for my questions. A member of the audience advised me to see Alan, a French scholar of Quechua and the Director of the ‘Languages and Cultures of the Americas’ section at INALCO. He is the head of the research 97

program ‘Description, History and Philology of Indigenous Languages’ at L’Institut Français des

Etudes Andines (IFEA), (French Institute of Andean Studies), a Quechua teacher at INALCO, and he is also involved in the languages project of the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR), (French

National Research Agency). Following my initial meeting with Alan, he invited me to show my documentary Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz 2010) to an audience at

INALCO. The diploma in Quechua at the Institute is a four-year course and is arguably one of the most comprehensive courses available. During this time, there were two teachers in the team, along with Alan, running the diploma course. Brooke from Bolivia, who ran practical classes in first year Quechua, and Jason from Peru, who ran the practical language component for second, third and fourth years.

Before the screening, Alan introduced the film and me, thus linking Peru, Australia and France in the context of my research. Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz 2010) shows the decline of the language; not simply due to the number of speakers, as there are still around 10 million speakers, but mainly because there is failure to transmit it to the next generation. The students at INALCO were surprised to learn that Quechua is in danger, because they greatly value the language and the culture. For these students, the desire to learn Quechua comes with a different range of values, among them an exotic interest. Unlike many Peruvians, the language does not carry any stigma or inferiority. On the contrary, for these students the language is supplementary to their identity. I explained to the students that Quechua speakers in

Peru prefer not to pass the Quechua language onto their children because they do not want their children to be discriminated against for speaking Quechua. Parents try to protect their children, as they do not want them to suffer, as they suffered, by being associated with the language. This 98

situation is shown in Huanuco, Peru, where the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) developed a program for reading and writing in Quechua, but parents rejected the idea of having Quechua taught in the early years of schooling, believing that fluency in Spanish would help overcome social discrimination (Howard 2004). Limiting the study of the language to the later years of primary school was seen as the best response to parents that expressed this view (Howard 2004).

I explained to the audience in Paris that in Huallanca, the location where I conducted my initial fieldwork, there seems to be dialectal fragmentation between various branches of Quechua, which affects the level of communication among Quechua communities. This issue reinforces the fact that the lingua franca is Spanish. The students observed that the people I interviewed in the film wished that things could be different to what they currently are. Alan indicated that some people felt like prisoners in an environment that was beyond their control. Student 1, a French woman and third year Quechua student at INALCO Paris, stated that the authorities could really change this dynamic, since the people themselves have too many other difficulties and no expertise in language teaching. This observation about the way residents of the Andes feel about their situation in regard to the Quechua language and culture was exactly what I had intended to transmit to the audience through Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz

2010).

During this trip, I began to film some of the new footage I needed for the documentary part of this thesis. I wanted to capture the experiences of the staff and students, focusing on the positive aspects of language learning. The fact that these students were learning Quechua in Paris motivated me to start filming; a motivation I was to bring to the documentary to visually 99

demonstrate an appreciation for the Quechua language and its culture to both local (Andean) and global audiences.

4.1.2 Stories from Paris In this case study, I present the stories from the perspective of students as well as my own reflections from the 2011 Paris trip. In this study, I interviewed eight students and the three

Quechua teachers from INALCO. The interviews were filmed and transcribed from Spanish to

English and Spanish to Quechua. The main themes that arose from these interviews are presented below.

Cultural pride and the desire to preserve a language

The main motivation for learning the language seemed to come from a desire to preserve the language and culture and as a means of showing respect. As Alan stated:

Each language is a unique point of view about reality and every time a language

disappears a way of seeing the world disappears, which is a tremendous, irreplaceable

loss. Languages are not interchangeable; the same things are not expressed the same way

in Quechua or in Spanish or Chinese.

Jason, a Quechua conversation teacher at INALCO, echoed this sentiment in stating that:

I believe that for the future of the Quechua language, our job is to spread it in a way that

enables Quechua speakers to feel closer to this Parisian culture or other cultures. We, as

speakers of Quechua living in Paris, should share what we have learned. I’m very happy

that there are people wanting to learn. We encourage Quechua to be spoken without

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embarrassment.

I am from Andahuaylas and I am thrilled to be able to speak Quechua here, as I do in my

home town. Students in Paris learn with a lot of affection; they are a good example for us.

This is demonstrated by the words of Student 1, a French woman in her third year of Quechua at

INALCO, Paris. The following is a direct translation of her words:

It seems that Quechua is alive when it is alone, but when confronted with another world, it

disappears, and this cannot be changed with a magic wand. It is a time consuming job, it

has to be achieved by its own people; it has to be done little by little.

Student 1 added her own experiences:

I saw a funny thing at the school when I was in Los Olivos in Ayacucho; the director wanted

the children to learn to dance the dances of the region. The children didn’t want to and

neither did their parents, but they realised it was a comfortable place to flirt, dance and

socialise. Consequently, they began liking it and making the time to dance at this school.

Every year since then, there has been a party where each class and their teachers dance

with traditional dresses, make-up and all that. Musicians from different regions of the

Andes come for the event and most of the songs are in Quechua.

What she argued was that, although there was a hesitancy to participate at first, as the dancing was unfamiliar, people started to look forward to the event as it provided a social space to interact with people from outside the region and celebrate the culture and language through a social medium that was enjoyable. Student 7, a Peruvian woman who was studying film and the advanced level of Quechua, was also proud of the fact that the language was being used in films:

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I started gaining a direct interest in Quechua, I think for cultural activities. I was very

surprised to hear that that there is now finally a Peruvian film festival in Paris. I saw two

films: an excellent film called Illary, half in Quechua, and Ukuku, completely in Quechua.

Other students focused more explicitly on the respect, that they felt was needed. Student 3, a

Peruvian first year Quechua student, was studying philosophy and fine art. He explained that:

I studied philosophy and art and as an artist, it's a shame not to know my Quechua

language because it would've allowed me to know my identity better. I would have been

able to know and recognise what is mine. When I was a child, I used to understand some

words but when I began to study Quechua in INALCO and was able to recognise some

words, everything started to make sense.

Student 3 continued:

I have friends that are now studying Quechua at university whereas before they wouldn’t

even consider learning Quechua.

This demonstrates that there is a shift in perception towards the language. Whereas previously students may have eschewed studying Quechua in favour of a language with more prestige attached (e.g. English), they now feel that there is some value in learning Quechua. This sentiment is demonstrated in the case study conducted by Hornberger (2014), who found that individuals may form their own personal language policy that is aimed at shifting the value of Indigenous languages in globalised spaces. Student 4 was a dedicated French student of Quechua. He stated that:

I think learning the language of others is a form of courtesy to them. It is a form of respect

to speak their language. For me there are no main goals. It is just because I like it. 102

And Student 5, a young French woman studying anthropology and first year of Quechua, needed the language for fieldwork purposes:

I am a student of history and anthropology. I go to communities in the department of

Ayacucho to study local cultures.

Student 6, another anthropology student from Ecuador, focused more on the power of the language:

I began to study Quechua this year, with the intention of learning Kichwa, because we

speak Kichwa in Ecuador. I am a student in psychoanalysis and anthropology. In Ecuador,

the Indigenous movement is very strong and there is a bilingual education policy that

works well. So, it is the result of popular mobilisation. It comes from them.

This demonstrates that the sentiment towards Quechua is also regional. Ecuador has a far more powerful base of Kichwa, which is a variety of Quechua.

The actual value of the language and its different world-views was also put forward as a motive for learning the language. This means that Student 6 placed a value on learning the language that was not financial, but was intrinsically motivating. Student 2 was an advanced Quechua student from Bolivia. She explained that through learning the language they had access to a whole aspect of their culture that they had been previously excluded from:

Well, I'm Bolivian and my mother tongue is Spanish, it always has been, I love it and it

makes me proud. However, by learning Quechua, I realise that the impression and vision I

have of my country, of my culture, of my life, has all been in two dimensions and I am now

gaining a third. It is as if Quechua gives body and volume to what I know of my country, I

know a lot because it's my country, because it is my culture, because it's my language. But 103

it is as if I had had a very superficial and partial vision. So, this is why I’m learning Quechua.

Not because I want to regain some of my identity, I will not lie and say it is my language.

Quechua is not my language; however, it is a language that has matched my own

language for so long that they have been intermingled. There has been a contact between

both languages, a permanent friction and now my own culture is completely filled with this

other culture and this other language. And that is why, as I say, I have the impression that

everything makes sense, everything has more density.

Student 1 explained that:

Between us, our native language is Spanish or French for me. These are languages that are

not constructed like Quechua. Each syllable we learn: Qu, the Pu Mu, the Manta, the Pi…

every syllable we learn is a gift because they make us think differently, let us name things

differently and see them as new. Because the Ñaupaj is another world, well, it's the same

world but we see it with new eyes, which is a pleasure. It’s refreshing. Because we

rediscover old things, things that we know and we named almost the same in Spanish and

French. Learning Spanish when one knows French is not that hard, there is the same logic.

But now we are learning Quechua, and are discovering another way of seeing things and

this is a gift. I do not want to lose this opportunity.

This is aligned with Hornberger’s (2014) study in that in local cultural practices there lies ‘a rich cultural treasure’ (Hornberger 2014: 293). While this statement may seem to be fairly offhand or superficial, the essence of what she is saying is that a language is priceless; it cannot be valued.

Hornberger’s elaboration of richness is referring to a conscious Indigenous identity that moves well beyond the rural/urban, Indigenous/Western, Quechua/Spanish dichotomies that break

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down opposites, so they do not lose the Indigenous identity; on the contrary, they build and reinforce their ‘conscious Indigenous identity’ (Hornberger 2014: 291).

Hornberger (2014) has comprehensively studied a scheme in which Indigenous-identifying students are able to undertake advanced study. Not only does this reinforce their ‘conscious

Indigenous identity’, but it also offers an opportunity to be multi-layered and multi-sited. Far from losing a sense of identity in the advancement of education, the students become strategic and confident in their recreation of opportunities to speak Quechua. This indicates that a perceived value is evidently placed on learning the language simply based on the cultural ties that it presents to learners. For example, a Master’s program on offer at the University of Simon Bolivar in Bolivia enrols Indigenous educators from Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, Colombia, Chile and Argentina through a selection process in each country involving their respective ministries of education, sponsoring universities, and Indigenous organisations. Applicants must be speakers of an

Indigenous language who self-identify as Indigenous and are endorsed by an Indigenous community or organisation (Hornberger 2014: 289-290).

The program follows a largely Western academic curriculum covering language, culture, education and Indigenous language. In addition, they undertake a four to eight week field component, culminating in extended ethnographic research for their Master’s thesis in local/rural sites, Indigenous communities and schools dispersed across all six nations territories (Hornberger

2014). The opportunity to undertake field research has a strong impact on the students’ understanding of research and its value, and also provides space for the students to rediscover their Indigenous identity that moves beyond the rural/urban, Indigenous/Western, 105

Quechua/Spanish dichotomies they may have experienced in their childhood. That is, by studying

Quechua, the students have the opportunity to revisit and reconstruct their views of the language and culture.

Family influences and childhood ties

Among the Parisian students, one of the main factors that seemed to influence their desire to study the language was their family. It seemed that the influence was from the grandparents, leaping over the parents’ generation. For example, Student 3 stated that:

I am Peruvian, my mother is a teacher and she has always been very strict about the

Spanish language, but, my grandparents speak Quechua and I was never given the

opportunity to learn it because it is a cultural issue, which weighs strongly in that direction.

This sentiment was confirmed by Brooke, one of the teachers in INALCO, who indicated that the desire to learn the language seemed to stem from a desire to take pride in their ancestral culture:

You have to learn to value people themselves and the school of Quechua in INALCO can

provide motivation for foreign people to speak. But it cannot be a big contribution if the

people despise themselves.

Brooke also added that:

In INALCO, we have students interested in Quechua; they like to speak Quechua and we

have students like Student 6, who is working with puppets. She has the desire to do a

Quechua Puppet Theatre for children and adults. Here in Paris there are people interested

in Quechua and, as my colleague says, we feed this also with songs, with stories, all that

comes to mind and also memories of our childhood.

Alan confirmed this link to family and childhood through his explanation that: 106

As an example of the growing interest in Quechua in the Andean countries, I can tell you

that I met, with a lot of emotion and a lot of surprise recently in Lima, a group of students

of literature at the universities of San Marcos and Villarreal. All Quechua speakers

originating in the districts of Huancavelica, Ayacucho and Apurimac who migrated with

their families to Lima in their infancy are now studying literature in order to be writers, but

writers in Quechua. Each has his or her memories of childhood, of what each word evokes,

an expression, an image.

Perhaps the best way to summarise this trip to Paris is through the words of Alan, who stated that

(this is a direct translation from Spanish to English):

If you know the language well, you are capable of expressing anything.

That is why we should protect it so it doesn’t disappear.

To not like it, to not love it, is to be blind.

4.1.3 Conclusions One of the main findings to come out of this case study is that in Paris the academic interest in the Andean world is the reinforcement and support for Quechua language learning. The qualitative data makes it evident that Quechua students in Paris appreciate the culture that exists behind the language, and some students actually learn the language in order to be able to conduct research in the Andes. Several factors motivated students to learn the language: perceived professional value; cultural and family ties; and perceived cultural value. While only a small number of participants were involved in this phase of the study, their responses provided intimate understandings of their motivations to study an endangered Indigenous language.

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4.2 Cusco case study, 2013

4.2.1 Background Going to Cusco in 2013 to investigate the language was the result of a series of events that occurred during a trip to Lima in 2012. As my first documentary was made as a result of my fieldwork in Huallanca, I decided to first screen the documentary there during my second visit to the Andean town in 2012, three years after my initial field trip. I wanted to gain feedback on the film from the residents of Huallanca, as well as to see if there had been any shifts in language during the previous three years. Was Quechua still losing ground to Spanish? Was English becoming more prominent, or had there been no change? These were some of the questions that

I considered before my return to the town. I arrived in Huallanca on 24 June 2012, which is the

Dia del Campecino (Indigenous Day). I thought that this would provide the perfect atmosphere for showing the residents the documentary I had filmed there. I was keen to share the insights I had gained as a result of my research, interacting with the people of the town to reveal how much audiences around the world admire their ‘wonderful and unique’ Quechua culture of the highlands, with an implied desire to keep the language alive.

I arrived while a big celebration was being held in the main square. There were lots of speeches, music, singing and dancing, and I thought that, being ‘Indigenous Day’, all of these performances would be in Quechua, or at least some of them. However, everything was conducted in

Spanish. What this meant was that everyone in the town could celebrate the culture without necessarily having to speak Quechua. In one way this was reassuring, as it meant that celebrations of Indigenous people had become a mainstream event. Additionally, I observed how Western culture also holds a lot of influence among the residents of Huallanca, a town 108

located in the Peruvian Andes, 3,600 meters above sea level.

There was an act where young kids danced to American rap along to English lyrics, dressed in baseball caps, sunglasses, sneakers and hairstyles - all items resembling a Western (American) style. I observed that the parents, in particular mothers, stood to one side encouraging their children to rap along to English music at an Indigenous event. This demonstrated the cultural complexity of this version of Indigenous modernity without any particular restraints: an

Indigenous day, spoken in Spanish and rapped in English. While attending this event, I realised how the participants of the Huallancan festival voluntarily disguised their Andean looks.

Projecting an Andean environment was also avoided as following Western culture, is seen as a sign of progress by the majority of residents. These issues demonstrated that the Quechua culture and language had continued to lose ground to Spanish, and English. Perhaps in these celebrations these people were looking out to the world, rather than inwards to their own community.

My attempt to screen the documentary Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz

2010) at the Huallanca town hall reinforced a reluctance among residents and government bodies to associate themselves with the Quechua language and culture. When I asked the Mayor if I could screen the video, he offered to take a copy and screen it ‘later after I [Gabina] leave

Huallanca’, but refused to screen it while I was in town. He did not seem comfortable with screening it due to its association with Quechua and Andean traditions. He said he did not want the town as a whole to be perceived as racist towards campesinos; therefore, for empathetic reasons, I decided not to screen the documentary. Instead, I continued my research in other mega cities such as Cusco, Paris and New York - areas that show appreciation for traditional 109

Andean culture, gathering and observing strategies to preserve the Quechua language. Rather than feeling discouraged though, I intend to return to Huallanca to present my new video Mother

Tongue once I complete my PhD, as it may provide a more detailed and positive story about

Quechua around the world.

Following my visit to Huallanca, I returned to Lima to continue my research. I followed the advice of Alan (Director of the school of Quechua at INALCO) to connect with Justin, one of the organisers of the ‘Palabras de los Pueblos Amerindios’ conference and a highly influential author of several books in Quechua. I was invited by Justin to the ‘II Encuentro Intercultural de

Literaturas’ conference held at the ‘Casa de la Literatura’ and the Universidad Mayor de San

Marcos: ‘Palabras de los Pueblos Amerindios’ in Lima, Peru (Universidad Mayor de San Marcos 20-

22 June 2012), to show my documentary, Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and

Bonifaz 2010).

Alan also mentioned the existence of a magazine called Noqanchis in Cusco (Rojas 2012). He had explained that the magazine was written in Quechua and the models were young Indigenous

Quechua speakers. I found this very interesting as in my previous research I found that young people were the most difficult group to engage in language revitalisation strategies due to the pressure of globalisation and conformity (Funegra 2011).

At this conference, Justin introduced me to Adam, who has had a major role in this research study. He was the founder of the magazine Noqanchis. Adam was born in Cusco and is still a resident there. Adam also manages the ‘Perusuyo’ project, which involved the Noqanchis 110

magazine and other activities dedicated to the revitalisation of the Quechua language and culture in Cusco in 2011 – 2012. Centro Guaman Poma de Ayala, a non-governmental organisation (NGO) in the city of Cusco, was involved. They were funded by the Basque government, but due to the crisis in Spain they could no longer manage it.

Adam was presenting a book at the conference in Lima, where I was able to interview him. Adam gave me valuable information about the magazine and informed me about other activities that were happening in Cusco as part of the ‘Perusuyo’ project. Even though he was in charge of the project, I wanted to gather insights from the editors, publishers, models, and readers of the magazine as well. I also wanted to speak to artists, musicians, dancers and singers who form part of other strategies, as well as academics and institutions that sponsored these projects. Hence, I started to plan the next phase of the data collection in more detail. Perhaps print media in a local setting could provide some valuable insights into how to revitalise a language at a grassroots level. There are a few journals, magazines and other newsletters that have been published in

Quechua and Aymara, and some of these publications ran for several years (Tollefson 1981).

Examples include Revue Amerindia published from 2001 to 2013, Winay Kawsay available both online and in print form (Alvarado 2015). Noqanchis, however, seemed to differ from the existing publications as it took on the format of a glossy fashion magazine.

As the status of Quechua varies greatly within the different regions of Peru, my aim was to discover and compare strategies like these publications, which are currently being used in all three case study locations to revitalise the Quechua language and its culture. Sixty per-cent of the

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population in Cusco is bilingual in Quechua and Spanish. So, what are the various motives behind speaking the language? What strategies work well in a local community context?

4.2.2 Case study findings In this case study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with four members of the

Noqanchis publication team. All four participants participated directly in producing Noqanchis.

Interview 1 – Adam This was conducted with Adam, who works at the Centro Guaman Poma de Ayala, a non- governmental organisation (NGO) in the city of Cusco. At the time that the interviews were conducted, Adam was the editor of several publications and periodicals in Cusco, such as Cronicas

Urbanas, an annual publication on Quechua. He was involved in the promotion and distribution of

Noqanchis, and he was also on the editorial board. The interview was conducted in January 2013 in Cusco.

Interview 2 – Peter I conducted the second interview with Peter in Cusco in January 2013. Peter was in charge of the publication of the magazine.

Interview 3 – Janet The third interview was with Janet, who was a fluent Quechua speaker and the editor for the

Quechua language in the magazine. Her interview was conducted in Quechua, with Peter acting as translator. Her interview was transcribed from Quechua into Spanish by a third party.

Interview 4 – Helen The fourth interview was with Helen, a photographic model in one of the Noqanchis issues.

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The stories and interviews were filmed and transcribed in Quechua and Spanish first, and then into English. My aim was to investigate first how magazines such as Noqanchis were being used as vehicles to engage younger speakers of languages like Quechua as part of global language revitalisation strategies. The main themes to arise from these interviews are presented below.

Print media as a language revitalisation strategy The use of print media as a means of promoting a language may seem outdated with increasing access to the Internet and the growth of social media, such as Twitter and Facebook. However, numerous studies have shown that there is still a significant divide between those that have access to such technologies and those that do not. For example, Selwyn (2009), in his argument against the myth of digital natives, explains that women, people living in rural and remote areas, and people who are from minority cultural and linguistic backgrounds have less access to technology. In this respect, the speakers of Quechua may fall into the minority groups that do not have access to technology. Hence, strategies to promote the value of the language need to be both visible and accessible to the target population.

The title Noqanchis means ‘nosotros’ ‘we’ or ‘us’ in Spanish. The project promoted social inclusion and equality of gender as well as cultural awareness. As discussed in the literature review,

Fishman’s (1991) seminal text provides a model of strategies to reverse language loss. However, as with all models, it is often difficult to apply a model in its entirety to a small-scale study such as this one. In a sense, this study is aligned predominantly with stage six of Fishman’s (1991) eight- stage model of language revitalisation. In stage six, Fishman (1991) advocates focusing revitalisation efforts:

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Creating the intergenerationally continuous [Quechua]-speaking community via providing

and stressing the link to family life, residential concentration and neighbourhood

institutions. (Fishman 1991: 199)

The main aim of the interviews with the participants of the Noqanchis project was to identify how the initiative was being used to promote Quechua and how this form of print media may be used as an effective means of language revitalisation in a globalised world across various generations.

One finding was that the magazine gained support from younger generations and encouraged discourse in Quechua. Although Quechua culture is usually linked to poverty, old age and sorrow,

Peter stated that ‘The models [with Quechua features] are young, beautiful, happy and rich’. As

Fishman (1991) noted, in their own ways social movements do try to fulfil human needs and strivings. These needs and strivings, therefore, build a community of mutual support that delivers an authentic message – in this case, the message being that it is okay to speak Quechua as a young person. This resonates with Maher’s (2005) discussion of ‘cool’ in that, rather than being associated with the negative stereotype of poor, old and oppressed, Quechua was being presented as being attractive, wealthy and modern. ‘Cool’ can also be used as an adjective to describe music, clothing and food. Hence, the concept of ‘cool’ may not offer a traditional view on language use from the perspective of linguistics, but it has some explanatory value as a cultural operator. All sorts of vernacular categories can be attached to language use, such as values. If it is seen as ‘cool’, it may demonstrate how language can cross into the mainstream of urban youth culture, which is worthwhile considering from an academic stance. That is, if something is ‘cool’ and viewed positively, then how can this be used as a strategy for language revitalisation?

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According to both Adam and Peter, there was a strong interest in the magazine from the younger generations. The number of copies of the magazine distributed is not known as it is no longer in print and the editorial team has moved on to new roles. Thus, it is difficult to ascertain the exact numbers. It was, however, in the ‘hundreds’. The magazine could also be accessed online via

Facebook and other platforms, such as Yumpu. The print copies were distributed to local cafes, restaurants, media outlets, hairdressers, market stalls and educational institutions. As it was a free magazine, distribution centred on public places.

This publication was different from other print media forms in that it was targeted solely at the

Quechua community. Adam and Peter explained that all correspondence was conducted in

Quechua and the people who wrote letters in Quechua to the magazine received responses in

Quechua. They both felt that this was a rewarding exercise, encouraging younger generations to use Quechua and not Spanish to communicate. They explained that the younger generations not only wanted their photos included in the periodical, but they wanted to write articles as well.

Another example of Quechua being used in a popular arena was seen when Claudio Pizarro, a

Peruvian football personality, received awards because he had written messages on Twitter in

Quechua about an international soccer game. He tweeted ‘Ñoqanchis tucuyta churashanchis llapanchis cusisqa cannchispaq! Hatunllacta Peru!!’ (Peru we will do it together) in Quechua. The

Quechua tweet has since been retweeted 3.9K times. What this demonstrates is that noqanchis as a concept provides a platform for unity in both social media and print formats. Peter added that the magazine was supporting a new wave of Quechua learners; those who had missed the

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opportunity to learn from their parents. The use of Quechua in the media gave people the opportunity to learn and embrace Quechua as it had a public voice.

These views on the role of the magazine in promoting Quechua as ‘cool’ were echoed by Janet, who clarified:

The reason we choose young people is because later on they will have kids; then if we

reinforce the Quechua language, these young people will transmit it to their children; they will

already be comfortable with the idea. That’s why we are focusing on young people.

Helen, who was pregnant at the time of the interview, perhaps provided the most personal reflection of the use of Quechua in stating that:

I would love that everyone was speaking Quechua in Cusco. My children will be born in this

city and they must also know Quechua. Friends, we must think and speak and think in

Quechua, everyone should know too, we must teach our children. It is also what I want for my

kids. They will learn to speak Quechua, I will teach them, even their names will be in Quechua.

Adam explained that the magazine was gaining attention from academics as well. For example,

Coronel-Molina (2013) wrote about the magazine in his chapter on new functional domains of the

Quechua language. Coronel-Molina (2013) states that there is a far lower presence of print media forms of the language in comparison to radio programs. He argues that Noqanchis was one of the few periodicals available online and in print form. Adam stated that academics have started researching the concept of the word noqanchis; and academics such as Soux (2006) have investigated noqanchis as a political slogan.

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On a global scale, interest in Indigenous languages through forms of print media and television is also evident. The use of print media in New Zealand is one example of how language can be revitalised through Mãori print magazines such as Te Ao Hou, which started in the 1950s (National

Library of New Zealand n.d.). These early magazines were predominantly in English. Most, however, also have some content in Mãori and some are entirely in Mãori. The magazines are representative and illustrative of Mãori society. Across the decades, they have incorporated historical and modern topics; tribal, social and political views; and have tried to capture opinions through articles and letters. As with Noqanchis, they have a strong emphasis on people, making them very human and engaging. Mana magazine is another example of a successful Mãori magazine that covers sport, politics, lifestyle and events. This demonstrates that print media and online media (and a combination of both) can be accessible strategies to revitalise a language.

One of the more significant findings arising from the interviews was that Noqanchis magazine challenged the stereotypes presented in other magazines that Peruvians are of European heritage. This is a massive challenge to Peruvian identity, with potential consequences for the domains of culture and politics. The weak Indigenous politics in Peru may be a result of the inequalities among ethnic groups (Figueroa and Barron 2005), combined with the strong perception among Indigenous peoples about these inequalities (Paredes 2008). This means that there are disparities between the ethnic groups themselves as well as with the dominant

European culture. This was demonstrated at the opening of the first session of the newly elected

National Congress. Controversially, two congresswomen, María Sumire and Hilaria Supe, insisted on using their original language, Quechua, to take their oaths of office. When Sumire spoke the vows in Quechua, the President of the ceremony interrupted her and asked her to repeat the 117

vows three times. Some members expressed dissatisfaction, as Spanish is stated to be the official language in the Constitution of Peru, while Indigenous languages are official in territories where these languages predominate (Thorp and Paredes 2010: 204).

This example was a political stance against language inequality. Sumire and Supe made their symbolic stance as representatives of Peru’s largest number of Indigenous and Quechua speakers in the highest political forum. They themselves are from the Andes. Some newspapers covered the news over a couple of days, but for the most part the controversy remained at a level of anecdote. Sumire and Supe, who were elected in 2006, together with Paulina Arpasi, elected in

2001, are atypical in the Peruvian Congress due to their stance on the Quechua language (Parades

2008). However, their demand to speak in the Indigenous language, and their subsequent proposals, are largely seen by their colleagues in congress and the national media as fairly irrelevant.

The contrast with Bolivia is worth discussing. Bolivia presents a strong case of Indigenous people’s participation in the national politics within the region. Bolivia’s electoral rules and the confirmation of its party system in the last three decades have provided Indigenous organisations with the political space to develop powerful regional and national coalitions and networks, which have found their expression though the electoral system, both at the national and the municipal level (Whitehead 2001; Yashar 2005). An example of the power of politics is seen in the case of

Bolivian president, Evo Morales, who is promoting the inclusion of Quechua and Aymara into the education system. This process has created a new situation in Bolivia, in which political

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inequalities among different ethnic groups have been significantly reduced, although without much changed so far in socioeconomic inequalities (Gray-Molina 2007).

Indigenous communities in Peru, however, have a weaker political power base, which is why revitalisation efforts such as the magazine were targeted specifically at a community level.

According to Peter, the advertising in Cusco was targeted towards the middle class, which is mainly made up of ‘white’ people (10 per cent of the population), that is, people of European heritage. Normally, being white is associated with beauty, happiness and success. Peter further explained that this means that even if you are beautiful, happy and successful there is a kind of rejection of ‘the colour of our skin, the colour of our eyes, of our height, the shape of our noses that prevents us from feeling completely fulfilled’. This is a perception that the magazine was challenging.

Whiteness studies have demonstrated that defaulting to whiteness as a norm or unmarked category goes beyond simple skin colour stratification. Yet that in itself can impact upon an individual’s success. For example, a study conducted by Hunter (2002) in the United States examines several variables on how skin colour affects major life outcomes for African-American and Mexican-American women. She found that, as predicted, light skin bestowed privileges in education and income for both groups and even higher spousal status for African-American women. Hunter concluded that skin colour had a more significant impact upon women mainly because racial ideologies devalue the phenotypes of African Americans and Mexican Americans and associate their features with ignorance and ugliness. She explained that because physical

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appearance matters more for women in terms of access to resources such as income and education, skin colour matters more for women and stratifies them in many areas of life.

In studies of whiteness and the conceptualisation of indigeneity in Peru, it has been shown that a person’s racial status is not solely associated with the colour of their skin. It has been shown that people can change their racial status by abandoning Indigenous cultural forms, obtaining an education and migrating to the coast. Thus, it is argued that highly educated Peruvians can work towards being perceived as white (Golash-Boza 2010). In this simplest form, racial association is aligned with social status, and thus rich and/or educated Peruvians can be ‘white’ regardless of their skin colour. It has also been put forward that in Latin America, definitions of race are more fluid and even more ambiguous than in places such as the United States (Landale and Oropesa

2002).

Noqanchis, however, pushed the idea that Indigenous people are beautiful, and in that respect, it had a goal similar to that of the African-American magazine Ebony in the 1960s in the United

States (Atwater and Anokwa 1991). Ebony is a monthly magazine for the African-American market. It was founded by John H. Johnson, and has been published continuously since the autumn of 1945. The magazine has always strived to address African-American issues, personalities and interests in a positive and self-affirmative manner. Role models presented usually include actors, entertainers and politicians, with black models featuring advertised products. And, now that we are in the 21st century, where many publications already feature black people, Ebony contributes to such non-exclusive diversity by also featuring non-black models, while still emphasising the achievement of successful African Americans. Photo essays 120

about current events and articles about race relations initially focus on rich and famous

Americans. It was expanded in the 1960s to report and include racial issues and other aspects of segregation and discrimination. A content analysis study of Ebony magazine, which was conducted by Atwater and Anokwa (1991) on the portrayal of race relations, found that content pertaining to being white or black was neutral. That is, although the magazine was targeted to a particular racial group, the magazine was not unfavourable to the other, dominant, white racial group. This indicates that despite the social and political situation at the time, the magazine did not engage in this discourse and presented both racial groups favourably. Noqanchis magazine adopted a similar stance in that the more dominant white/European racial groups were not portrayed negatively in the magazine. Overall, race was not discussed in the magazine from a socio-political stance.

The photos in the magazine show a range of Indigenous people from young to old in the social pages and the photo shoots show Indigenous people modelling current fashions. What this means for the younger generation of Quechua speakers is that speaking a language is in no way isolated from social and cultural factors, how one is represented, and how meaning is constructed through language and imagery. This is the crucial area of the ‘politics of representation’ (Hall 1997).

Language (and images) are involved in the overall process of constructing meaning. Shared understandings are translated through this common medium of language. The signs that constitute this shared understanding include written words, spoken sounds and visual images.

Hence, a multimodal sign system (words, sounds and images) translates an overall intention into a shareable understanding, allowing messages to be shared with other people in the language community. The language, therefore, is one code working in conjunction with others, which 121

makes it possible for the speakers to inhabit this shared understanding. Although we all bring our own understandings to these communications as a result of our own unique mental representations, meaning is constructed and is the result of a signifying practice. It is not fixed, rather there is a degree of fluidity in the practice of attaching meaning to the signs.

What this means for Quechua is that while the texts are constructed of words, sounds and images, the meaning attached to these constituents is always changing and is open to influence by being connected with selected aspects of the external and internal environment. In Peru, the representations of Indigenous people have shifted dramatically over the years. Twenty years ago, the dominant representations of Indigenous people were by ethnicity and traditional attire, signifying pre-modernity, under the colonial gaze of magazines like National Geographic.

Today, with Noqanchis magazine, the linking of Indigenous identity to fashionable clothes, prestige commodities, etc. completely changes the previous set of representations. Signs represented by clothes such as wealth, fashion, attractiveness convey meaning to the audience, which in turn can create a new, shared understanding (Hall 1997). These images have the potential to create a new representation of Quechua as modern, fashionable and no longer parochial. This was largely made possible by a deliberate set of strategies recomposing this new identity through the work of the magazine, in conjunction with other cultural activities we have explored in Chapter 4.

The magazine’s policy of representation is also anti-racist. Racial discourse is often represented as a binary (Hall 1997), traditionally black versus white, with mestizo in between. Such binaries also 122

carry over to male versus female. In the Noqanchis magazine, there was a conscious attempt to be more egalitarian by including both male and female models in the shoot and by trying to overcome the us versus them (white versus Indigenous) binary system. In this sense, there is an attempt to reconstruct the signs associated with the words, sounds and images related to

Quechua (Hall 1997).

Images of their own beauty, previously not visible, are now reflected back to them. As far as culture and identity are concerned, having beautiful people in magazines may seem like a shallow way to engage people in a language, but as younger generations are more greatly influenced by peer pressure and social influences, this may be one of the factors that has contributed to the success of the magazine. Overall, according to Peter, the magazine was a new avenue of empowering Quechua speakers from within the community. It also promotes the power of written Quechua within various strands of society.

Social networking, social media and technology As part of the research, I also aimed at exploring how social media, social networking and technology are accomplishing the use of Quechua to appeal to the younger generations. My rationale for this is that there is an obvious prevalence of social media use for marketing in countries like Australia, so how are these technologies being used for language revitalisation?

Social networking and social media are ‘cool’ strategies. It seems like there was some uptake in social media use as Peter stated:

Facebook is helping, because I noticed that across Facebook, a lot of people who maybe

don’t dominate well Quechua or don’t write it very well, starting writing songs as well as

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their own thoughts, their realisations and people respond or try to respond, giving the

people the opportunity to be closer to the language and practice of scriptural awareness.

They also use Twitter, but less frequently.

Mass media is one avenue where there has recently been a significant shift towards the use of

Quechua through radio, TV, newspapers and social media. These are the most common forms of media used. Radio has many advantages as it combines words and music and provides language in the form of expression, improving speaker confidence and fluency (Hornberger and Coronel-

Molina 2004). The interpretation of the Peruvian National Anthem in Quechua by Sylvia Falcon released on YouTube as part of the Peruvian Independence day commemoration was well received, with more than 350,000 views (Simon 2015). On the other hand, the teenager Renata

Flores, born in Ayacucho, Peru, sings in Quechua, ‘The way you make me feel,’ by Michael Jackson with more than a million views (Flores 2015). Her parents used to have a band and from a young age, Renata used to listen to songs in Quechua and that is the way she learned. An interview with

Renata revealed little about social media; however, this is an avenue that can be explored and analysed in further research.

Music, dance and singing Another topic explored was forms of artistic expression: traditional music, dance and singing are being used by people within the Quechua-community to revitalise the Inca language in urban

Cusco. In Cusco, traditional Indigenous culture in Peru or Andean culture also blends with global culture trends. There is, therefore, a need to identify how people are using music, dance and singing to promote language and identity. For this part of the research, I conducted semi- structured interviews with two musicians, two singers and two organisers of the ‘Quechua Hour’.

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This was an initiative from Centro Guaman Poma de Ayala, a non-governmental organisation, whose purpose was to develop cultural awareness with the objective of people valuing the

Quechua language again. What I wanted to understand was how things have changed or not changed over time, and how Andean music and songs may be used as a strategy to engage younger generations in singing, dancing and being proud of their Quechua heritage. In this section, I present my analysis of the five interviews and reflect on the global reach of Quechua through new technologies.

The relationship between music and endangered languages has been particularly important in many parts of the world, and several studies have shown how music can be an extremely important way to preserve and promote minority languages, even when their use as everyday speech language is in crisis. Heather Sparling’s (2007) study of the Canadian Gaelic singer Mary

Jane Lamond, for example, demonstrates how the use of Gaelic in her music can create a value for this language even when the majority of listeners do not understand the literal meaning. As the historian Emma Christopher described, music has the potential to preserve languages that have entirely fallen out of use in everyday speech within a community (Christopher 2013).

Here I explore a strategy about how the Quechua language can be taught through music and song. This provides a different perspective on how languages can be taught outside of a traditional classroom. George is a famous Quechua musician. He teaches the language through music, as he believes that the two cannot be separated and that in order to understand the language you have to feel the music. He uses this approach to teach children the traditional cultural practices. 125

George comes from the community of Ikaparte in Cusco. He lives half of his life in his native town and the other half in the city of Cusco. His sons are at university in Cusco. He enjoys both his time in his native town and his time in the city. George thinks that he is driven by a matter of getting used to different things. By this, he meant that life was about being flexible and enjoying variety.

Music is part of his life and when he teaches it, he is sharing his life and experience with his students. He is a master musician, yet without any formal music education. He plays and sings

Andean music, which he believes is the best way of expressing one’s identity.

There are also several rock bands that sing in Quechua. A popular one is Uchpa (Caba 2006), which combines rock, blues and jazz. Their songs are sung in Quechua and young people follow the lyrics even though they sometimes do not know the meaning. George was invited to the

Center for World Music in San Diego as a Master teacher of traditional Peruvian music. The

Center for World Music is a non-profit organisation whose primary purpose is to foster intercultural awareness and understanding of the world's performing arts traditions through a program of performance and teaching, including study-abroad workshops. George and his family made 1,000 panpipes, which were shipped to San Diego. He taught 1,000 students in the same year that the Center for World Music was awarded $50,000. George was one of the most popular artist-teachers. He explained why it is easier to teach children; children are audibly alert, which is how you connect with music; children learn through very simple melodies, using only three notes and they can quite quickly learn to play Andean songs dedicated mainly to animals. When teaching children, George normally increases the number of tones to five after a period of time, children can then play the music of the Tahantinsuyo (Inca Empire). From there they can enrich 126

the sicuris or scale, which involves seven tones. Within one month they are playing fluently.

George feels that it helps if the instrument is familiar to the person or child, so then they feel comfortable with playing and composing songs.

Another method George uses is listening, because children are capable of grasping sounds just from listening. That’s the way George taught his own children. From an early age, they would listen to songs in Quechua, as George used to play in a group at home while his children were present. One day other members of the band couldn’t make it and George’s children were with him. They were still very young; however, in less than a week, they were playing Andean music and singing in Quechua without any formal music education or Quechua lessons, just from listening to their parents.

George put a lot of work into immersing his family in the culture and they have really taken it on.

Not only have they taken on the music, but also their heritage, as they have not lost the connection with their native town, Inkaparte. George and his family always visit Inkaparte during carnivals and festivals. The music they play is not always festive; they also play songs to honour the rain, water, flowers and women.

George adds:

Music is very potent like Quechua, my language; you don’t always need to look at my face

and eyes to understand what I am saying. It is enough to emit sound, energy and intention.

So, it works well… you connect with people.

George, I believe, has the ability to see the flipside or alternative sides of things; an ability that multicultural-perspective people or ethnic minorities are uniquely believed to possess (Maher 127

2005: 91). Quechua language, its songs, instruments, music, lifestyle, and the culture in general are now finding their place as significant participants in the metro-ethnic process of ‘cool’, perhaps paralleling the Japanese ‘Empire of Cool’.

Family influences and childhood ties In some respects, many endangered languages are the result of the lost generations, where a whole generational stratum of speakers do not engage with a language for a period of years.

Such generations may not have had an opportunity to learn Quechua when they were young, but some have later found links to the language and culture through their music. For example, Mark and Alice are well-known Quechua musicians who perform music in theatres and live performances throughout Peru, but cannot speak Quechua. They are however, able to share their culture through music and singing in Quechua. Alice explains that Quechua is in her heart and that when she sings she can feel that part of her identity.

Mark’s parents are Quechua speakers, so Mark has experienced the same generation gap as myself. Quechua is now taught at schools but it was not when Mark and Alice were at school, so the language has skipped a generation. Nevertheless, it is impossible to separate them from

Quechua even if they do not speak it. Mark states:

It is impossible to distance myself from Quechua, because Quechua is a form of communication,

and it is also a way of thinking. It is like a part of my brain, so I can never get rid of that.

Then he adds:

Our music offers possibilities to sound beautiful and at the same time chimes with our identity

since we don’t have anything to do with occidental cultures; that is to say, it is our affinity, our

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way of thinking, even if you're not speaking Quechua, it maintains a form, an idiosyncrasy that

is sometimes unreadable for others, but within and among us we understand.

Alice says:

I don’t communicate in Quechua, but Quechua is part of me in some way. There is definitely

something of it in me.

Quechua was never taught to Alice; it was only when she was around 16 years old that she found the motivation to learn. Even now, she does not speak fluent Quechua. Alice explained that it was like she was looking for a good medium for her Quechua, and that medium was music. For Alice, the most important reason to learn Quechua was having heard her mother sing in Quechua during her childhood. That was her most immediate connection, because she found it so beautiful to listen to her singing. In her adolescence, she started becoming interested in Andean music and it was as though her mother came back to life though these musical forms. She has the initiative and the desire to continue studying Quechua but through songs. She thinks it is not only a matter of identity but also a link with her mother’s culture and language.

Some of the songs that Alice writes have much to do with the oral stories transmitted to her: what her great grandfather passed on to her grandfather, her grandfather to her mother, and her mother to her. Oral storytelling is a major component of what she composes. This demonstrates that the people are learning the language to connect with family and heritage. This has been a consistent theme across all of the case study locations, regardless of whether or not the people are living inside or outside of the perceived language community.

Quechua songs Below are some examples of Quechua songs with their translation.

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Urpituchata Little Dove

Urpituchatas uywakurqani I raised a little dove,

Ayayay! Ayayay! quri cadena watuchayuqta Bound with a chain of gold,

Ayayay! Ayayay! quri cadena watuchayuqta. Bound with a chain of gold.

Chay urpitucha uywakusqaysi That little dove I raised,

Ayayay! Ayayay! kikichallansi kutiramunqa. On her own she’ll return,

Ayayay! Ayayay! kikichallansi kutiramunqa. On her own she’ll return.

Pirispa ususin, istiray sombrero, Daughter of Perez* with the straw hat, pillaraq mayllaraq istiraykusunki? God knows who will challenge you!

Pirispa ususin istiray sombrero, Daughter of Perez with the straw hat, pillaraq mayllaraq istiraykusunki? God knows who will challenge you!

Ayayay! Munakapuchkanki Ayayay! You like that I keep crying for you. waqaspa muyupayanayta Ayayay! You like that I keep crying for you.

Ayayay! Munakapuchkanki Ayayay! You like that I keep crying for you. waqaspa muyupayanayta. Ayayay! You like that I keep crying for you.

* Daughter of Perez- Perez is a very common surname, therefore this means anyone’s daughter

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Atatáw, mana munakuq! How awful, you don’t know how to love

Atatáw, mana munakuq! How awful, you don’t know how to love!

Atatáw, mana wayllukuq! How awful, you don’t know how to love!

"munaykim" nispa niwanki, Although you tell me you love me,

"waylluyki" nispa niwanki. Although you tell me you love me.

Wasiykiman suwaruwaspataq You kidnapped me and took me to your house, llaqtaykiman suwaruwaspataq You kidnapped me and took me to your town, waqaylla waqachiwanki, And you keep on making me cry, llakiylla llakichiwanki. And you keep on making me suffer.

Yaw, yaw, fulana, waqankichusina, Hey hey girl, seems like you’re crying, ama waqaspalla munanayukusun, Don’t cry and let’s love each other, wayllunayukusun. let’s love each other.

Yaw, yaw, fulana, waqankichusina, Hey hey girl, looks like you’re crying, ama waqaspalla munanayukusun, Don’t cry and let’s love each other, wayllunayukusun. let’s love each other.

Miski Tayki Little Crystal

Cristalchay, cristal vasochay Little crystal, little crystal glass, tawawan pisqawan tratituchayuq, You have a deal with four or five, mamaychus qanri kankiri Perhaps you are my mother, taytaychus qanri kankiri Perhaps you are my father, mamaymanhinalla ratarikunaypaq, Why did I cling to you as my

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mother, taytaymanhinalla ratarikunaypaq? Why did I cling to you as my

father?

Mamaychus qanri kankiri Maybe you are my mother, taytaychus qanri kankiri Maybe you are my father, mamaymanhinalla ratarikunaypaq, Why did I cling to you as my

mother, taytaymanhinalla ratarikunaypaq? Why did I cling to you as my

father?

Urqunpi pukuypukuycha, Pucu-pucu bird from the hill, q'asanpi pukuypukuycha, Pucu-pucu bird from the dawn, urallata yupay, kuskalla ripusun Counting down the hours till we leave urallata yupay, kuskalla ripusun. together, urallata yupay, kuskalla ripusun Counting down the hours till we leave urallata yupay, kuskalla ripusun. together.

En la puerta de tu casa At your front door hay una flor de esperanza, There is a flower of hope, urpichalláy tienes dueño Sweetheart you have a lover, así con dueño te quiero. even with a lover I love you. urpichalláy tienes dueño Sweetheart you have a lover, así con dueño te quiero. even with a lover I love you.

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Cultural pride and the desire to preserve a language Another event that I observed was the ‘Quechua Hour’. This is a community initiative in the town square of Cusco. At this event, music, dancing, riddles and language are presented to the community every Sunday. This is an interactive approach, which enables people of all generations to celebrate their Quechua culture. It is also an opportunity for children and families to hear the language being spoken and sung in a public forum.

The event, which used to be called Runasimita Acllay, had a very profound impact on the people that attended it, so it was proposed that the name be changed to La Hora del Quechua, ‘Quechua

Hour’. It is not stated why the name was changed from Quechua to Spanish. The idea behind the project was to hold the activity in Cusco Square, the centre of the city, for one hour, but because the audience was so captivated, they extended it to two or two and a half hours. The program initially included interactive participation with the public through riddles, music, songs in

Quechua, and any other topics the public wanted to discuss or communicate. Two people I interviewed, Margaret and David, explained their approach to some of the activities. To enrich the event, Margaret and David performed dances from other regions wearing regional costumes while singing songs from the different regions, so the public could truly identify with the program.

This strategy has brought the Quechua language and culture directly to the people through music and dance onto the streets of Cusco.

Holding such an event in Cusco Square was significant as the central square was the centre of the

Inca Empire. Indeed, it marked the re-appropriation of the space from simply a tourist attraction to a site for the active creation of cultural knowledge. This was a motivating activity and incredibly

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dynamic and had behind it the objective of spreading the Quechua language through performance. Margaret explained that:

When you speak Quechua, you can express all of your feelings, because this language is so

rich, not only in pitch but it can also express emotions in only one word; something you

cannot do in other languages. Quechua has its waves in which you can raise, lower and say

so many things and express yourself.

Quechua offers a different point of view and also a different sensibility; the songs, the way people speak with syntactic and semantic particularities.

According to Maher (2005), a new cultural track for minorities has emerged from the younger generation’s discourse. It is seen in post-national cultural flows, ethnic revivalism, genres of literary work and ethnic rock and pop. It involves coming out rather than staying in: liberation.

This pathway is ‘cool’, and to be ‘cool’, I suggest, is now the main operating principle of cultural hybridity. Maher (2005) argues that the principle of ‘cool’ is replacing definitions of identity with new potentials of becoming:

‘Cool’ is personal. ‘Cool’ is a demand for self-sufficiency. It is an attitude deployed by the

‘ethnic’, an attitude undistorted and unheated by the emotions of past struggle, lacking

interest for ‘the struggle’, a form of personal rebellion that eschews ‘ethnic violence’ by

minimising commitment to ethnicity whilst at the same time recognising ethnic affiliation

as something that can be usefully deployed in music, fashion and lifestyle and so on.

David concludes:

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Thanks to the Hora del Quechua, the people involved are interested in reversing things,

now I can say that Quechua has gained strength, it's like the ‘Incari’ returned because they

do not look at you like a weirdo anymore when you speak Quechua. On the contrary, they

think it is ‘cool’, as they now look up to you because you are fluent in two languages.

This has shown enthusiasm for the Hora del Quechua (Quechua Hour) reaching all aspects of society, and now we look in detail at the transmission of Quechua aided by music, how the emotion expressed by Mark and Alice earlier can be harnessed into a strategy that can have widespread influence.

4.2.3 Conclusions Overall, this section has discussed several different approaches that can be taken to use print media, social media, music, song and dance as vehicles for language revitalisation. Each case study demonstrates that new values can be attached to a language; in this case Quechua, in ways that did not exist twenty years ago. The people I spoke to showed how print media, music and song appeal to all generations, and provide access points to the language and culture that other means of transmission, such as classrooms or print media, may not offer.

For this reason, I found that traditional forms of music and song, in conjunction with shifts in global culture and new media technologies, were successful in promoting a positive and ‘cool’ image of the language. Progress can thus be shown in displacing the colonial hierarchy of languages (with Spanish as hegemonic in this case) that was parochial, and disempowered

Indigenous languages such as Quechua for the past generations of speakers. Moreover, projects such as the magazine have been popular with younger generations, perhaps because Quechua 135

has become ‘cool’. It has, in places, attained a status of being something to be attached to, rather than being associated with the usual negative stereotypes. Younger generations have shown an interest in contributing to the magazine and, as a consequence, revitalising written Quechua in

Cusco. This is perhaps one small step towards revitalisation. However, that small step means a lot to the Indigenous people of Cusco in finding a voice for their language, culture and identity. If

‘cool’ works, then let Quechua be ‘cool’.

4.3 Paris case study, 2014

4.3.1 Background In 2014, I returned to INALCO to show Alan and the students a documentary I had made during my previous visit in 2011, which included footage of the same students and teachers being interviewed. I was interested in getting their feedback on my findings. In the three years since my visit, there had been some changes. INALCO had changed location and the classes were now in modern buildings with all the latest facilities. Alan had also revised the Quechua course for the year 2015. The Diploma of Quechua Language and Culture was still a four-year course, but he now also had a two-year Master’s Degree of Language, Culture and Societies of the World. Alan was responsible for the program and teaches language and literature. The teaching staff had also changed. The conversation classes were done by Justin, a Quechua native speaker from Peru.

Rossela Martin taught history and literature, Evelyne Mesclier taught geography and Jeanne

Saint-Sardos taught ethnology.

As stated in the previous section, in January and February 2013, I conducted fieldwork in Cusco where I was able to document and film strategies that institutions, schools, and the media follow 136

for the revitalisation and promotion of the language. I also screened some extracts of my more recent documentary Quechua in Cusco (2015), as the documentary was still in the editing process.

The students enjoyed it as some parts of the movie were in Quechua. They were able to appreciate the sound, rhythm and melody of the language. The students also realised that the attitude of people towards Quechua in Cusco was noticeably different from what I had witnessed in Huallanca. Attitudes are more positive in the southern regions of Peru where people do not dismiss the language; on the contrary, it is slowly becoming ‘cool’ to speak Quechua. What the students identified from the first two documentaries was the localisation of the attitudes towards the language. This shaped my approach towards undertaking fieldwork in different locations as it allowed me to better understand both the barriers and enablers to revitalising languages. It became increasingly evident that there needed to be a range of strategies to revitalise the language that consider those learning the language within, and those learning it outside.

In this trip, I also connected with the musician Carl, and dancer and costume designer Jane, both promoting Peruvian culture of the last 30 years. Carl is the founder of the music group ‘Peru

Andino’ (Michael Peru 2007). Carl, a native speaker of Quechua, comes from Ayacucho in Peru.

The group has been promoting Quechua heritage through music for the past 30 years. The group is based in Paris but also tours around the world. ‘Peru Andino’, an authentic Peruvian band, was founded in Paris in 1983 and was completed with the dancing cast led by Jane in 1985, forming an authentic artistic group that is representative of Indigenous Peruvian culture. They have performed in many different settings and countries, bringing traditional music and dances of different regions within Peru to the world.

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4.3.2 Case study findings In this case study, I will present the stories of Carl and Jane, three students and one teacher from

INALCO. The stories and interviews were filmed and transcribed into Spanish first and then into

English. The main themes to arise from these interviews are discussed below. They include professional opportunities and cultural pride and the desire to preserve a language.

Professional opportunities One of the drivers behind learning the Quechua language that arose on this trip was a growing perception that learning the language would be good for professional opportunities. Student 1, a

Quechua student at INALCO, explained that:

I chose to study Quechua because I’m a philosophy student and I was very interested in

learning another language that would allow me to think in another way, so the first thing I

have gained from Quechua was to learn how to see the different perspective from other

people as the sensitivity of the language is extremely important. To be able to speak

Quechua you have to put yourself in their position, be able to include or exclude people and

that make me reflect on my own practice of the language.

Student 1 then clarified:

I would like to continue studying Quechua and do research within the field of philosophy.

Learning Quechua has helped me see the world in a different way, and feel more

comfortable including in my personal life.

Student 2 added that she wanted to share the language as a writer:

I am an anthropology student and I want to learn Quechua for very diverse reasons, first

because it’s an American language, a language that I consider truly American and because

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I have some ancestry from the continent… I think it was something academic. Also, as a

child, I used to hear Mercedes Sosa, the folk Argentinean singer introducing some Quechua

words into her compositions, so I think it came from there, but also because I love

languages and Quechua has that fascinating thing that is so different to our language. It’s

a thrill to learn it because it is a totally different, distinct way to build phrases, and build

the language in general. My aim in anthropology is to link Quechua and the Andean

culture through stories. For example … well, I am repeating what my colleagues said, but I

indeed considered that there is a very intimate aspect of how people speak and understand

the world, so I thought it was easier to understand that link between the Cosmo vision and

grammar or the Cosmo vision and language if one decides to learn a language so radically

different from the one we speak.

While philosophy and anthropology may not be viewed as traditional career paths, this shows that students are using Quechua as a means to enhance their employment options rather than simply connecting to the language and culture to ‘feel good’. Others have built a career from the language. Carl has also found that being able to speak Quechua enabled him to have a music career:

It has been a very good influence. I have dedicated myself to music. We have collaborated

with Jane in the Peru Andino group based in Paris. Next year it will be 30 years that we

have been promoting Peruvian music around the world. We play Peruvian folk music from

the coast, music from the jungle, but mainly from the Andes, and the songs are in

Quechua.

So, it has been very useful for me to speak Quechua as I have been able to demonstrate to

the world and to the actual Peruvians that Quechua exists, that it is the language of the 139

Incas and as Peruvians we should be very proud to be able to express ourselves in Quechua.

I don’t think Quechua will fade away.

Jane works with Carl. Jane forms the dancing part of the group and is also in charge of the traditional dresses from the different regions of Peru. Both Carl and Jane are based in Paris, but tour around the world with ‘Peru Andino’. Jane comes from Huánuco, located in the Andes of

Peru. Her passion since she was a little girl has always been to have a collection of all the traditional costumes from Peru. She began making and collecting traditional Peruvian costumes from a very young age in her birthplace and hometown Huánuco. She continued when she arrived in France, having had the idea of showing the beauty of Peru through its traditional costumes.

Each region has infinite ranges of clothing, hats, accessories and it’s so rich that even until

now we can’t approximate the amount of clothing Peru offers, it’s a challenge.

Jane experienced great success with the costumes in France. After her success in Paris, she thought that it would be good to share the beauty of Peru with the wider world. Consequently, she began running shows in gastronomic festivals in other countries, offering the use of her costumes. Often she received a warm welcome. At one of her shows in China in 2006 at a gastronomic festival, Jane dressed many Chinese and Peruvian/Chinese women in traditional

Peruvian costumes; the show was very well received. At Peruvian tourism fairs promoting Peru, she dressed staff who were giving out tourist information in costumes from different regions. This was Jane’s idea and an exceptional triumph. Through ‘PromPerú ’, a Peruvian Government organisation to promote international trade with Peruvian businesses, she worked in many countries, such as Spain, Madrid, Berlin, Milan and London. Jane continued working with

‘PromPerú’ for about 4 or 5 years, winning various awards in the tourism fairs during that period.

Jane explained that: 140

Everything that is Peruvian: gastronomy, music, dance, and the costumes were displayed in

lots of different countries so it’s good - it’s a challenge to keep on spreading our Peru

throughout the world.

What is evident here is that the students from INACLO want to speak the language in order to share the language, while Carl and Jane used the language as a basis for their careers as singers, dancers and musicians. These are the first instances in my research where I have seen that the language, properly ‘dressed up’ and performed, can also be viewed as a commodity outside of

Peru.

As a Spanish language teacher, I understand that learning a language in the country of that language is different from learning a language in a foreign country. In a sense, this is similar to the

English language teaching industry with English as a Second Language (ESL), providing a different range of strategies from English as a Foreign Language (EFL) (Ashton-Hay 2009; Bell 2011). While I am cognisant that this is a very different market from the English language industry, there may be some similar drivers to motivate people to learn Quechua in a foreign country.

On this visit to Paris, I again spoke with Alan. This time, I focused more on the language teaching side rather than his connection to the language. I wanted to know from which language Quechua was taught: was it from Spanish, French or English? Alan teaches Quechua from French, as he argues that he is in France and all of the students, including international students, all speak

French. French law also prevents him from teaching in Spanish. This may seem like a strange point to raise here. However, when viewing this from a language teaching perspective, it is interesting because in many instances, Quechua is taught from Spanish. What he did note was that in some 141

cases, when they had an international guest teacher, they were able to teach from Spanish.

However, he pointed out that this would be the same anywhere in the world for a guest speaker.

He also added that the conversation teacher from Peru teaches the conversation classes totally in

Quechua, so it is an immersive lesson for three hours per week. This indicates that the language has a power of its own that is separate from Spanish; the language can be taught from another language base, such as English or French. Spanish and Quechua are not cognates, but it does demonstrate that the language can be learnt from other languages, as is the case with the English language market.

Cultural pride and the desire to preserve a language As with the earlier studies, there was a strong desire to learn the language because of the inherent connection between language and culture. This seems to be a common thread across all three locations. Student 3 explained that:

I learned about Quechua when I was working in Ecuador a few years ago, but I couldn’t

learn it then because I was learning Spanish. I’ve been able to start learning

since returning to France here in INALCO. At first I wanted to do research about the Andean

region through anthropology so I continued to learn it but, unlike other students, I am not

involved in any of that, I simply love Quechua for personal reasons; it is passion. So I come

to study more about the culture, a different way of seeing the world and concepts, which

are so different to ours. There are so many words that you cannot translate into French or

any other language and that is what interests me and that is why I continue to learn

Quechua even though it is just for me.

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This shows the connection to the language that people on the outside may have. However, people from the inside often bring a range of experiences to their understanding of the language and context. For many Quechua speakers, especially from Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru, language is a key marker of their ethnicity; for many being Quechua means speaking Quechua (Haboud 1996).

Carl was born in a little town called Pausa in the Andes, in the department of Ayacucho. He considered himself lucky because in his village residents were bilingual. Spanish was compulsory at school, but outside the school the majority of the population, both children and adults, would communicate in Quechua. To learn Quechua for him was a luxury. Carl stated that at that time

(1960s), one had to attend secondary school in Lima, as secondary schools didn’t exist in his region, but Lima was generally a shock for such students from the Andes.

The school Carl attended had classes of 40 or 50 students. Ten of them were from the Andes and he was one of them. Since he has fair skin and tall stature, he does not look like a stereotypical person from the Andes, but he understood that he was different from the other students. Many of the students also had parents from the Andes. While Carl spoke Quechua, only about five or six of the other students spoke it; many did not want to; however, Carl had no problem with speaking it:

we spoke Quechua between us, I spoke Quechua with people, with kids, we would sing

songs in Quechua, I never had that problem. I’m going to tell a story from my school.

One day the geography teacher on 24 June, which is the ‘Day of the Indigenous People’

(campesinos) decided not to do a geography class; he decided to talk about the

campesinos and asked the class: “who here is from the Andes?” So I think about five or six

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of us put our hands up. The teacher then asked one of the students: “Can you speak

Quechua?”

One student replied: “yes”. “So, being from the Andes, how do you feel on this day of the

campesino?”

He responded in Quechua.

The teacher asked, “Can someone translate? Let’s see Javier, you are from Huancavelica. In

Huancavelica people are bilingual, right?”

The student responded: “No, I don’t know, I have forgotten”.

The teacher asked again, “Anyone else?”

There was no one else, as the other Quechua speakers in the class were embarrassed to

speak in Quechua in front of the class, so I threw myself into the ring and translated it. So,

for me it has never been a problem to speak Quechua.

Carl adds:

We moved to the coast when I was ten years old and I have never forgotten how to speak

Quechua because I keep on practicing through music and constantly speaking it. It is a

beautiful language, very humorous, very tender and happy… it is very special.

While no one in Peru denies that Quechua exists, many native Quechua speakers who have learned Spanish will deny that they speak Quechua, despite quite obvious influences on their

Spanish speech habits by Quechua, most notably in their lexicon and pronunciation (Coronel-

Molina 1997). As Coronel-Molina mentions, the reasons why these speakers might make this kind of denial varies; in this case, the Andean students perceive Spanish as the most appropriate

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language for education. There is a perception that Spanish has prestige and Quechua does not.

Carl has always found that speaking Quechua has been of benefit to him:

Speaking Quechua has been very useful for me; I feel privileged in front of the great

majority of Peruvians that don’t speak Quechua. Quechua is a means of communication for

many people in the Andes; there are many regions that only speak Quechua because they

haven’t had access to schools and education so one way to understand their lives is to

speak Quechua with them and I feel honoured to be able to speak to them. Many Andean

people get a surprise that someone sort of white like me speaks Quechua the way I do, but

these people also feel happy to be able to communicate their feelings in Quechua.

4.3.3 Conclusions The main findings in this section are that cultural pride, family ties and an association with the endangered language and identity are allowing people to experience the benefits of being bicultural in a globalised world; benefits that are highly appreciated in modern society.

There is a perceived value in having 21st century skills connected with an ‘ancient’ or ‘historic’ culture. There is also an awareness that Quechua can be independent from Spanish and that it can be taught as a foreign or second language from a range of languages, similar to the English language market, all around the world. There is a perceived academic value in studying the language and culture as evidenced by the introduction of a ‘Master langues, cultures et socies, cultures e- Parcours Asie et Pacifique - Langue Quechua’, which is a master’s degree in language, culture and societies of the world (Quechua) at INALCO. The program includes language subjects as well as literature, conversation classes, history, geography and ethnology. This demonstrates

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that there is consistency across all three case study locations that a sense of connection to the language and culture are strong motivating factors in enabling people to speak the language.

4.4 New York case study, 2015

4.4.1 Background The final stage of my data collection was undertaken in New York. According to the census data from 2006-2008, in the United States 935 people identified as being Quechua speakers. This is, obviously, a very small number of speakers. Nevertheless, I decided to go to New York to conduct fieldwork at the Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies (CLACS) at New York University

(NYU), which several colleagues had told me about. NYU offers Quechua courses for undergraduates and graduate students. CLACS supports students of the ‘Quechua Outreach

Committee’ or the ‘Runasimi Outreach Committee’ (ROC). Moreover, the institution organises cultural and linguistics activities like ‘Quechua Night’ (a monthly gathering activity), ‘Quechua

Bingo’, ‘Quechua Film Showcase’ and even karaoke in Quechua. This organisation has developed online resources, such as a website and a blog. I had hoped that this would provide insights into how social media could be used in language revitalisation. Some of these resources included podcasts in Quechua with local speakers and sometimes included interviews undertaken in the field.

CLACS has grown over the past seven years. The Quechua program began at NYU in 2008, when it won a competitive national grant, the Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowships Program

(FLAS). FLAS is a competitive grant from the U.S. Department of Education. It supported faculty and student research abroad as well as research initiatives including the Caribbean Initiative, the 146

Andean Initiative and the Brazil Initiative. The Department of Education also allowed CLACS to grant academic year and summer fellowships for students of critical foreign language and areas, particularly Quechua and Portuguese. In 2009, student exchanges commenced, as did ‘Quechua

Night’, which was a once a month event, with very small turnouts. It was created by three Master of Arts students: students who wanted to practice with each other. They made it a public event, and from the first night, it was apparently a hit. People from the public came, and the students immediately realised the potential in making the event series much more significant as a tool for encouraging community building. Quechua at NYU Facebook page started; the first use of social media to promote the Quechua language. In 2011, the Rimasun podcasts project started, which was extended to the Bronx community as a way to work with the local Quechua population in

2014. Rimasun is a ‘free audio series created by graduate students at CLACS that features interviews with native Quechua- and Kichwa-speakers, many from the New York City area.’ (NYU

Center for Latin American and Carribean Studies n.d.).

I also investigated a radio program, ‘Radio El Tambo Stereo’, which was mentioned in the New

York Times (Semple 2014). This is the first radio program in the US aired in the Indigenous Kichwa language. The program aims to reach the Quechua/Kichwa population in the US, particularly in

New York. The main aim of this program was to see how Quechua was being taught and shared in a megacity such as New York.

I wanted to learn more about how technology could be used in language promotion. I made contact with Frank, the Quechua teacher at NYU. He was very interested in my research and kindly invited me to come to New York and participate in the ‘Quechua Night’ by screening my 147

documentaries: Quechua: The Fading Inca Language (Funegra and Bonifaz 2010) and Quechua in

Paris (Funegra and Bonifaz 2011). I observed his Quechua lessons and interviewed students, teachers, members of CLACS, student committees and whoever could help the development of my research.

. On Christmas Day 2015, I travelled to New York. The first person I contacted when I arrived in

New York City was Frank, who introduced me to the head of CLACS and the others in the department. They provided me with a desk in the staff room and a code number for the facilities.

I really appreciated their hospitality while I researched the background of the Quechua program at NYU to became familiar with the place and build rapport with the staff before I began interviewing.

4.4.2 Case study findings For this case study, I present the story of the ‘Kichwa Hatari’ radio program. I interviewed Paul, the founder of the program. I also interviewed seven NYU students, their Quechua teacher, the head of CLACS, a co-founder of New York Quechua Initiative and the Quechua teachers from

Rowan University, Pennsylvania University in USA, and ‘Academia de Quechua Yachay Wasi’

(Quechua school) in Lima, Peru. The stories and interviews were filmed and transcribed, then translated into English. The languages used were Quechua, Kichwa, Spanish and English. English and Quechua were the primary languages used in this phase of the data collection. The main themes to arise from this final case study are professional opportunities, family influences, childhood ties, cultural pride and the desire to preserve a language, social networking, social media and technology. Not all of the interviews are included in the thesis, as it was more a matter

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of managing the amount of data for a solo researcher than a lack of quality of the participants. All of their stories were of value and perhaps they will be included in later publications so that their stories are heard.

Professional opportunities As with all of the other case studies, regardless of their location, there seemed to be a perceived value in studying the language in order to advance professional opportunities. This is best evidenced by the stories of the students at NYU, as explained by Frank:

The majority of the Quechua students in NYU are graduate students coming from the areas

of anthropology, archaeology, musicology, textiles and other disciplines focused on the

Andean world.

So, for these students to be able to graduate in the Master or PhD, they need the Quechua

language as a kind of key to open up to the universe, the Andean culture they are studying

and specialising in.

One student at NYU provided his own personal rationale. He explained that it was professional respect. Tom is a student of journalism, from Georgia, taking Quechua level II course. Tom declared:

OK, so, I’m a student of Journalism myself, and so I will be doing reporting and storytelling

in Latin America, specifically in South America. And I was always interested in doing

reporting in the Andes. And I thought that it wouldn’t be possible to do true reporting and

to get the stories of Indigenous people in the Andes without making an effort to learn the

Quechua language.

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So many communities in the Andes prefer Quechua and speak Quechua as a native

language that it would seem unfair and presumptuous of me to assume they would speak

Spanish with me when I’m going into their communities to speak with them. And so, for

that reason, it’s important for me to learn Quechua.

This desire to learn the language to somehow develop a deeper connection with the culture for professional purposes is also evidenced by the words of Karen, a young American PhD student at the Ethnomusicology Department, NYU. She is a Quechua student at level II. She explained that:

Yeah. So, as part of the PhD research, we have to do a dissertation project. And one of the

areas that had really been calling my attention was the sort of hybrid musical forms that

are happening in Peru, where people sing in Quechua, but they’re playing like rock music.

And so, the sort of hybridity of Indigenous culture with imported American culture and like

the new kind of Indigenous subjectivities that are coming about in Peru, contemporary

Peru. And I thought, well, in order to really study that, I’m going to need to learn this

language at least on some level. And so that’s sort of what brought me to the language.

Others have a more organic progression into studying the language. For example, Clare, a PhD student in Linguistics, who grew up near Chicago, started learning Spanish in high school and was involved in different Spanish-speaking communities in Chicago. Her research area grew from her travel experiences:

As an undergrad in my third year, I went abroad to Peru. I was already studying linguistics,

and so I had to study a non-Indo-European language and Quechua fit into this category. So

I started studying Quechua in Peru. I had a scholarship to study Quechua. That's where

everything started. Then I travelled to the Andes, and lived in a community for a couple of

weeks and really, really loved it. Now my PhD research is really focused on Quechua, 150

Spanish, bilingualism and language identity, and things like that, in Peru.

However, some students gave another point of view for studying the language in the United

States. Justine is Peruvian and a Quechua student at University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.

She always wanted to learn Quechua, but she would have to pay to study it at a Peruvian university and it would not be counted as part of her degree. In Peru, it is a requirement to speak an additional language to graduate, but it has to be an international language like English or

French, not Quechua. So, she travelled to the States to learn her native language. While this is not necessarily for professional reasons, per se, it does indicate her purpose for studying the language as a foreign language. Justine stated that:

In Pennsylvania, Quechua is part of my degree and I don’t have to pay for it. So, I was

surprised that in Pennsylvania I could actually learn Quechua because is an elective subject

and counts towards my degree and it is within my schedule. I am very happy studying

Quechua with other students from South America. My teacher is from Peru…Something

that wouldn’t happen in my own country.

Justine went on:

I came to Pennsylvania from Peru to do a degree six months ago and here is where I have

come to learn Quechua. I have always been interested but in my university, I think in the

majority of private universities in Lima, Quechua is not counted as a credit; you have to pay

for it, so you take it a bit like...ok, because you want to, but it’s not part of your academic

career; together with my colleagues, I remember asking if we could learn Quechua, as they

ask for an extra language apart from Spanish to graduate. Can it be Quechua? No. It could

be French, English, German or whichever international language. So, in the end I didn't

take it in Peru, and I've come to Pennsylvania to learn Quechua, which I find amazing, with 151

a Peruvian teacher and Peruvian students as well as people from here, Ecuador, and there

is a woman from Chile, learning Quechua here in the United States.

Also, in Pennsylvania Quechua is part of my degree, it counts as a credit. I don’t have to

pay for it separately. It is in my schedule.

From another perspective and another university, Vicky is an Associate Professor of Spanish in the

Department of Foreign Languages and Literature at Rowan University in Glassboro, New Jersey.

She revealed that she has spent her career studying Quechua. Her research on the grammatical patterns of language use of Quechua speakers speaking Spanish yields insights into the structures of language variation. In the same way that Chinese speakers may omit articles (the, an, a) when speaking English, Quechua speakers speaking Spanish also have particularities, such as omission of gender and word order issues, which provide a unique understanding of the language. She added:

I have the pleasure of teaching basic Quechua within the context of two interdisciplinary

honours program courses. One is called ‘Modern Descendants of the Incas: Quechua

Language, Culture, and History’ and the other is ‘Linguistics and Cultures of Native South

America’. I'm very excited to see all that is happening with revitalisation and maintenance

of the Quechua language in all of its varieties, and I'm looking forward to the future for

Quechua.

Jim is the Quechua teacher at the University of Pennsylvania. He is from Ica, Peru. He moved to the United States seven years ago. Prior to relocating to the US, Jim studied literature at San

Marcos University in Lima, Peru. He applied for a graduate school in the US and obtained a fellowship to do research. His research focuses on cultural initiatives that use Quechua language.

He says: 152

This is the first year that I'm teaching Quechua here in Philadelphia, so it's a new project.

It's not just teaching the language, but also creating a program of cultural awareness on

campus so students can participate in cultural activities, lectures, workshops, beside the

class. I think it's important to learn Quechua because here in the United States there are a

lot of scholars who work on Latin America. I think that when we're doing research on the

Andes, we're not doing research only on the space, but we're dealing with people, and

speaking Quechua can help us to understand the culture more.

While this may only provide motivation for a small number of the students in the language speaking community, it does seem to suggest that for this small group, the language is intrinsically linked with a desired career path. That is, undertaking a degree in order to develop linguistic capability in an endangered language is a considerable financial, emotional and time investment.

Family influences In New York, ties to family connections and heritage also motivated people to learn the language.

Frank explained that alongside professional opportunities, there was a group that was studying the language in order to connect with their background:

The other group of students is actually a particularly, we would say, endearing case

because they are students, and they may be very young; some of them undergraduates

who were born in New York or migrated to New York at a very early age.

These students feel a kind of need to restore at least the language of their ancestors; their

grandparents that obviously don’t speak English; perhaps they speak a little Spanish but

they speak Quechua.

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This is also seen in the words of James, a Master’s student at CLACS. James was born in New York, and he is the president of the ‘Runasimi Outreach Committee’ (ROC), co-founder/co-host of the radio program ‘Kichwa Hatari’ and a member of the New York Quechua Initiative. James’s story is as follows:

I was born and raised in New York. My parents are Ecuadorian. My parents are from

Palenca, but they were born in the outskirts of Palenca. They were never taught Kichwa,

which is the variant of Quechua. My grandparents spoke Kichwa, but I never really

communicated with them, or knew much about it except the fact that it was very

embedded in the culture and music. Just the culture itself, we knew it was Kichwa culture.

But I never really paid much attention to it until I came to NYU as an undergrad, and I

started taking Quechua courses with Frank. I didn't even know Quechua would be offered

in a university setting. I started here at NYU and I took all these courses, and from there I

had to keep taking it.

Frank confirms:

When these students go back to Peru, Bolivia or Ecuador there is a kind of communication

between that grandson and grandfather because his grandson is a trilingual or bilingual or

in any case, a native speaker of English and Spanish, but the grandfather is not.

Deborah is a student in the Master’s program at NYU. She is enrolled in Quechua level ll.

Deborah’s father is Peruvian and her mother is from India. She recounts her story:

So, I grew up in Lima and I grew up speaking Spanish and in my schools, learned English

and French. And I just feel like in Lima, there’s a lot of racism and there’s a lack of - I feel

like Quechua should be taught. I feel everyone in Peru should speak and learn both. Right

now, the way it is, is that people who speak Quechua, in order to function must learn 154

Spanish, but it’s not the other way around. But I think it would be beneficial for everybody.

Everybody would benefit from all of us knowing each other’s cultures more, instead of

looking to learn French or things like that that don’t pertain to our reality or our

geographic location. So, this is ironic that I’m in a Master’s program in New York, learning

Quechua and that I grew up in Peru. But this is the way things go.

Zoe is a student of the above Master’s program at NYU. She is also the Quechua conversation teacher at NYU. Zoe is from Bolivia, born in a very small Quechua-speaking community, and lived there until she was five years old. She then moved to the city of Cochabamba where she learned

Spanish.

I only spoke Quechua in my community. With my parents I speak only Quechua, and with

my grandmother and my grandfather. Then I started linguistics at the university in

Cochabamba, and I learned how to write in Quechua because now in Bolivia, we have the

‘normality’ of Quechua and we are creating books and everything. The first time when I

came here, I came like a visiting scholar to their linguistics department. I met students from

CLACS and they tried to encourage me to apply for the Master’s program. And I applied to

this program and I was accepted, so I came back to New York with a scholarship. I also love

creating Quechua teaching materials and wrote a book in Quechua about my

grandfather's history.

Ties to family and culture Ties to family and culture provided the motivation for a number of students to learn the language. However, given the relative socio-economic requirements of undertaking studies at an American university, studying solely to learn Quechua for cultural purposes may not have been as influential as learning the language for professional purposes.

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Community events and language promotion activities In New York, the students of the ‘Quechua Outreach Committee’ or the ‘Runasimi Outreach

Committee’ (ROC) are arranging a number of events in order to promote the language. The reason why I have separated this from learning the language is that ROC is aimed at language promotion. ROC is also organising the first Quechua and Kichwa film festival with an assortment of films spoken in the language. Deborah, member of ROC, states:

Well, the ‘Runasimi Outreach Committee’ is all about bringing Quechua to the greater New

York and Tri-State community and raise awareness about this incredible culture. More than

10 million people still speak different variations of the language. It’s very much alive.

About the movies for the festival, it’s just an incredible thing. And it was even a surprise for

me to see all of the films that are being made in Quechua by young people and people of

all ages. And they’re really, really good.

So, I mean, if it was a surprise for me, I can’t imagine what the rest of the public is going to

feel when they see these films, which are incredible and really help to break a lot of the

stereotypes about the Andes. I think it’s just fantastic to have the first Quechua and Kichwa

festival.

As previously mentioned, another event in the network that ROC organised is ‘Quechua Night’, a monthly gathering focused on the exploration and celebration of the Quechua language. I attended the session as the guest speaker and presented my documentaries. There were approximately 200 people at the event. The gathering provides those learning or interested in the language with a comfortable space for listening and producing Quechua through casual conversation. For example, the gatherings commence with ‘getting to know you’ discussions in

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Quechua seen typically in language teaching contexts. Native Quechua speakers are encouraged to attend and share in the experience of developing a community of Quechua speakers in the

New York City area. Deborah states:

So, out of all the activities that we do, I think actually all of them reach the Quechua

community because they are incredible, but our most low key events are what we call

‘Quechua Night’; we usually have them here at NYU. But the people who come aren’t

usually affiliated with NYU, which makes this group special because people actually come

from far away, sometimes even as far away as Philadelphia to come to the ‘Quechua

Night’ and mingle with each other and learn about the culture and the language. And not

necessarily Quechua speakers, but sometimes Quechua speakers and sometimes we’ve had

people come who have some relationship with the Andes or are Andean themselves. And

you can see they’re in a little bit of a state of shock because they can’t believe this is

happening in New York.

Some of the events we do, which we also still called ‘Quechua Night’, are just much bigger.

For example, a huge event held at Paterson. And Paterson is, if I’m not mistaken, the

biggest enclave of Peruvians outside of Peru. And we have in that one event that we had

last year, we had the language, we had dances. We had ceramics, children, adults, music. I

mean, it was really, really wonderful.

Tom, one of the hosts of the Celebration of Bolivian Carnival, and a member of ROC at NYU added:

I think popular culture is also important in the language, because it makes it more modern,

it makes it seem interesting to young people whose attentions are focused on many, many,

many different things. So, we listen to some Quechua language music, and we're having a 157

Quechua film screening this spring. I think those things are super important in making sure

that the language doesn't die.

In the Andes, Carnival is the time when people make offerings to the Panchomama, asking

for better things to come and success in their personal lives and endeavours. This is

followed by a festive atmosphere of dancing, singing, confetti, and a whole lot of partying.

Today, we will recreate a traditional Andean experience at NYU with Bolivian artisans who

will exhibit miniatures and drawings. In addition, there will be music, dancing, and

delicious Bolivian treats. Traditions will be honoured with a Qu-oa, offerings to the

Pachamama, and the Chiaga sprinkling of confetti for blessings and for good luck, as well

as the performance of Quechua boklas, a traditional dance. This celebration will be

preceded by a panel of experts from the university and community giving the general

public an understanding of the historical, social, and cultural traditions of the Bolivian

Quechua carnival. So, without further ado, I would like to welcome our first speaker of the

night, Thomas Abercrombie, who will be giving a speech entitled Comparing Carnivals. He

is the Associate Professor of Anthropology here at New York University.

Zoe, Tom’s colleague, adds in Quechua (translated):

I am very happy that you came to this ‘carnival’. I am Bolivian; I am from the community of

Kalallusta in the province of Estevan Arce Anzaldo. I arrived as a student of this university

last year. Then, as I didn’t want to separate myself from the Bolivian culture, we have

prepared from my friend Raul from La Paz this celebration with a lot of noise. First of all,

we can speak in this language. I do. I speak with my family only in Quechua. Also, people

have to teach it to their children. 158

Another theme to arise from the data analysis was the use of media, such as radio, and social media, such as Facebook, to promote the language. In 2011, Paul, executive producer of ‘Radio El

Tambo Stereo’, decided to launch a program solely in Kichwa. Paul was inspired after a fruitless search for a radio program in Kichwa produced in the United States. Radio, and online radio, is vital since it is one of the few links between Kichwa communities around the world that tune in to maintain the traditions, identity and language. In my research diary (see Appendix 6), I made the following observations about meeting the radio team:

The office for the radio station was located in the basement of a building. It was a strange feeling walking in, as I could see electricity meters and a lot of pipes. The mechanical sounds of machines could be heard, and the building was as cold as it was outside. This then made me wonder; why is it that Indigenous people seem to be heavily represented in the outskirts or poorer areas of society?

However, when we arrived at the radio station office it was well equipped and colourfully decorated with an inviting atmosphere. The warmth of the radio staff and the happy atmosphere enveloped me.

I realized that these strong and enthusiastic people were making a path for Quechua despite all the difficulties. They were happy to be able to reach the Quechua community in New York through the radio and talk to them. Their mission was to make this community proud of their language and culture.

Paul, from Ecuador, is the main announcer and directs the program. He loves his job and refers to the radio as his fourth child, and therefore he puts a lot of time and effort into the station. James and Michael are co-founders of the program. Jenny is Paul’s daughter. She helps by involving young people.

The Kichwa Hatary program opened with Andean music, which made me feel very 159

emotional and nostalgic. The program is mainly in Kichwa, which is a variation of the Quechua language spoken mainly in Ecuador. Paul started the program by greeting the audience and talking about the radio; then he introduced James, Michael and Jenny as part of the team. Everything was in the Kichwa language.

The three of them were actually quite relaxed, comfortable, and happy to be there. The sound of their voices and the smiles on their faces gave the program a tone of a friendly conversation, animated with the mixture of jokes, information and language learning. I thought it was a clever approach. Paul explained that:

Radio El Tambo Stereo was founded in April 2011. Since then I have been working with the

community with Ecuadorian music, also encouraging the community for the use of the

Kichwa language, and not to be afraid to speak our language and be proud of our culture

wherever we are or wherever we go.

The program varies from week to week and covers topics such as immigration, discrimination,

Andean culture, and education. ‘Kichwa Hatari’ means ‘raising Kichwa’. Paul outlined the format of the radio program:

We start the program with an entrance, which is the identification of the program, then we

start with Andean music; afterwards, we have Kichwa classes for about 15 minutes. Then,

we have information about things like the Pachamama and our ancestors with our

Quechua teacher Michael, then we have the news in Kichwa that we transmit directly from

Cuenca, Ecuador with Sandra Paucar. Well, after 7, we air interviews with people who

come to the studio or sometimes with people we call on the phone. We finish with Andean

music. This program can be listened to online2, or through the mobile phone. In New York,

2 http://tunein.com/radio/RADIO-EL-TAMBO-STEREO-s185112/ 160

people have two options: call a number to listen to the program if they don’t have internet

or a downloading application of the radio.

Ann is from New York and a co-founder of the ‘Quechua Initiative’; she is the Folk and Art Director of the performing arts and public cultural programs. Her role is primarily producing the cultural events that they hold out in the community. She explained that:

So, we try straddling that line between being grassroots, of the community, for the

community, and also trying to spread a love and an appreciation for the language and the

culture to New York, which is this very global metropolis, very multicultural city, and really

having Quechua language and culture be a part of that mosaic. For example, I’ll start off

with how I got involved. I’m obviously not Andean. I don’t have Indigenous heritage,

although I feel very connected and a very strong attachment to the culture and I’m a great

advocate for the culture. My background is Jewish-American background, European

before. My family came after the Second World War to New York. So, I don’t have a direct

cultural link, like a blood connection to the Andes. Other than me, all of the members of

Inkarayku do. They all have parents that are from Ecuador and Peru, but they also, like me,

were all born in New York.

What is evident here is that a small number of grassroots organisations are promoting Quechua through activities and avenues, including carnivals and cultural celebrations, film festivals, radio programs, and social media initiatives. These communities are fairly small and seem to be driven largely under the initiative of one or two key members. This means that external factors can affect the continuation of such activities and avenues in that if key members leave or funding is removed, the organisation may no longer be able to be viable, as was seen with Noqanchis magazine. 161

4.4.3 Conclusions The New York case study provided me with a final piece in this investigation. While it is not an exhaustive exploration of Quechua communities around the globe, my experiences across all these regions provide insights into some commonalities across the relevant communities. Firstly, the desire to learn the language at NYU and at other universities was largely for professional purposes. Secondly, some individuals want to connect to the language in order to better understand their ancestry and cultural heritage. New York also provided evidence that grassroots community organisations had access to funding and/or resources to be able to operate. This was different from many of the other study locations where access to funding was always difficult. My final entry in my research diary (see Appendix 6) sums up my experiences in New York:

I packed and I called people to say goodbye and thanked the people who had helped me. I had mixed feelings about my research in New York, but overall it was very interesting. I’m glad to be going back home.

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Chapter 5. Conclusions

This thesis has made a contribution to the field of advocacy filmmaking for the purpose of language revitalisation. Fishman (1991; 1989) suggests that intergenerational transmission is the most important determinant in language maintenance and language shift, and it was to the intergenerational nexus that the film was targeted.

5.1 Summary of research findings

The main findings that came from this study in response to the research questions are:

1. How are language revitalisation projects contributing to Indigenous identity and heritage?

Language revitalisation projects are making localised progress in promoting the language and building a positive Indigenous identity. It was apparent that participants in the study were motivated both intrinsically and extrinsically to engage with Quechua. The intrinsic motivation seemed to come from a feeling of intimacy with Quechua. This could be from a desire to build links to family members, personal identity issues or from an interest in the language and culture of South America. This is reflected in ways in the seminal writings of Tomaselli and Shepperson

(1997) and Russell (1999), which suggest that film is valuable as it enables people to show how their lives are represented; hence, film is deeply personal. The extrinsic motivation came from the professional value of being able to speak Quechua. For example, medical professionals could interact with clients and academics could conduct research. Hence, language revitalisation projects seemed to gain success where they resonated with an individual’s perceived value of learning the language.

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2. How are strategies that promote the revitalisation of Quechua language and culture both

in local and external contexts contributing to the revitalisation of the language in a

globalised world?

The strategies, such as magazines, radio, music, cultural nights and formal instruction, provide insights into how languages can be revitalised. This finding is linked to Coronel-Molina’s (2013) argument that traditional mass media, which incorporates print media and social media, greatly expand access to information and other forms of discourse in Quechua both on local and global platforms. The strategies that have been put forward need to be considered in the context of the language community and the history of the endangered language. For instance, Quechua and

Mãori have different historical experiences and this has had an effect upon the success of the revitalisation strategies with Mãori being far more successful than Quechua. However, the language speaking population of Quechua is greater than Mãori. Hence, the actual number of speakers is not always an indicator of successful revitalisation. The strength of the Mãori revitalisation seemed to come from a community and national perceived value of the language.

Also, New Zealand has a small population with a fairly stable economy and social situation, which means that something like a language can be considered as important. Authors such as O Laoire

(2008) support this premise and add that the use of widely accessible technology, such as television, help the language to gain footing as the platform is familiar and comfortable to both the endangered and dominant language speakers. This is also supported by Tsunoda (2005), who contends that it is the integrative function that plays an essential role in maintaining language identity.

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In a place such as Peru, with a larger population and a more diverse range of needs, language is not seen as crucial in comparison to access to education, political stability and social welfare. This indicates that the success of a strategy is also largely tied to the political and social stability of the country. This is echoed in the findings of Coulmas (2005), who puts forward that the dominance of languages such as English and Spanish is secured by their indispensability for the political economy; hence, dominant languages expand at the expense of smaller ones. Romaine’s (2002) arguments add further validity to the findings as she contends that evaluation of the potential and actual impact of language policy on endangered languages is complicated by a lack of casual connections between types of policy and language maintenance and shift, as well as policy and planning. This indicates that there is no single set of strategies that will work across all languages, so it is proposed that each language revitalisation effort needs to be considered in the context of the language and the historical, social and environmental impacts.

3. What tools and technologies contribute to the revitalisation of Indigenous languages and

culture, and how are these tools useful for ensuring that language revitalisation

movements can grow and survive?

From the case studies, the tools and technologies that seemed to support language revitalisation included existing or readily accessible technologies, such as print media and radio. Live performances and cultural days also held appeal. This finding is supported by Slomanson (2012), who argues that it is important not to underestimate the power of modern popular culture. Social media, such as Facebook and Instagram, were not seen as vehicles of language revitalisation as accessibility in the language speaking community was an issue. That is, not all members of the community could access mobile devices, so using accessible technologies, such as radio, seemed 165

to yield better uptake. Grassroots initiatives seemed to hold appeal as they were working in the community with the community. The main weakness with this approach is that the revitalisation strategy was often the result of an individual or small group of people that were working with limited resources. Hence, the strategies were largely driven by individual passion or initiatives.

This was best demonstrated with Noqanchis magazine as, once the funding ceased, the magazine could no longer be published even if it was perceived positively and can be viewed as a successful strategy. This finding resonates with Maher’s (2005) discussion of ‘cool’ in that Quechua was being presented as being attractive, wealthy and modern; however, ‘cool’ is a transient concept that is both dynamic and fluid and is influenced by current trends.

In regard to the methodology of using film to document the story of Quechua, this has been relatively successful and accessible across the study. That is, participants and the general viewing audience responded positively to the story of the Quechua language as documented in the film.

The use of film as a vehicle to promote was advocated in the extant literature by academics, such as Coronel-Molina (2013), Tomaselli and Shepperson (1997), Harper (1998), and Nichols (2001).

These authors, while providing a range of perspectives, all support the use of mass media in language revitalisation, as Nichols (2001) maintained that the qualities of a film may have appeal to the viewer as they present representations of the historical world and social contexts from specific perspectives that are both contingent and committed.

The following sections present the findings of the study and recommendations.

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Print media (Cusco) Print media in the target language was seen as an accessible and positive strategy that appealed to all members of the local community. This was largely evident in Noqanchis, a glossy print magazine that was deemed to be ‘cool’, most importantly by younger people. The main limitation with this strategy was the cost of producing the magazine as it was free, which meant the production had to be funded.

Radio Radio seemed to work as a community building strategy as the programs had a greater reach and dealt with stories and events that resonated with the language community. It is also fairly low cost and is sustainable to run.

Public community social meetings Events such as community nights, carnivals and public events were effective in raising awareness and in building a local Quechua community. These events provide a social setting for language revitalisation and help to build a network of speakers and social connections. Hence, these events work at a grassroots level to build a community.

Religious ceremonies/cultural events Ceremonies celebrating traditional Indigenous customs in Peru were also seen as having some value. The ceremonies held appeal either as a novelty for people to see traditional celebrations or as a means of observing offering ceremonies.

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Academic and formal language study Formal study of the language both in Peru and internationally demonstrates individual commitment to the language. This was driven by two factors: a perceived need

(employment/financial/opportunities) and a perceived want (cool/family/social/media). They may not be mutually exclusive; that is, the need and the want may be driven by similar factors.

Perceived external value While this is not a strategy as such, it was evident that positive international perspectives of the language had a positive impact in Peru. Strategies in the language community will be different from those external to the community, largely because access to the target language is restricted in locations such as Paris and New York. However, these locations promote the value of the language more than in the local community where there is often a precedence of prejudice and/or disempowerment of the Indigenous language community. Hence, it may be worthwhile investigating a crossing or transferring of the perceived value from the external to the internal to complement the local strategies. That is, if Quechua is seen as a good thing internationally, this may have a positive impact upon local language revitalisation efforts.

Documentary The documentary as a method of dissemination can be seen as crossing these barriers, as they are accessible both to the language speakers within and external to the main language identity.

Audio-visual data can provide a strong source of data in a study of cultural phenomenon, such as language use, as written words may simply be inadequate by themselves. It has been an ongoing process for me, learning about how film can be a powerful tool to create a sense of connection between people; that is, the positive feedback from the film can be used to show the value of the

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language in the target community. This is because it will always be difficult to revitalise and maintain the language in an external or foreign context as the pool of speakers is too small to sustain the language and culture. I hope that my documentary will enable Peruvians, both Spanish and Quechua speakers, to watch on the big screen how much communities in major cities of the world, such as Paris and New York, appreciate and promote the Quechua language and culture.

The message may in some small way enhance the prestige of Quechua in their eyes and increase their interest in their own language and culture.

Overall, at the conclusion of this study, I feel a deep appreciation for all of the people that have invested part of their lives in attempting to revitalise Indigenous languages so that we, as a global community, may all have access to a rich world of language and culture. The value of a language is seen in the stories and music and the connections to the past. While revitalisation of a language may seem like a fairly fruitless endeavour, the people that have shared and contributed to this research study have shown that the true value of the language is in the community that it builds.

5.2 Limitations

The limitations of the study are mainly based on the perceptions of the researcher. I fully acknowledge that as I am Peruvian and my family spoke Quechua, I have both a historical and emotional connection with the language. In order to try to mitigate some of the personal biases that I may have brought to the study, I submitted sections of the thesis for peer review at conferences to obtain feedback from external reviewers. I did this to try to build validity into the results.

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A second limitation is that, as a solo researcher, accessing language communities was constrained by both budget and time. In this sense, the results of the case studies are exactly that – they are results of the three case studies. It is hoped that in some small way, they contribute to the field of language revitalisation. It was apparent as the study progressed that the longevity of any of the grassroots strategies was often tied to individuals, and when those individuals lost access to funding or moved on then the initiative failed. In an ideal situation, funding would be limitless and political and social prestige would be placed on Quechua. However, it is accepted that the reality of governments and societies means that language revitalisation may not be at the forefront of a community’s needs.

Hence, the limitations of this study are that as an individual researching Quechua language revitalisation, I was constrained by what I could achieve in the course of a doctoral thesis.

5.3 Future research directions

It is hoped that this research study will form the basis for more extensive investigations into

Quechua language revitalisation. It would be useful to make another documentary that can be used as a tool to record the history, language and music of Quechua in South America.

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Appendices

Appendix 1: Consent form and participant information slip (English)

School of International Studies, Faculty of Education and Social Work

Approval No (when available)

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT AND CONSENT FORM

Participant selection and purpose of study Gabina Funegra, School of International Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of New South Wales, Australia, is conducting a study on the use of Quechua. Gabina is a lecturer and researcher at the University. You (i.e. the research participant) are invited to participate in a study of the use and social views of Quechua. I (i.e. the investigator) hopes to learn about the approaches to revitalizing the Quechua language that take into account the motivations of promoters, teachers, learners and speakers of Quechua. I am also investigating strategies to revitalize Quechua, these strategies include the use of print media, technologies and education.

You are selected as a participant because as a Quechua speaker and/or learner you may have an understanding of the language and associated culture and identity. You may also have experiences and sentiments (feelings) that contribute to the understanding of the values and meanings attached to re-appropriation of Indigenous languages.

Description of study and risks If you decide to participate, I will conduct an interview that will be recorded by audio and/or video. The purpose of the interviews is to develop an understanding of the current status of the language. There are two main aims of the interviews. Firstly, to develop a set of strategies to help support the use of Quechua, and, secondly, to develop a documentary that promotes the language and culture. During the interview, participants will be asked questions about the use of Quechua, the learning of Quechua, the social views of Quechua, the revival of Quechua and how the language is connected with the identity and culture.

The interview will take approximately one hour. Photographs of the interview may also be taken only with your written consent. The interview will be audio-recorded and/or videoed only with your written consent. The interviews will be conducted at a location where the participant and researcher feel comfortable, such as a café, plaza or library. If the participant does not feel comfortable being photographed and/or audio or video recorded, written notes of the interview will be taken only with your written consent.

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During your interview, you may also be observed whilst speaking Quechua. Your written consent will be obtained before you are observed speaking Quechua. You may be photographed and/or audio and video recorded speaking Quechua. The purpose of the observations is to enable people to see and hear the language being spoken.

There are no potential risks from participating in the study. We cannot and do not guarantee or promise that you will receive any benefits from this study.

Confidentiality and disclosure of information Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission, except as required by law. If you give us your permission by signing this document, we plan to publish the results as a final project report as well as dissemination of the results in academic journals and conferences.

A video documentary will also be produced from the photographs, audio and video recordings of the interviews. In any publication, information will be provided in such a way that you cannot be identified unless prior agreement has been sought.

Complaints may be directed to the Ethics Secretariat, The University of New South Wales, SYDNEY 2052 AUSTRALIA (phone 9385 4234, fax 9385 6648, email [email protected]). Any complaint you make will be investigated promptly and you will be informed out the outcome.

Feedback to participants A summary of research findings will be offered to research participants at the completion of the study. This will be made available via email. The video documentary will be made available to the research participants prior to publication.

Your consent Your decision whether or not to participate will not prejudice your future relations with the University of New South Wales. If you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw your consent and to discontinue participation at any time without prejudice.

If you have any questions, please feel free to ask us. If you have any additional questions later, please contact Ms Gabina Funegra at email [email protected]; telephone + 61 2 9387 8611; or by postal address Room 230, Morven Brown Building, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW, Australia, 2052. Gabina will be happy to answer your questions.

You will be given a copy of this form to keep.

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THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT AND CONSENT FORM (continued) Quechua Language: Documenting Contemporary Revival and Maintenance Strategies

You are making a decision whether or not to participate. Your signature indicates that, having read the information provided above, you have decided to participate.

Please check the following boxes as applicable.

I …………………………………………………… (name) give permission to be:

☐ observed while speaking Quechua ☐ audio recorded ☐ video recorded ☐ photographed ☐ included in the video documentary

I …………………………………………………… (name) would like to receive a copy of the final report.

Please send this to …………………………………………………… (email address)

I …………………………………………………… (name) understand that in giving my consent to be part of the video documentary that I will be identifiable.

I …………………………………………………… (name) would like to receive a copy of video documentary.

Please send this to …………………………………………………… (email address)

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Signature of Research Participant Signature of Witness

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. (Please PRINT name) (Please PRINT name)

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Date Nature of Witness

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THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT AND CONSENT FORM (continued) Quechua Language: Documenting Contemporary Revival and Maintenance Strategies

REVOCATION OF CONSENT

I hereby wish to WITHDRAW my consent to participate in the research proposal described above and understand that such withdrawal WILL NOT jeopardise any treatment or my relationship with The University of New South Wales, (other participating organisation[s] or other professional[s]).

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Signature Date

…………………………………………………… Please PRINT Name

The section for Revocation of Consent should be forwarded to Gabina Funegra, Room 230, Morven Brown Building, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia, 2052.

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Appendix 2: Consent form and participant information slip (Spanish)

Escuela de Estudios Internacionales, Facultad de Educación y Trabajo Social N° de Aprobación (si está disponible)

UNIVERSIDAD DE NEW SOUTH WALES

DECLARACION DE LA INFORMACION DEL PARTICIPANTE Y FORMULARIO DE AUTORIZACION

La Promoción del Quechua en Perú: Una investigación de las estrategias para promover una lengua que está en peligro

Selección del participante y propósito del estudio Usted (participante de la investigación) está invitado a participar en el estudio del uso y la visión social del Quechua. Yo (investigador) espero aprender sobre los enfoques para revitalizar la lengua Quechua que comprendan las motivaciones de los promotores, profesores, estudiantes y quechuahablantes. Asimismo investigaré sobre las estrategias para revitalizar el Quechua, que incluyen el uso de medios impresos, tecnología y educación.

Usted ha sido seleccionado como participante porque, en tanto que quechuahablante y/o estudiante, puede tener un nivel de comprensión de la lengua, cultura e identidad asociadas. Usted, igualmente, puede poseer experiencias y sentimientos que contribuyan a la comprensión de los valores y significados ligados a la reapropiación de las lenguas indígenas.

Descripción del estudio y riesgos Si usted decide participar, tenga en cuenta que las entrevistas serán grabadas en audio o vídeo, además, fotografías de las entrevistas pueden ser tomadas.

Las entrevistas se llevarán a cabo en lugares donde tanto el participante como el investigador se sientan cómodos, ya sea en un café, una plaza o en una biblioteca. Tendrá una duración de aproximadamente una hora. Durante la entrevista, los participantes deberán responder a preguntas sobre el uso del Quechua, las opiniones sociales del Quechua, el resurgimiento del Quechua y cómo la lengua es asociada a la identidad y cultura.

El potencial beneficio que los participantes en este estudio obtienen, es la oportunidad de reflexionar sobre la lengua Quechua y la cultura. Lo cual no representa ningún riesgo para participar en el estudio. No aseguro ni prometo que usted reciba algún beneficio de este estudio. Confidencialidad y divulgación de la información Cualquier información que se obtenga en relación a este estudio, con la que usted pueda identificarse, se mantendrá confidencial y será divulgada solamente bajo su consentimiento, excepto cuando sea requerido por la ley. Si usted da su aprobación al firmar este documento, sepa que planeo publicar los resultados en un informe de proyecto final así como redifundirlos en revistas académicas y conferencias. También será producido un vídeo

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documental. En cualquier tipo de publicación, la información será proporcionada de tal manera que usted no podrá ser identificado, salvo la existencia de un acuerdo previo.

Las quejas o reclamaciones pueden ser dirigidas a la Secretaría de Ética de la Universidad de New South Wales, SYDNEY 2052 AUSTRALIA (teléfono 9385 4234, fax 9385 6648, email [email protected]). Cualquier queja que usted presente será investigada inmediatamente y se le informará del resultado.

Comunicación posterior con los participantes Un resumen de los resultados de la investigación será ofrecido a los participantes de la investigación al finalizar el estudio. Éste se comunicará vía email. El vídeo documental estará disponible para los participantes de la investigación antes de su publicación.

Su autorización Su decisión de participar, sea positiva o negativa, no afectará sus relaciones futuras con la Universidad de New South Wales. Si usted decide participar, sepa que es libre de retractarse y dejar de participar en cualquier momento y sin prejuicios.

Si tiene alguna pregunta, por favor sienta la libertad de hacerla. Si tuviera alguna pregunta adicional más adelante, Gabina Funegra, email [email protected], teléfono + 61 2 9385 2211, estará encantada de responderle.

Se le entregará una copia del presente formulario.

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UNIVERSIDAD DE NEW SOUTH WALES

DECLARACION DE LA INFORMACION DEL PARTICIPANTE Y FORMULARIO DE AUTORIZACION (continuación)

La Promoción del Quechua en Perú: Una investigación de las estrategias para promover una lengua que está en peligro

Usted ha tomado la decisión de participar o no. Su firma indica que, luego de haber leído la información provista anteriormente, usted ha decidido participar.

Por favor marque las siguientes casillas según corresponda. Yo

…………………………………………………… (nombre) autorizo ser:

☐ grabado en audio ☐ filmado ☐ fotografiado ☐ entrevistado pero no grabado (se tomarán apuntes de la entrevista) ☐ incluido en el vídeo documental

A mí, …………………………………………………… (nombre) me gustaría recibir una copia del informe final. Por favor enviarla a …………………………………………………… (dirección email)

A mí, …………………………………………………… (nombre) me gustaría recibir una copia del vídeo documental. Por favor enviarla a …………………………………………………… (dirección email)

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Firma del Participante de la Investigación Firma del Testigo

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. (por favor nombre IMPRESO) (por favor nombre IMPRESO)

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Fecha Naturaleza del Testigo

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UNIVERSIDAD DE NEW SOUTH WALES

DECLARACION DE LA INFORMACION DEL PARTICIPANTE Y FORMULARIO DE AUTORIZACION (continuación)

La Promoción del Quechua en Perú: Una investigación de las estrategias para promover una lengua que está en peligro

REVOCACION DE LA AUTORIZACION

Mediante la presente, deseo RETRACTAR mi autorización para participar en la propuesta de investigación descrita arriba y entiendo que una retractación como esta NO PONE EN PELIGRO cualquier trato o mi relación con la Universidad de New South Wales, (entre otra[s] organizacion[es] u otros profesional[es] participante[s]).

…………………………………………………… .……………………………………………………. Firma Fecha

…………………………………………………… Por favor nombre IMPRESO

La sección de Revocación de la Autorización debe ser reenviada a Gabina Funegra [email protected]

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Appendix 3: Interview schedule (English)

The promotion of Quechua in Peru: An investigation of strategies to promote an endangered language

Sample semi-structured interview questions - Noqanchis magazine (English translation)

Interviewer: Gabina Funegra

Time taken: approximately 1 hour

Materials/resources: audio/visual, recording equipment

Introduction [sample text] Purpose of interview. • Welcome the participant. • Outline the purpose of the interview. The purpose is to gain an understanding of your background and knowledge of Quechua and to gain an overview of the Noqanchis project. • There are three categories of questions: background, project, and Quechua. • You may ask to stop the recording at any time, ask any questions.

Background 1. What is your name and background [work history etc]? 2. Why Quechua [personal, work, why be involved in Quechua]? 3. How did you become involved in the project [left work, student, friends, associations]?

Project 1. Describe the Noqanchis project. 2. What are the objectives of the magazine? 3. How is the magazine financed [project, private, commercial]? 4. What are the long-term prospects of the magazine [continue or not]? 5. How is the magazine distributed [in shops, in cafes]? 6. What sort of advertising do you use [no advertising, radio, TV]? 7. Describe the public reaction [positive, negative, supportive].

Quechua 1. Experiences of learning/speaking Quechua [no experiences, family, school, positive, negative]. 2. Public views of Quechua [positive, negative, changing, historical views versus contemporary views]. 3. Teaching the children in schools, at home. 4. Long term use of the language [will it gain value or not, impact of globalisation on revitalisation]?

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5. How can it be saved [ideas]? 6. Role of younger speakers [how to connect to younger speakers]? 7. Role of technologies [Facebook, Social Media]. 8. Other strategies [ideas]?

Thank participant and debrief on the use of the interview material and where they can access the project reports.

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Sample semi-structured interview questions - Academy of Quechua (English translation)

Interviewer: Gabina Funegra

Time taken: approximately 1 hour

Materials/resources: audio/visual, recording equipment

Introduction [sample text] Purpose of interview. • Welcome the participant. • Outline the purpose of the interview. The purpose is to gain an understanding of your background and knowledge of Quechua and to gain an overview of how you are learning Quechua. • There are three categories of questions: background, the academy, and Quechua. • You may ask to stop the recording at any time, ask any questions.

Background 1. What is your name and background [work history, ancestors, etc.]?

The Academy of Quechua 1. Have you learnt Quechua before attending the Academy [family, school]? 2. How long have you been studying at the Academy? 3. What qualification, if any, will you gain? 4. Why learn Quechua [personal, work, why be involved in Quechua]? 5. How do you learn the language [pedagogy, conversations, reading, etc]? 6. Describe your experiences as a student of Quechua. 7. When do you use Quechua [shopping, with friends, only for study]?

Quechua 2. Experiences of learning/speaking Quechua [no experiences, family, school, positive, negative]. 3. Public views of Quechua [positive, negative, changing, historical views versus contemporary views]. 4. Long term use of the language [will it gain value or not, impact of globalisation on revitalisation]? 5. How can it be saved [ideas]?

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Appendix 4: Interview schedule (Spanish)

La promoción del Quechua en Perú: Una investigación de las estrategias para promover una lengua que está en peligro

Pautas de la entrevista semiestructurada - Revista Noqanchis

Entrevistadora: Gabina Funegra

Tiempo requerido: 1 hora aproximadamente

Materiales/recursos: equipos de grabación audiovisual

Introducción [Texto de ejemplo] Propósito de la entrevista. • Dé la bienvenida al participante. • Describa el propósito de la entrevista. El objetivo es lograr una comprensión de su trayectoria y conocimiento del Quechua, además de obtener una visión general del proyecto Noqanchis. • Existen 3 categorías de preguntas: antecedentes, proyecto y Quechua. • Usted puede pedir que se detenga la grabación en cualquier momento, solicite preguntas.

Antecedentes 4. ¿Cuál es su nombre y trayectoria? [trabajo, historial, etc.] 5. ¿Por qué el Quechua? [algo personal, trabajo, por qué involucrarse con el Quechua] 6. ¿Cómo llegó a implicarse en el proyecto? [dejó el trabajo, por estudiantes, amigos, asociaciones]

Proyecto 8. Describa el proyecto Noqanchis 9. ¿Cuáles son los objetivos de la revista? 10. ¿Cómo se financia la revista? [proyecto, privado, comercial] 11. ¿Cuáles son las perspectivas a largo plazo de la revista? [continuará o no] 12. ¿Cómo se distribuye la revista? [en tiendas, cafés] 13. ¿Qué tipo de publicidad utilizan? [sin publicidad, radio, TV, Internet] 14. Describa la reacción del público [positiva, negativa, de respaldo]?

Quechua 9. Experiencias en el aprendizaje/hablar Quechua [sin experiencias, familia, escuela, positiva, negativa] 10. Opinión pública sobre el Quechua [positiva, negativa, cambiante, visión histórica versus visión contemporánea]

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11. El uso a largo plazo de la lengua [ganará valor o no?, el impacto de la globalización en la revitalización de la lengua] 12. ¿Cómo podemos salvar el Quechua? [ideas] 13. El papel de los jóvenes quechuahablantes [cómo llegar a las jóvenes generaciones] 14. El papel de las tecnologías [Facebook, Redes Sociales] 15. Otras estrategias? [ideas]

Agradezca al participante e infórmele sobre el uso del material de la entrevista, así como en dónde puede acceder a los informes del proyecto.

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Pautas de la entrevista semiestructurada - Academia de Quechua

Entrevistadora: Gabina Funegra

Tiempo requerido: 1 hora aproximadamente

Materiales/recursos: equipos de grabación audiovisual

Introducción [Texto de ejemplo] Propósito de la entrevista. • Dé la bienvenida al participante. • Describa el propósito de la entrevista. El objetivo es lograr una comprensión de su trayectoria y conocimiento del Quechua, además de obtener una visión general de cómo aprende el Quechua. • Existen 3 categorías de preguntas: antecedentes, la Academia y Quechua. Usted puede pedir que se detenga la grabación en cualquier momento, solicite preguntas.

Antecedentes 1. ¿Cuál es su nombre y trayectoria [trabajo, historial, etc.]?

La Academia de Quechua 8. ¿Aprendió usted el Quechua antes de asistir a la Academia [familia, escuela]? 9. ¿Hace cuánto que está estudiando en la Academia? 10. ¿Qué calificación tendría (si la hubiera)? 11. ¿Por qué aprender Quechua? [personal, trabajo, por qué involucrarse con el Quechua] 12. ¿Cómo aprende el idioma [pedagogía, conversaciones, leyendo, etc.]? 13. Describa sus experiencias como estudiante de Quechua. 14. ¿Cuándo utiliza el Quechua [cuando va de compras, con amigos, sólo para el estudio] ?

Quechua 9. Experiencias en el aprendizaje/hablar Quechua [sin experiencias, familia, escuela, positiva, negativa].

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10. Opinión pública sobre el Quechua [positiva, negativa, cambiante, visión histórica versus visión contemporánea] 11. El uso a largo plazo de la lengua [ganará valor o no?, el impacto de la globalización en la revitalización de la lengua]. 12. ¿Cómo podemos salvar el Quechua [ideas]? 13. El papel de los jóvenes quechuahablantes [cómo llegar a las jóvenes generaciones]? 14. El papel de las tecnologías [Facebook, Redes Sociales]. 15. Otras estrategias [ideas]?

Agradezca al participante e infórmele sobre el uso del material de la entrevista, así como en dónde puede acceder a los informes del proyecto.

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Appendix 5: Interviews and transcriptions (samples) Transcribed interview 1 Cusco

Interviewee: Janet

Interview setting: Centro Guaman Poma de Ayala building.

Date: 09/06/13

Document: Janet, Quechua editor for magazine ‘Noqanchis’.

Language: Quechua/ Spanish

1.Na ... kay qilqa ruwanapaqqa yachananchis imaynatas t’ikrananchis.

Para hacer este escrito hay que saber cómo traducir.

2. Wakinqa ninku “manan chay t’ikray huq simimanta huq simiman allinchu” nispa.

Algunos dicen: “esta traducción de una lengua a otra no es buena.”

3. Ichaqa sunquchanta qhawarinapuni, imaynatas t’ikrashanchis.

Pero hay que mirar el interior, el sentido, cómo traducimos.

4. Runasimiqa manan rimayllachu, aswanpas kawsay.

El quechua no es solo hablar, también es vivir.

5. Runasimiq kinrayninpi kashan kawsayninchis.

Nuestra vida [= cultura] está al lado del quechua.

6. Runasimipi rimakun huq runaq kawsayninmanta, qhiswa runaq kawsayninmanta.

En quechua se habla de la vida de la gente, de la vida de los quechuas.

7. Chayqa chay runasimi willakushan llapa imaymana qhiswarunaq rimasqanmanta, yachasqanmanta, kawsayninmanta.

El quechua expresa todas las preocupaciones de los quechuas, su saber y su vida [= su cultura].

8. Chayqa kay runasimi sumaq misk’ipuni, nuqa niyman kay ... khayna qilqakuna lluqsillanqa qhipakunaman; huqkunapas ruwanqaku, manapas Guaman Pomallachu, huqkunapas ruwanqaku chayqa, hunt’anqa qilqakuna runasimipi, ña ñawinchanapaq kanqaña.

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El quechua es hermoso y dulce, yo diría que ... escritos como este saldrán en el futuro; si otros los hacen, no solamente Guaman Poma, si otros los hacen, habrá muchos escritos en quechua, ya habrá para leer.

9. Ayllukunapipas kay llaqtapipas yachachiqkuna ninku: “Nuqa runasimipi yachachisaq chayqa, imatataq ñawinchanqa irqikunari? Mana kanchu imapas ñawinchanapaq”.

En las comunidades y los pueblos, los profesores dicen: “Si yo enseño en quechua, ¿qué van a leer los niños? No hay nada para leer”.

10. Chayqa kaykunaqa ña kashanña ñawinchanankupaq, irqikunaq, sipaskunaq ñawinchananpaq.

Ya existe esto para leer, para que los niños y los jóvenes lean.

11. Manaña paykuna ninkumanñachu “manan kanñachu imapas ñawinchanapaq” riki.

Ya no dirán que no hay nada para leer.

12. Hinallataq ancha allinchá kanman huq qilqakuna lluqsinman yachaykunamanta, ayllukunaq yachayninmanta.

También sería bueno que otros escritos salgan acerca de los saberes, del saber de las comunidades.

13. Kashan chaypi imaynatas chakrata llank’akun, imaynatas ... chay kunan mikhunapaq kashan quncha, chay qunchata imaynatas pallakun, maykunapis chay quncha kan, imakunatas chay qunchawan wayk’ukun.

Ahí hay cómo se trabajan las chacras, cómo ... hay champiñones comestibles, cómo se recogen los champiñones, dónde hay champiñones, qué se cocina con esos champiñones.

14. Hinallataqyá kashan saramanta, imakunatas saramanta ruwakun, pikunas mikhun sarata, hayk’a ... maykunapitaq kan, hayk’a nataq ... hayk’a tinputaq kan chay sarakuna, imakunapaqsi sapanka sarapas allin; chaykunamantapas t’aqwirispahina qilqana kashan, chaykunapas huqkunaman chayananpaq.

También los hay [saberes] sobre el maiz, qué se hace con maiz, quiénes comen maiz, cuánto ... en qué lugares hay, en qué momento crecen las distintas variedades, para qué sirve cada variedad; hay que investigar sobre eso y escribir, para que eso también llegue a otros.

15. Nuqanchispa kawsayninchismanta mana ancha qilqakuna kashanchu, chay qilqakunapas mana yachaywasikunaman chayashanchu, huq hawamanta hamuq yachaykunalla yachaywasiman haykun.

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No hay muchos escritos sobre nuestra cultura y esos escritos no llegan a las escuelas, solo llegan a la escuela saberes que llegan de fuera.

16. Chayqa kaykunatapas nuqayku rakiyku yachaywasikunaman.

Nosotros distribuimos esto en las escuelas [¿los colegios?].

17. Rakimuykun, irqikunapas qhawan, yachachiqkunapas qhawan, tukuy runa qhawan.

Los distribuimos y los chicos los miran, los profesores también los miran y todo el mundo los mira.

18. Chayqa kaykunamantapas yachachikuy lluqsinmanmi.

De estos [escritos] también sale enseñanza [= se utilizan en las clases].

19. Chaykunatapas qhawarishankuñachuhina yachachiqkuna.

Esas cosas [la revista] parece que los profesores ya las están mirando.

[G. F.] Muchas gracias.

20. [H. C.] Aschatawan niymanpaschá imaraykutaq runasiminchis... ima... A! Imaraykutaq kayta ruwanchis. Arí, arí, arí.

Algo más diría, cómo nuestro quechua ... qué ... Ah! ¿Por qué hacemos esto? Sí, sí, sí.

21. Kay Noqanchis qilqata ruwayku llapayku imarayku? Runasimi ... runasiminchis chaninniyuq kananpaq, kallpayuq kallpachakunanpaq, mana hayk’aqpaq chinkananpaq.

Nosotros hacemos este escrito Noqanchis, ¿por qué? Para que el quechua ... nuestro quechua tengo valor, para que se refuerce, para que no desaparezca nunca.

22. Runasimiwan kastillanowan qhawanakuy kan, runasimita qhawarinku “ayllupi runakunallapaqmi chayqa, wakcha runakunallapaqmi, kawsayninku qhipachasqa runakunallapaqmi” nispa.

Hay una comparación entre el quechua y el castellano, consideran que el quechua solo es de la gente de las comunidades, que solo es para la gente pobre, que solo es para la gente atrasada.

23. Ichaqa kastellanota qhawarinku chayqa, “kallpayuq runakunaqmi, llaqtapi kawsaq runakunaqmi”.

En cambio, consideran el castellano como de la gente pudiente, como de la gente que vive en la ciudad.

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24. Hinallataq kastellanomanta ninku, nan ... iman... “qhapaq runakunaqmi, yuyayniyuq runakunan chaytaqa riman” nispa.

También dicen del castellano, este ... qué ..., dicen que es de la gente rica, que lo habla la gente inteligente.

25. Chayqa chaykunata pisiyachisunchis, runasimipas kastellanowan kasqan.

Hagamos disminuir esas cosas [= debemos combatir estos prejuicios], el quechua y el castellano son iguales.

26. Chayraykun kastellanopi ... runasimipi irqikunata yachachinanchis; mamataytakuna yachachinanchis wawanchiskunata hawayninchiskunata, ichaqa ancha munakuywan.

Por eso debemos enseñar a los niños en castellano ... en quechua [se corrige]; los padres debemos enseñarlo a nuestros hijos y nietos, pero con mucho cariño.

27. Runasimiwan munanakuywan kuskalla makimanta nin, makimanta rin.

El quechua y el cariño van de la mano, van de la mano.

Chayqa marq’arinayukuspa ninanchis: 28. rimasunchis runasiminchista chayqa, wawakunapis yachanqaku.

Debemos cogernos de los brazos y decir: si hablamos nuestro quechua, los niños también sabrán.

29. Hinallataq nuqa niyman mamataytakunata, niyman “amaña runasimita chiqnikuchunkuñachu, wakin mamataytakuna hamut’ananku, yuyaychakunanku, ninanku “kay runasimiqa ñawpaq ...”.

También yo diría a los padres, yo les diría que se deje de odiar el quechua, los padres deben reflexionar, deben decir que el quechua es ...

30. Mamataytakuna ninku, kusisqa qhawanku “manan wawayqa runasimiyuqchu, wawayqa kastellanollatan yachan” nispa kusisqa riman.

Los padres dicen, miran contentos: “mi hijo no habla quechua, mi hijo solo sabe castellano” dicen contentos.

31. Chay yuyaykuna t’ikrakapuchun, kunanqa chay wawakuna iskaynin simipi yuyayta hap’ichunku, kastellanopipas runasimipipas.

Esas ideas deben cambiar, ahora los niños deben ser educados en las dos lenguas, en castellano y en quechua.

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32. Chayqa chhaynallan nuqa ... chay wawakunaq yuyaynin aswan hatun kanqa, ñan rikukunña chay.

Solo así yo ... la inteligencia de los niños será mayor, ya se ve eso.

33. Hinallataq nuqa niyman llapan kashan radio, kashan televisión, chaykunapi willakuy kachun, chay hatun kamachikuykuna kan llapan tiqsimuyumanta lluqsiq, kay Peru suyupi lluqsiq kamachikuykuna kan, kay rimaymanta kallpachaq, kawsayninchismanta kallpachaq, kay simi ... chaykunatan lluyman willarinanchis.

También yo diría que hay todo, hay radio, hay televisión, tiene que haber información [en estos medios], hay leyes que salen en todo el mundo, que defienden los idiomas, que defienden nuestra cultura, esta lengua ... hay que hacérselo saber a todos.

34. Manan wakin-wakin runaq munayllanchu kayqa kashan, askha runakunañan kay ñanpi puririshayku.

Esto [= la revaloración del quechua] no es solo la voluntad de unos cuantos, ya muchas personas estamos en este camino.

35. Mat’ishaykuña ... mat’ipashaykuñan chay yachaykunata.

Apoyamos... ya estamos apoyando esos saberes.

36. Chayqa sichus huq yanapakuykuna kanqa, huq yuyaysapa runakuna chayqa, ancha allinmi kanqa nuqaykuq kawsayniyku.

Si hay otras ayudas, si hay otras personas inteligente, será muy buena nuestra cultura.

37. Qhipamanqa wawakunapas machu-payapas kasqanta runasimipi rimayta atisunmanmi.

En el futuro, los niños podrán hablar en quechua igual que los viejos.

38. Nuqa hinallataq niyman ama takikunallatachu, ama willakuykunallatachu runasimipi ruwasunchis, ama ayllu ukhullapichu kachun runasimi; aswan runasimita urqumusunchis hawaman, kay Noqanchistahina llaqtakunapi rakisunchis, llaqtakunapi yachachisunchis.

Yo también diría que no hagamos solamente canciones y cuentos en quechua, que el quechua no esté solamente en la comunidad; más bien, saquémoslo afuera, así como distribuimos Noqanchis en las ciudades, enseñémoslo en las ciudades.

39. Mana hina kaqtinqa chiqapaqchá chinkapusunchis.

So no es así, realmente desapareceremos.

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40. Chayqa yuyayninchispas chinkapunqa, yachayninchispas chinkapunqa, manaña kawsayninchis kasqanñachu kapunqa.

Nuestra manera de pensar desaparecerá, nuestro saber desaparecerá, nuestra cultura cambiará.

41. Chayqa nuqa niyman inkakunaq puriynin ... yupi... yupaynin ... yupin qatiqtaq kanchis chayqa, hina imaynan kashan Machu Pikchu, imaynan kashan Saqsaywamán, chay wasikuna kunankamapas ch’ilay-ch’ilay kashan chay rumimanta tawqasqa, pirqasqa wasikuna kashan, anchhaynata ch’ilayachisunchis runasiminchista.

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Transcribed interview 2 New York

Interviewee: Tom

Interview setting: NYU

Date: 03/02/15

Document: Quechua student at NYU (Intermediate level)

Language: English

Gabina: Have you learned Quechua before attending New York University? Tom: I learned a little Quechua before attending New York University, but not much. I was in Ecuador, and Peru, and Bolivia. So, I learned really simple words. But I was a beginner when I came to the program.

Gabina: How long have you been studying Quechua in New York? Tom: So, now I've been studying Quechua in New York for I think six or seven months. I've been studying essentially for one semester, and now the start of this semester.

Gabina: And what qualifications, if any, would you gain? Tom After this program? After this program, I'll be able to gain hopefully an advanced knowledge of Quechua. That I can go on to use it in my future. And on my resume, I'll be able to say that I'm a Quechua speaker.

Gabina: And why do you learn Quechua? Is it personal, work? Why are you involved in this language? Tom Well, I'm really interested in languages. I've previously learned other languages. But Quechua is a unique language like no other. Its grammar and its words are very different

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from the English language. And for that reason, it had a particular allure for me because of my interest in languages that are different from English.

What’s more, I fell in love with the language after visiting Peru and Ecuador. I saw that people were very proud of their language and they loved speaking it and that they loved when people learned to speak their language. And so, as someone who wants to be a journalist in Latin America, I thought it was important for me to learn another language besides Spanish.

Gabina: How did you learn the language? What was the method they used? Tom: In the department, they use a really communicative method of teaching. Mostly in classes with Professor Frank Gonzalez, we study grammar and we learn the basic building blocks of the language, followed by speaking practice. Also, the department holds weekly conversation classes with one of the Master students, who herself is a native Quechua speaker from Bolivia, Zoe

And those classes were pure conversation. We would sit around and we would just speak for an hour. And from very simple things to very complicated things. And if you don’t know the word in Quechua, you ask in Quechua. If you can’t figure out how to say something in Quechua, you say the word in Spanish and we translate it to Quechua. It’s a very conversational hour and an emphasis is placed on speaking only Quechua in the classroom.

Gabina: Can you describe your experiences as a student of Quechua in New York? Tom Especially in New York, my experience as a Quechua student has been amazing. This is a city where there are lots and lots of native Quechua speakers and a robust Quechua speaking community. So, unlike other cities in the United States, this city actually affords you the chance to speak Quechua with native speakers and to be a part of that broader community. And what you’ve experienced has been wonderful. The program has existed

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now for a while and so, they have sort of figured out the nuts and bolts of the program and the instruction is wonderful.

There’s a big emphasis placed, not only on speaking the language in the classroom, but using it as it is, a living language and becoming involved in the community as a whole.

Gabina: When do you use Quechua? Tom: Well, obviously, I use Quechua in the classroom, but outside of the classroom, I use Quechua with people in the Quechua speaking community in New York City, who come to Quechua Night events that New York University puts on. I spoke a little Quechua the other day in my neighborhood, at a Peruvian restaurant. They were really surprised that I actually spoke some Quechua.

Really, anywhere in New York City where there are Quechua speakers. There’s plenty of neighbourhoods where Peruvians or Bolivians or Ecuadorians live. You’re able to speak Quechua in this city. So, it’s really wonderful.

Gabina: And do you speak Quechua with another people in NY? Tom: Well, some people, sometimes I’ll speak Quechua with the other students in the program and that’s great. Mostly, we speak English, obviously, because it’s our native language that we share. But every once in a while, we’ll speak Quechua with each other because it’s a fun language and we’re all very interested in the language. And you can also use it kind of as a secret language. Not too many people in New York City, outside of the South American community, speak Quechua, and so it’s a great language to use it in secret if you want to talk, I don’t know, about somebody or about something and you don’t want people to understand.

Gabina: What’s your motivation to study Quechua?

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Tom: OK, so, I’m a student of journalism myself, and so I will be doing reporting and storytelling in Latin America, specifically in South America. And I was always interested in doing reporting in the Andes. And I thought that it wouldn’t be possible to do true reporting and to get the stories of Indigenous people on the Andes without making an effort to learn the Quechua language.

So many communities in the Andes prefer Quechua, speak Quechua as a native language and it would seem unfair and presumptuous of me to assume they would speak Spanish with me when I’m going into their communities to speak with them. And so, for that reason, it’s important for me to learn Quechua.

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Transcribed interview 3 New York

Interviewee: Karen

Interview setting: NYU

Date: 29/01/15

Document: Quechua student at NYU (Intermediate level)

Language: English

Yeah, my name is Karen and I’m a third year PhD student here at NYU, in the Ethnomusicology Department, which is under the umbrella of Music. And I’ve been studying Runasimi Quechua for two semesters. This is my third semester. I started with Frank Gonzalez a year ago, so last January.

Gabina: Have you studied Quechua before?

Karen: No, I had never studied Quechua before I started with Frank.

Gabina: Are you an advanced student now?

Karen: I’m starting the intermediate level.

Gabina: What qualifications are you going to get? Is it part of your PhD?

Karen: Yeah. So, as part of the PhD research, we have to do a dissertation project. And one of the areas that had really been calling my attention was the sort of hybrid musical forms that are happening in Peru, where people sing in Quechua, but they’re playing like rock music. And so, the sort of the hybridity of Indigenous culture with imported American culture and like the new kind of Indigenous subjectivities that are coming about in Peru, contemporary Peru. And I thought, well, in order to really study that, I’m going to need to learn this language at least on some level. And so, that’s sort of what brought me to the language. Also because I really like Frank. He’s a great teacher. And he just brings a lot of enthusiasm for the language and the culture and the cosmology and the poetry of it, which is sort of contagious.

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Gabina: Do you have any experience in learning Quechua in New York?

Karen: Well, Deborah and a few others have the sort of Quechua outreach. So, there’ve been some Quechua Nights that I’ve been to where we play games. And then, there’ve been some events at Terraza 7, which is in Queens, where there’s like bands, kind of like ‘wayno’ bands and stuff like that. I mean, I know that there’s like not a huge Quechua speaking population in Peru, but some of it, some - you know, there are people. And so, yeah, a little bit.

Gabina: Do you know any Quechua community in New York?

Karen: Basically, what comes together around the program at NYU is what I’m getting exposed to, outside, I mean in New York, yeah.

Gabina: Do you use Quechua in these meetings and in all these celebrations?

Karen: Yeah, I mean the most practice I get is definitely, so far, in the classroom, but then also doing research, so looking at song lyrics. And also, I just was in Peru for five weeks and we travelled to a city called Huancayo. And around Huancayo, there’s a lot of people who speak Quechua as their first language. And so, I got to practice a little bit just conversing with people. There’re so many variations of accents that it can be a little bit hard at first, but I got to the point where we could have a conversation, so that was cool.

Gabina: Thank you very much.

Karen: Yeah.

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Appendix 6: Research diary

NEW YORK

I arrived in New York City (NYC) on Christmas Day. The ‘Big Apple’ had such a beautiful atmosphere, with all the lights, music, ice-skating, and entertainment at Times Square.

For a week, I walked along the streets of New York looking at the shops, watching bands play, talking to people, finding a place to live in January, finding a phone plan, and getting settled in.

It was cold, but it was bearable with extra clothing!

O5/01/15 New York University visit

I walked to New York University’s (NYU) Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies (CLACS) to visit the office of Frank Gonzalez, the Quechua teacher at NYU. Frank’s office was small and organised. He received me in a friendly and polite way. I was quite emotional to meet someone from my country teaching Quechua in NYC.

Frank is a shy, well-educated person, who is quite passionate in his feelings and opinions on the Quechua culture. I observed this while conversing with Frank and examining his body language.

Frank is also a poet. Having read some of his poems, I felt deeply privileged to be able to talk to him about his motivation to write the poems.

Frank and I had a very warm conversation. We compared the lifestyles between our respective cities of Sydney and New York with that of Peru and spoke generally about our university teaching experiences.

After our meeting, Frank suggested we go for lunch at Queens. Queens is an area that is well-known for its diverse population and, in particular, large number of Latin Americans.

As we were walking along the street, I could hear people speaking Spanish. I also observed that many of the shops had announcements in Spanish and sold products from South America. As I had not lived in Peru for a long time, I felt like I was in a country other than the United States. I found it very interesting to see how people segregated themselves and kept their own customs, rather than integrating into the ‘local community’.

Frank was very comfortable in navigating his way through Queens. He knew where to find good Peruvian food and good Peruvian products for cooking with.

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I could see the possibility of finding Quechua speakers in this area. Apparently, the majority of people coming from South America are from the highlands, where they did not have great opportunities available to them. These Quechua people shared the dream that life in United States would be better for them. Consequently, there is a Quechua community in this area. I was very excited at the prospect of getting to know them.

After leaving the Peruvian restaurant, we went to a few places including the bank, travel agency and the delicatessen. All the staff and customers were speaking Spanish. Frank was very familiar with Queens. I arranged an interview with Frank for 8th January at his office.

08/01/15 Frank’s interview

Interviewing Frank was interesting because he spoke about the Quechua language in the context of a globalized world. The interview lasted longer than I had planned; I found Frank was deeply passionate and would deviate from the question into other issues. Because Frank’s insight was very interesting, I did not interrupt him.

He read a couple of poems. We talked about his poetry as well as his motivation and inspiration. However, I was sad to find out that he doesn’t use his poetry for his teaching. Knowing that poetry is one of the best tools to teach Quechua, I was slightly disappointed.

Next, we went to the main office to meet Jill Lane, the Head of School. We arranged my presentation. I was quite pleased to be the star in the first ‘Quechua Night’ of 2015. We settled the day for 30th January.

The Quechua Conversation Night is a monthly gathering focused on the exploration and celebration of Quechua languages and cultures of South America. Their goal is to provide a space for communication between Quechua language learners and Quechua speakers.

Frank introduced me to James, a Quechua student at NYU, who was born in New York from Ecuadorian parents, and was learning the language of his grandparents. James’s parents did not speak Quechua to him. It was very moving to know that he wanted to learn the language of his ancestors in order to be able to speak with his grandparents when he returns to Ecuador.

James is a MA student at CLACS, NYU. He belongs to The Indigenous and Diasporic Language Consortium Associate, NYU. He is also the President of ROC (Runa Simi Outreach Committee), NYU. He is a member of New York Quechua initiatives.

We tried to interview James at Washington Square that afternoon, but it was snowing heavily and was very windy and cold. Due to the harsh conditions, many people finished work early that afternoon and a few places were even closed the next day.

As I mentioned above, James is involved in many Quechua activities, but one of his main interests is the radio. He is Co-Founder/Co-Producer/Co-Host of Kichwa Hatari, a Quechua

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program transmitted every Friday from 6 to 8 pm on the radio station ‘El Tambo Stereo’ in the Bronx. He invited us to be guests for the program.

09/01/15 Radio ‘El Tambo Stereo’ Kichwa Hatary (First Kichwa Language broadcast in NY)

Today, James picked us up and we caught the train to ‘The Bronx’ in order to get to ‘Radio El Tambo Stereo’. I had never been to ‘The Bronx’ before.

As the train left Manhattan, I noticed a change in the demographic of people commuting. The train station in which we took the second train was dirtier, colder and noisier than in Manhattan. On the second train there were mainly working class people, the majority of whom looked worn out and tired. Most of the passengers were of African American descent, over-weight and with a distinctive accent.

We got off and walked a few blocks before we arrived at the radio station. I was glad James had taken us; we would never have found it by ourselves.

However, when we arrived at the radio station office it was well equipped and colourfully decorated with an inviting atmosphere. The warmth of the radio staff and the happy atmosphere enveloped me.

Paul, from Ecuador, is the main announcer and directs the program. He loves his job and refers to the radio as his fourth child, and therefore he puts a lot of time and effort into the station. James and Fabian are co-founders of the program. Jenny is Paul’s daughter. She helps by involving young people.

The Kichwa Hatary program opened with Andean music, which made me feel very emotional and nostalgic. The program is mainly in Kichwa, which is a variation of the Quechua language spoken mainly in Ecuador. Paul started the program by greeting the audience and talking about the radio; then he introduced James, Fabian and Jenny as part of the team. Everything was in the Kichwa language.

The three of them were actually quite relaxed, comfortable, and happy to be there. The

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sound of their voices and the smiles on their faces gave the program a tone of a friendly conversation, animated with the mixture of jokes, information and language learning. I thought it was a clever approach.

Michael also greeted the rest of the crew, and Paul announced that Jenny would be helping with the social network and also she would take the Quechua classes as a student with Michael as a teacher.

The program continued in Kichwa. At times, Paul would speak in Spanish as well.

During the radio segment, Michael gave a lecture in Spanish about the political situation in Ecuador, and talked to the audience about ways he saw the situation could be improved.

Next, the Quechua lesson started. Michael started by asking general questions to Jenny in Quechua. She responded quite naturally. Then, Michael explained to the audience how easy it could be teaching their children, that is, starting with simple sentences, and then building dialogues.

Michael introduced the pronouns and some verbs, such as ‘to be, to live, to talk’, demonstrating the conjugation of the verbs and building a dialogue. The class included grammar and conversation. I actually learned a few words and some grammar in those 15 minutes.

Then they had a call from Ecuador about a protest. Paul transmitted this to the audience.

Following that, my interview started. It seemed that Paul and James had not prepared any questions for me (I noticed that James had to whisper my name to Paul).

The interview was done in Spanish given that I do not speak Quechua. However, I had a feeling that they were expecting me to speak Quechua.

The interview was conducted in a very natural and spontaneous way. It felt like a nice conversation between friends.

I talked about my background and the documentary ‘The Fading Inca Language’ that was part of my Master, done in Huallanca, the town where my mother was born, 3,600 metres above sea level in the Peruvian Andes.

We announced the showing of my documentary at CLACS in NYU on 30th January. Paul invited the audience of the radio and especially the Quechua community to come and enjoy the first ‘Quechua Night’ of the year.

James asked me about my position at UNSW and my PhD research.

I told them I was looking at the different strategies that promote the Quechua language and culture around the world. I will choose the most effective ones and come up with my own strategy and in that way try to help the preservation not only of the Quechua language, but

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of all the endangered Indigenous languages. I told them that the Quechua radio program was one of the best strategies I had seen so far in NY.

Paul asked me if I was interested in the life of a Quechua speaker in NY, to which I said yes. Through James, I learned about those people in New York who do not speak English or Spanish, only Quechua, and we arranged to see them the following week. I was thrilled about it. I also mentioned that if I ever came back to New York, it would be in autumn or spring. They smiled.

I told them that I had found my experiences of Quechua activities in New York extremely interesting and valuable for my research.

Paul asked me what the first thing was I remembered when I went back to Peru. I explained to him that I always felt discriminated against in Peru, for the way I looked, with my Inca features, or perhaps because my parents came from the Andes.

As I have lived in Australia for several years and people have appreciated my background, whenever I return to Peru I always feel more confident and proud of my culture, as well as feeling a stronger connection to it than I previously experienced.

Paul commented as well that when we are far away we appreciate our culture more. In response, I told Paul that I am fortunate to have the opportunity to conduct research in Peru to investigate the best strategies to preserve the Quechua language and culture, while still living in Australia.

Michael, co-founder of the program, commented on the migratory process that Indigenous people suffer from around the world, where they face having to leave their cultures and countries to avoid discrimination and racism. He asked how in these circumstances we could make them proud of their language and culture.

I answered that discrimination and racism will always exist. So, through my research, I am hoping to achieve two things:

a. Showcase the appreciation and interest for the Quechua language and culture from around the world, and; b. Formulate strategies to rehabilitate the language in global cities.

Perhaps the audience can reflect on my documentaries and be proud of their heritage as part of an identity to be passed on to future generations.

They were very deep questions. I felt slightly intimidated as Michael has suffered from such issues in New York and is seeing other people suffering now as well.

I was then asked what I am doing in New York. I told them I was looking for strategies that different institutions use to revitalize the Quechua language. I reiterated that the Quechua radio program was one the best strategies I have seen so far in New York to encourage people to speak the language and eventually

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they will be proud of it.

Michael was very interested in my research; he thought that I was about to finish my degree and asked me how I could give something back to the community with my research and how I could help the Quechua people who live in poverty in New York.

It was a very difficult question for me to answer as my research was just starting to take form. I told him that the discrimination still exists, but something is changing slowly. There is a spike now for the value of our culture. I told him about the magazine ‘Noqanchis’ and “The Quechua Hour” in Cuzco.

He insisted that Indigenous people were still badly discriminated against everywhere.

As I mentioned before, it seems that the majority of Quechua people live primarily in the poorer areas of New York without legal papers. This means that they must deal with limitations on opportunities and have to work long hours, always in manual jobs. It is nearly impossible for them acquire work visas or citizenship.

After the radio program ended, Paul talked about the emigration of Latin American people to New York. I felt very sad to hear his stories of people suffering so much to cross the border only to find themselves living a life of poverty in New York.

I requested to interview Paul in the near future. He accepted.

I was feeling very sentimental by the end of the night. The stories were sad and I felt that I couldn’t help. We finished very late. It was very cold outside and it took a long time to get home. I was still thinking about the process of this migration with the separation of family members like parents and children, sisters and brothers. Some of them commit suicide and there are often also deaths during the process of migration as sometimes it can take 2 to 4 years. Paul’s daughter migrated in that manner and it took her 2 years, and she was only 16 years old at the time.

12/01/15

I went to CLACS to confirm the day and the place of my presentation on 30th January. The place was the main theatre in Washington Square. I was very happy as it was going to be presented as part of the ‘Quechua Night’, one of the most important activities for the Quechua rehabilitation in NYU.

13/01/15

We went to CLACS to confirm the details and location of my presentation.

The Quechua classes at NYU were going to start in a couple of weeks, so I decided to go to Peru for 9 days to visit the Quechua School in Lima ‘ Yachay Wasi’.

I was interested in interviewing Daniel one of the icons of the Quechua language, who at 92

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years old still teaches at the school.

In November 2005, thanks to his work, the Quechua translation of the Spanish classic novel "Don Quixote" with the name: ‘Yachay sapa Wiraqucha dun Qvixote Manchamantan’ was finally published.

In 2008 his coursework in Quechua was translated into Russian by A. Skromnitsky.

15/01/15

We arrived in Lima, Peru. We are staying at my niece’s place. It was nice to have some luxuries and warm weather after the poky accommodation and cold weather of New York.

16/01/15

Arranged the interview with Daniel for Tuesday 20th of January at 10 am.

17/01/15

I prepared the questions for the interview with Daniel

We went away to a beach called: ‘Punta Hermosa’ en Lima. My niece lives in a rich area, with a porter, servants, nanny, gardener etc. I could see the inequality in society in Lima. It is not new for me, but this time it shocked me as to how bad things are getting. The discrimination towards the Indigenous people is very strong and the majority of them work as servants in Lima.

In the case of my niece, she has a nanny for her child. The nanny has a one-year-old daughter. She leaves her baby at home as she has to stay at my niece’s place looking after my niece’s son.

We went to a beach house for the weekend and my niece was angry because she could only take one servant instead of two. The servant with the daughter refused to come as she wanted to be with her daughter during the weekend.

Nobody in my family had any interest in my research as they did not want to be associated with an Indigenous background. They were in disbelief when I told them I was presenting my documentary in New York. Everyday I observed the discrimination wherever I went, such as at the bank, at the shops, at yoga and at the beach.

It made sad to think that the discriminatory mentality in Lima had not changed over the years, and it will be very difficult to challenge their mindsets through my research. I am trying to make them understand that we have an incredible culture, and that we should be proud of it and pass it down to our children.

My niece married a Spaniard, so she is satisfied and proud that her son appears white.

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Unfortunately, this is the way in which Peruvian society functions.

20/01/15

I went to the school of Quechua in Lima to interview Daniel.

21/01/15

I went to visit one of my high school friends, who I have missed greatly while living in Australia. Hercilia has her own company and has a very good position.

22/01/15

I talked to an old friend of mine, César, who actually lives in Paris. César is a musician. It was a coincidence that we were both in Lima. We arranged to meet the next day as César is writing the music for my film. He is a Quechua speaker.

23/01/15

We went out for lunch with my brother and the family. The Peruvian food was superb. It is one of the things I have missed a lot, living in Australia. I had to change my meeting with César to Saturday.

24/01/15

Julian and I went to César’s place which was very close to where I used to live. I felt nostalgic seeing my old neighborhood; I remembered all the happy times I experienced there when my parents were alive. I showed César parts of the footage from Paris, Cusco and New York. He was very impressed an enthusiastic. Then, we discussed making the music for the film and especially the song he was composing in Quechua for the movie.

My school friends gave me a surprise and arranged a lunch for our farewell. At the same time, my niece also decided to surprise us with a farewell lunch, which I managed to attend as well.

Overall, my stay in Lima was too short. This entire visit left me with contradicting feelings and has made me feel a bit melancholic.

We left Lima at midnight and got back to New York on Sunday around midday.

25/01/15

I managed to get a better place to stay in New York this time. The place was more spacious and comfortable but we had to take the train to go to NYU. The weather was even worse, snowing with heavy wind and rain, minus 10 degrees. I had never experienced this kind of weather in my life.

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26/01/15

We went to CLACS to have a meeting with Frank the Quechua teacher and Omar the administrator for NYU for the ‘Quechua Night’ event. We made the poster, the program for the night and looked at the room where the presentation was going to be, to make sure that Julian could film it.

27/01/15

Julian and I went back to CLACS to finish organizing the presentation. We finished designing the poster and the program for the event as there were some changes to do.

28/01/15

I observed the meeting of (ROC) the students of NYU who organized the Quechua Night. James introduced me to them, and then explained to the other members what was happening that night. They distributed the work between them, as James and other components of the group were not able to be there that night. They had obligations related to other Quechua activities.

I observed great communication, coordination and cooperation between them. It seems that they are well organized. NYU as an institution supports all these activities, which is extremely helpful for the students.

29/01/15

I started the observation of the Quechua classes at NYU with Frank. First I went to his office and then we went to his class. The class was in a different building. The cold weather started getting into my bones. Apparently it was the worst winter they had had in the last 50 years.

The classroom was large, modern and well equipped. Between 9:00 am and 10.30 am, Frank taught the ‘Quechua I class or Introduction to Quechua’. I was surprised that he only had 3 students in this class. But he still has 3 groups: Beginners I, Beginners 2 and Advanced. They were all small classes. Nevertheless, he was well prepared and enthusiastic.

The classes were given in Spanish. I observed that his students were fluent in Spanish. He explained to me that he uses Spanish when the word in Quechua doesn’t exist.

Next, I observed the second class between 10.30 am to 12:00 pm- ‘Quechua’. He also had only 3 students. He used more Quechua in this class. I found it admirable how fast the students learned.

He talked about numbers and quantities in Quechua, time and space; very interesting, as he was teaching the part of the culture that is linked with the language.

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We went for lunch. Then we came back for the advanced class between 2:00 pm to 3.30 pm. The whole class was given in Quechua. Frank asked each student how their holidays had been.

Frank knew the Quechua language very well, he believed in the language and enjoyed teaching it. There was a lot of interaction between the students. Frank corrected some sentences when the students were describing their holidays.

As the students were fluent, Frank made jokes and was quite enthusiastic with the class. The students participated without any pressure. They used a course book made by Frank .

Now and then I heard words that my parents used to say in everyday life that I always thought were Spanish words. For example, ‘me ampayaste’ Reminded me of when was a child playing a game of ‘hide and seek’ with my brothers and sisters.

The classroom itself was large, comfortable and clean and with all the necessary facilities. This class had 5 students. Frank followed the book which I found to be a bit slow, but he observed the pronunciation of each student as they did it individually.

Afterwards, it started snowing heavily, and I was lucky to get two students to be interviewed at Washington Square. They announced that nothing would be open the next day because of the weather.

The two students gave me the reasons why they were studying Quechua. One of them was doing a PhD in Music and the other one was raised in Peru and was completing a MA degree and studying Quechua.

As it was very cold, the students wanted to leave. In the process of filming we lost some of the footage from Frank. It was a shame as it was a very valuable footage.

30/01/15 Presentation at ‘Quecha Night’

We arrived early, at approximately 3 o’clock to make sure everything was prepared. I rehearsed my speech. I was rather nervous as I could see a lot of people were coming but at the same time this made me happy.

I was very happy to be the star of the ‘Quechua Night’ of the year. They opened the night with a Quechua activity making the audience speak simple phrases in Quechua, which I found to be a really great warm up and icebreaker activity. Then, I presented the films. People really enjoyed it.

The Q&A segment was very interesting.

The multimedia journalist Erica Robinson interviewed me. She works for ‘Press Pass Latino’

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Media/News/Publishing.

I was satisfied with the way the night went and happy that a lot of people turned up. I enjoyed it greatly.

31/01/15

I sorted out and classified all the photos from the ‘Quechua Night’ to put them in the diary.

01/02/15

I went to the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) with Zoe, a student from NYU. I was going to interview her at MoMA Museum to make it more interesting, but we found the place extremely noisy. We stayed at the museum for more than 4 hours, until they closed, as there was so much to see and admire.

02/02/15

I observed the Quechua classes. As I had lost the footage for Quechua I, I wanted to record the class again, but of course it wasn’t the same. The class started with: What’s your name?, and other activities such as pronunciation. He talked about how the people of the Andes adore the ‘llamas’ and they treat the ‘llama’ like a lady.

03/02/15

I kept observing the classes and interviewing students.

I found that to film the interviews was a bit difficult as being in NYC I wanted to be outside showing different sides of New York, but because of the weather people wanted to be inside or in their offices. However, everything turned out fine. Frank and some of his students were still happy to be interviewed.

On the other hand, I found that the Head of the School and the members of Quechua initiatives were quite reserved when I asked them if they would like to participate in an interview.

They made me feel like an intruder or a reporter. They wanted to know why I was filming, what I was going to do with the film, where I was going to show it.

So, I decided to interview only the people who wanted to be interviewed and slowly more people wanted to cooperate.

I started noticing this when I went to the party for ‘Quechua Initiatives’.

04/02/15 Party ‘Quechua Initiatives’

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‘Quechua Initiatives’ is a small organisation that promotes the Quechua language in New York. One of the achievements was making a movie about the preservation of the language in New York. It is called: ‘Living Quechua’.

I met Christie, the director, who told me that she was inspired by my movie: ‘The Fading Inca Language’. She was also proud of her movie and the amount of people she got together for the function. They were all collaborating. The audience also enjoyed wonderful Andean music and dance. The director was very busy, so I decided to interview her on another occasion.

I also met Ann a New York student of Quechua and a singer for the band ‘Incaraimy’ which was playing that night. We decided to interview her later as well. She seems like a very interesting person.

The trailer of the movie was presented which I wasn’t very impressed by as I wanted to see the whole film. Then, there were some speeches and prizes were given. People danced ‘huayno’ (Peruvian typical music). Overall, it was a good night.

I also met a schoolteacher who was planning to screen the movie ‘Living Quechua’ at her school, but she couldn’t invite me as it was private.

06/01/15 Radio El Tambo Stereo

This was the second time I was interviewed at ‘Radio El Tambo Stereo’ at the Quechua program: ‘Quechua Hatary’. This time I wanted to interview Paul, the founder of the program.

Paul was very presentable and a bit nervous. He talked about the beginning of the radio program, the successful welcome in New York and his enthusiastic international plans for the future.

Then, I was interviewed. This time we were more familiar with the theme. We commented how successful the Quechua Night had been. I told them about my plans for the future. I will be presenting at Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Boston, Georgia and Indiana Universities. They were very impressed. Paul asked me if I wanted to meet someone from the Quechua community. I said that it would be a pleasure, so he was going to arrange something.

Julian, my research assistant, was also interviewed.

07/02/15

Visiting Brooklyn.

08/02/15

Shopping for warmer clothing and special shoes to walk on the snow and ice as my feet

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were getting very sore.

09/02/15: Rowan University presentation.

We woke up very early in the morning as we had to be at Penn station at 9 a.m. to take the train to Pennsylvania. It was the biggest station I had ever seen in my life. The train was comfortable and I prepared my speech on the way.

We managed to get there on time. Vicky was waiting for us, picked us up and took us to New Jersey, took us for lunch and then we went to the place where the presentation was going to be held. It was a very big theatre.

The presentation at Rowan University went well; there were a lot of questions from the very enthusiastic students. Then, we went to Vicky’s office and I interviewed her. It was very good as she teaches a Quechua program at her university.

Then she took us to Pennsylvania to Americo’s house, the Quechua teacher at Penn University. We stayed the night there.

10/02/15: Presentation at Pennsylvania University

At Penn University, everyone in the faculty was very nice; they all spoke Spanish, and there was a lot of interest in Quechua, my film and my presentation.

The presentation was from 6 to 8 p.m. It was very good. I interviewed Jim, the Quechua teacher and a few students.

Interview: Jim (refer to interviews) Interview: Quechua student (refer to interviews)

11/02/15 Visit to Ossining High School

Christen and Eva were going to show their film: ‘Living Quechua’ today. They told me that it was a Quechua community, so I was very enthusiastic. I called James in the morning to make sure they were going to take us. When he answered the phone, he told me that Christie, Eva and himself were talking and decided that if I go I wasn’t allowed to film or take any pictures.

The place was called Ossining and it was far away. On the way, the organisers were preparing themselves for the presentation of the movie and the Q&A. The panorama outside was so wonderful as the sun was sitting over the frozen water, shining on the ice.

When we got there, the school teacher, Barbara Knowles, was waiting for us at a South American restaurant and we had a nice dinner before the function. At dinner the teacher told us the sad story of some of the students. They had to cross the border to emigrate to New York and sometimes it would take a couple of years before they got to New York.

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What Barbara observed was that these students were not learning English. There wasn’t much improvement for months. Then, she decided to teach them in Spanish as she speaks Spanish fluently. However, the results remained the same.

She couldn’t understand for a while, but later she realized that these students were Quechua speakers and they wouldn’t want to be categorized as Quechua speakers. So, we had a group of families that didn’t speak Spanish or English in New York, only Quechua.

I asked Barbara for an interview and we made the arrangement for Friday 13th February at the school.

12/02/15

Barbara cancelled the interview for 13th February.

13/02/15 Bolivia Quechua night

14/02/15

I talked to Sue from Boston about the focus of my research over the phone. I was supposed to have a presentation in Boston, where Sue teaches, but couldn’t travel due to the weather conditions.

15/02/15

We went to MoMA museum with Zoe. We talked about her scholarship at NYU. She is from Bolivia doing a Master. She also talked about her role as a Quechua conversation teacher at NYU. She seems to enjoy both.

16/02/15

I wrote in my diary as I missed a couple of days.

17/02/15

Observation of the meeting: ROC for the Fist Kichwa/ Quechua Film Festival at NYU.

Interviewed Deborah about the festival

In the evening we went to Eva’s place to observe the meeting of the institution ‘Quechua Initiatives’. The three founders were present: Eva, Christie and Ann. Eva lives in a small and humble place in Brooklyn.

When we arrived, she was teaching Quechua in her dining room. She only had one student. She was very keen to be filmed. It was a surprise for me as I had tried to interview her a few

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times, but she was very reserved until now, the day before I left. So, I was glad.

Ann arrived and she was interviewed. Her ideas about the mixture of the Andean Quechua and New York cultures were very clear and precise.

Christine was next. She was happy to be interviewed as well. Another surprise for me, but at least they decided to be interviewed before I went back to Australia.

As Christine is the only person who has been in the program since the program started, she gave me the main information about the Quechua program in NYU.

Eva, a lady in her 70s, had a dream to revive Quechua in New York. Coming from a poor family in the Andes of Peru, she came to New York as a young woman to work, make money and send it to her family.

She didn’t speak Quechua for about 40 years. In 2008, she decided to speak it, with Christie making a movie.

18/02/15

We went to the Peruvian Consulate. We had an appointment with the ambassador. She welcomed us and asked me for my documentary. I gave her three copies and some articles I had written. She said she would promote the movie ‘The Fading Inca Language’ for the festivals coming up in October.

She was kind and it felt good to have made contact with her.

After that, I interviewed Amalia, sub-director of CLACS at NYU.

I had to take a taxi as the trains didn’t work that day due to the weather conditions.

Before the interview, she told us how bad the Consulate was and how untrue things were, but when I filmed she spoke of the Consulate in a very positive manner. I couldn’t believe it.

In the evening, I went to see some friends to say goodbye and we went to a place to have a dance. I really enjoyed that.

19/02/15

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Appendix 7: Film titles and transcription

FILM TITLE: Mother Tongue

Produced by Gabina Funegra Directed by Gabina Funegra Written by Gabina Funegra

Assistant to the Director Julian Bonifaz

Editor: Julian Bonifaz

Editors Q&A INALCO, Paris Elena Hattersley, Erika Bonifaz

Huallanca, Peru (January, 2009) Filmed by Erika Bonifaz

Paris, France (April, 2011) Filmed by Erika Bonifaz,

Paris, France (April, 2011) Additional footage in Paris in Paris courtesy of Rubén D. Romero

Cusco, Peru (January, 2013) Filmed by Siwar Peralta, Julian Bonifaz

Paris, France (April, 2014) Filmed by Tamara Don

New York, USA (January, 2015) Filmed by Julian Bonifaz

Special thanks to:

Gabrielle Finnane Elena Hattersley Janet Bell Cesar Itier Brooke Naylor Wendy Assinder Michelle Malaney

Music

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Atatáw, Mana Munakuq Performed by George

Añaway Dante Piaggio Performed by Peru Andino

El Condor Pasa Performed by Peru Andino

Himno Al Sol Daniel Alomía Robles Performed by Peru Andino

Miski Tayki Performed by Alice and Mark

Pim Chay Warmi Huahua Performed by Carl

Quenas L. Dunker Lavalle Performed by Peru Andino

Tierra Huallanquina Performed by Trio Huallanca

Urpituchata Performed by Alice and Mark

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Documentary Transcript .

Video Audio SCENE 1: ‘Introduction’ Music (1) Text: “When we lose a language, we lose centuries of human thinking about time, seasons, sea creatures, reindeer, edible flowers, mathematics, landscapes, myths, music, the unknown and the everyday.” K. David Harrison, Linguist

(2) Map of South America highlighting the Inca Music empire VO: Quechua was the language of the Inca Empire, extending across the Andes of South America. (3) Artwork of fighting in the Spanish conquest Music VO: Immediately after the Spanish conquest,

(4) Artwork of Incas and Spaniards Music VO: Quechua was still used to communicate between the Spanish and the Indigenous people.

(5) Artwork of enslaved Inca being led by Music Spaniards VO: When the Spanish discovered that the Quechua language was also being used as a means of opposing the Spanish conquest,

(6) Artwork of execution Music VO: they executed the rebel leader, Tupac Amaru, in Cusco, the capital of the Inca empire. From this moment, Quechua was banned.

(7-8) Shots of Inca statue Music VO: Despite this, today it still exists as part of the history and unique identity of the Quechua culture. (9-12) Shots of Machu Picchu, llama Music

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SCENE 2: ‘Cusco’ Music Text: Jaime Araos, Quechua Artist Speaking in Spanish (1) Gabina and Peruvian man walking CC: The world is in the process of re-evaluating Indigenous people. We must regain the Andean way of life, we have to take back what we lost but also face the present. (2) So, it’s a way to reconnect with the environment, the cosmos, we call it: ‘Pacha’.

(3) Shot of Cusco, woman walking. Music Text: “Mother Tongue- Revisiting the Inca Language”

Subtitle 1:

SCENE 3: Gabina’s self introduction Music (1) Shot of Gabina swimming in rock pool VO: My name is Gabina Funegra. I live in (2) Shot of Gabina sitting on rock Australia. I was born in Lima, Peru. I have (3) Shot of sunrise over the ocean Indigenous origins. My parents were born in the Peruvian Andes. (4) Illustrations of young Gabina Music VO: My interest in the Quechua language began at a very early age, when I was a small child.

(5) Illustrations of parents relaxing Music VO: I could hear my parents speaking the language, (6) Illustrations of parents speaking with each Music other VO: and that made me interested in learning it,

(7) Illustration of close up of young Gabina Music VO: because to me, it seemed an advantage.

(8) Illustrations of parents disagreeing Music VO: My parents said no, because they felt that it would be a disadvantage for me.

(9) Illustrations of young Gabina looking out Music window VO: I never learned to speak the language of my parents. I was separated from the Quechua language and culture.

SCENE 4: VO: In 2009, I went with my daughter to research (1) Shot of scenery from bus the Quechua language

(2) Shot of Gabina walking down mountain Music VO: in the town of Huallanca,

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(3) Shot of town sign with name “Huallanca” on it Music VO: high in the Peruvian Andes.

(4) Shot of waterfall Music VO: This was the place that my mother was born. (5) Shot of people looking out at mountains Music VO: I had never been there before.

(6) Shot of Gabina speaking with residents of the Music town VO: I found that the Quechua language was in a state of disuse in the town.

(7) Shot of townspeople listening Music VO: Everyone speaks Spanish.

(8) Shot of Peruvian baby Music VO: There were no plans for the survival or development of Quechua.

(9) Shot of child walking down mountain Music VO: Children were not learning Quechua.

(10) Shot of Peruvian mother and son Music VO: Parents were not teaching their children.

(11) Shots of townspeople sitting around and a Music woman talking Speaking in Spanish CC: For example, the town, which speaks only Spanish, a child from here that speaks Spanish is… What is that he is saying? Why is he talking like that? That’s what they say, that’s how they see it. They tease them, the kids make fun of them, the child gets discouraged, and even if you want him to speak it, he doesn’t speak it anymore. When you speak Quechua, they start giving you animal names. Yes they do.

SCENE 5: Music (1) Map of South America showing the cities of VO: I’m now going to Cusco, the capital of the Lima, Huallanca and Cusco Inca empire, to see what the situation of the Text: Peru Quechua language is there, and to see what people think and feel about the culture.

(2) Text: Cusco Music

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(3-12) Shots of Cusco markets and street life Music VO: The status of Quechua varies greatly in the different regions of Peru. Sixty per cent of the population in Cusco is bilingual in Quechua and Spanish. I wanted to find out what strategies are being used to revitalise the Quechua language and its culture. My first port of call is Adam at the Centro Guaman Poma de Ayala,

(13) Artwork of the organisation’s logo Music VO: a non-government organisation.

(14) Shot of Luis speaking Speaking in Spanish Text: Adam, Project Coordinator, PERUSUYO CC: This project has two components, a cultural awareness component, and a training component. There are 3 key purposes of cultural awareness and training. One: to work on the issues of exclusion and racism, which are strong features of Peruvian society. Two: to work on gender inequality and sexism, which are also serious problems. The third is for people to value the Quechua language again.

SCENE 6: Music (1-3) Shots of young people using media to VO: Some of the strategies are using print, social promote Quechua media and technology to appeal to the younger generations. These are the ‘cool’ strategies.

(4) Pictures of magazine Music CC: This magazine is also part of the same project, Speaking in Spanish a project on cultural politics. It uses art to work through painful issues such as racism and sexism.

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(5) Shot of Jorge speaking and pictures from the Music magazines Speaking in Spanish Text: Peter Noqanchis Magazine CC: It’s a magazine like ‘Vogue’, but in Quechua. The models are Quechua speakers. (6) The magazine uses both male and female models, (7) because that reflects the dualistic nature of the Incas. (8) Usually Peruvian advertising only shows females, which is quite sexist. (9) But we show males too. (10) Even though we wear modern fashion, Quechua is still our culture. So, why limit the culture, when it’s actually much broader. (10) So, the idea is that when a person sees ‘Noqanchis’, they think: how handsome, how beautiful. I want to be like that too. (11) I can see myself as handsome. I can see myself as rich and happy. (12) These 3 things are not usually linked with Quechua. Quechua culture is usually associated with poverty, old age and sadness.

SCENE 7: Speaking in Spanish (1) Shots of Helen speaking with backdrop of city, pictures of Helen from the magazine Text: Helen Model, Noquanchis CC: My university colleagues contacted me because I spoke Quechua. They gave me an interview (2) and I was selected because I spoke the language. (3) They also liked the fact I had Andean features.

SCENE 8: Speaking in Quechua (1) Shot of Janet speaking and picture of young Quechua speakers Text: Janet Editor Noquanchis Magazine CC: Perhaps you ask: ‘Why young people?’ The young will later have their own children, right? (2) So if we encourage Quechua, (3) these young people will pass it on to their children. (4) The idea will be embedded. That is why we aim at the young.

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SCENE 9: Speaking in Quechua (1) Shots of three people sitting on bench, Helen talking CC: My children will be born here, in Cusco. They also should know Quechua. (2) We should all know it. We all must teach our children. That is what I want for my children. They will learn. I will teach them Quechua. Even their names will be in Quechua.

SCENE 10: Speaking in Spanish (1) Shots of Peter speaking (2) Shots of computer screen with face book pages in Quechua CC: I’ve noticed that across Facebook lots of young people who are not very fluent in Quechua (2) or write it very slowly, build a connection by practicing. (3) I’ve also noticed (4) that a lot of people are writing songs, (5) not only songs, but also post their own thoughts and experiences, (6) and there are a lot of people who respond to these. Not only people that speak fluent Quechua, but also others that want to get closer to Quechua. Facebook particularly helps people write in Quechua.

SCENE 11: Music (1) Shots of locals performing in the streets VO: Other strategies have brought Quechua directly to the people through music and dance in the streets of Cusco.

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(2) Shot of David and Margaret interviewed whit Music overlays of ‘The Quechua Hour’ performance Speaking in Spanish Text: David, Host, ‘The Quechua Hour’ CC: [David] I got involved in ‘The Quechua Hour’ through Margaret We are members of a cultural centre, (3) which is dedicated to researching and exhibiting cultural performances from Cusco. Text: Margaret, Host, ‘The Quechua Hour’ (4) CC: [IMargaret] This event ‘Runasimita Acllay’ had a very profound impact on the people that watched it. (5) After that, it was proposed that the name be changed to ‘The Quechua Hour’. (6) CC: [David] The idea was that we would occupy the Cusco square for one hour (7) but because the audience was so captivated (8) we had to extend the program to two and a half hours. (9) The program initially included (10) interactive participation with the public in Quechua, riddles in Quechua, (11) songs in Quechua, and whatever the public wanted to talk about or communicate. To enrich the event, we also performed dances from other regions, including costumes from distinct regions, so the public really identifies with the program.

(12) Shots of ‘The Quechua Hour’ interactive Speaking in Quechua performance CC: Loud, loud like a man. What could it be, what could it be? Enters fire loaded and returns unloaded. What could that be? Who knows the answer? Come closer, I’m not going over there, come closer. Again he knows the answer, ask him.

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SCENE 12: Music (1-5) Shots of Gabina in a classroom VO: People can study Quechua in a traditional classroom. While I personally wanted to learn the language and I was very enthusiastic about it, somehow it didn't feel quite right to be sitting in a classroom and learning it like any other language. Quechua is a language of poetry, music and nature. I needed to be out there, interacting with the people, absorbing it and living it.

SCENE 13: Music (1) Shot of Gabina and scenery of Cusco Speaking in Spanish (2) Shot of George at his home making musical instruments (3) George and Gabina talking Text: George, Quechua musician CC: To get a feel for the language, you must speak it and use it. I have a method, like in music. I don’t say: ‘I’m going to teach you Quechua’. We just start doing things. You do women’s tasks and I do men’s tasks. For cooking, we definitely do it together, but speaking in Quechua. That’s how you learn it… there’s no other way. It’s the best way to learn. You have to do it.

(4) Shot of George playing a musical instrument Singing in Quechua (5) Shot of George singing Text: Singing in Quechua CC: [Singing] How awful, you don’t know how to love! How awful, you don’t know how to love! Although you tell me you love me, Although you tell me you love me…

(6) Continued shot of George playing music Music fades to background VO: Perhaps one of the most interesting things was to discover some of the insights into the language and culture.

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(7) Shots of George talking, with overlay of shots Music and photos of him with his family Speaking in Spanish CC: In our culture, we don’t have the concept of ‘problem’. We don’t conceive things as problems, because we don’t see the world that way. We have problems now because we live in the city, speak Spanish, have different religions… for example, if you have a car and it doesn't work, you have a problem. But not in our world. If you are walking somewhere and you get tired, there is no problem. You just rest, you recover and keep walking, so there is no problem. (8) I’ve really tried to involve my family in the culture (9) and they have really taken it on. (10) Not only have they taken on the music, but also our heritage, (11) because we haven’t lost the connection with my town. (12) I always visit during carnivals and festivals. Besides, the music we play, it’s not always festive. (13) We also use it to honour, for example, the rain, water, flowers… women. (14) So, it’s very potent like Quechua, my language. You don’t always need to look at my face and eyes to understand what I’m saying. It’s enough to emit sound, energy, intention. So, it works well… you connect with people (15).

SCENE 14: Music (1-3) Shots of Cusco VO: I was interested to find out how children coming down from the mountains, speaking only Quechua, respond to a Spanish speaking classroom.

(4) Shot of Adam speaking, with overlay of photos Speaking in Spanish of local children CC: The local society (5) considers it normal for a native Quechua-speaking child (6) of 5-6 years of age, to be sent to a school (7) which only educates in Spanish. (8) And do they lose their Quechua? They don’t just lose it. Losing it is not the worst part. They lose their mother tongue little by little, but at the same time they suffer an extreme emotional trauma. And for most Peruvian society, it’s considered normal.

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SCENE 15: Speaking in Spanish (1) Shots of Gabina speaking with John Text: John, Teacher CC: I’m an Indigenous ‘Huancarki’ from the Paruro province, Cusco. As an Indigenous person, I have taken on a role to break down the barriers between western and Indigenous cultures. As a result, I’ve become an educator. (2) I soon became aware of the urgent need to work with children (3) in their own mother tongue, using concepts that are real to them. Things that were not seen or spoken about in previous curricula. SCENE 16: VO: I also found out that students can learn (1-3) Shots of students in university. Quechua at university. Some told me that this can help them in their professions.

(4) Shot of Mayra speaking with photos overlays Speaking in Spanish of people in the rural area. Text: Mayra Camera, Student CC: I study nursing and in my field it is important to speak Quechua because our scope of work (5) not only covers the city (6) but also rural areas. (7) In rural areas, there are lots of children (8) who don’t understand Spanish. Everything is in Quechua. SCENE 17: Music (1) Shot of traditional Peruvian dance in the VO: Not everyone had a chance to learn Quechua streets of Cusco when they were young, but some have found links to the language and culture through their music.

(2) Shot of musicians (Alice/ singer) performing in Singing in Quechua studio CC: [singing] I’m raising a little dove, I’m raising a little dove, wearing a chain of gold, wearing a chain of gold. That little dove I raised, that little dove I raised, on her own she’ll return, on her own she’ll return

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(3) Shot of musicians speaking Music Text: Alice, Quechua musician Speaking in Spanish CC: I don’t communicate in Quechua, but Quechua is a part of me in some way. There is definitely something in me… we can’t separate ourselves from Quechua, even though we don’t speak it. That’s impossible. (4) CC: [Gabina] Why didn’t you learn Quechua growing up in Cusco? Text: Mark, Quechua Musician Good question because my father formally studied Quechua and my mother speaks Quechua. I think there is a generation gap. (5) It’s impossible to distance myself from Quechua because Quechua is a form of communication, and it’s also a way of thinking. It’s like a part of my brain. So I can never get rid of that.

SCENE 18: Music (1) Illustration of young Gabina in front of the VO: Like Mark and Alice. I never had the chance mirror. to learn the language during my childhood or (2) Illustration Gabina getting teased at school. adolescence, but my Inca features showed my (3) Illustration of Gabina being discriminating by Quechua heritage. I was teased at school and members of the family. even at home because of my looks. So I learned (4) Illustration of Gabina in her natural look. in a painful way the meaning of being Quechua (5) Illustration of Gabina disguise her Indigenous without having the mother tongue and culture. looks. So my life became about blending in and being the same as the people around me, which made (6) Shots of Gabina meeting Indigenous people at me change my appearance. Having returned to a presentation my heritage now, I was honoured to be invited (7) Gabina at radio station with Matilde into the radio program ‘Warmikuna Rimanchis’ Chamorro ‘Women’s Voice’ which focuses on Indian women, their problems as well as their progress and rights.

Continued shot of Gabina at radio station Speaking in Spanish CC: For my PhD I’m concentrating on the promotion of Quechua, the revitalisation, and the places where it’s being promoted. Cusco is one of the main places because there’s a radio program in Quechua, which makes me very happy.

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(8) Film of Alison talking and photographs of Speaking in Spanish native women Text: Alison, Radio Host, ‘Warmikuna Rimanchis’ ‘Women’s Voice” program. CC: People say: ‘the program ‘Women’s Voice’ [‘Warmikuna Rimanchis’] is part of our daily lives”. They wait… and when women go to the fields, the pastures, (9) grazing their cattle and sheep, (10) they carry their radio on their backs, (11) spinning sheep wool, grazing their sheep. They listen to ‘Warmikuna Rimanchis’ ‘ Women’s Voice’ (12) and they feel part of the program, and I feel I’m keeping those women company. SCENE 19: Diegetic music from radio (1) Time laps shots of sunrise in a city scene Speaking in Kichwa CC: [radio host] We should continue speaking our language everywhere, without shame or fear. (2) Ladies, gentlemen, everyone. And we are back with the program ‘Kichwa Rising’, (3) let’s keep going, listening… (4) Shots of Gabina looking out to New York city Diegetic music from radio from above VO: Am I dreaming? Or am I hearing Quechua in (5) Shots of New York city New York?

SCENE 20: Diegetic music and voices from the radio (1-3) Shots of people in ‘Radio El Tambo Stereo’ studio Text: Radio El Tambo Stereo The Bronx

Shots of New York and radio station Diegetic music Text: Paul ‘Kichwa Hatari NY’ Radio Host Speaking in Kichwa. (4) CC: [radio host] Good evening friends (5) and we’re back this Friday with this program (6) ‘Kichwa Rising’ (7-8) to keep you company in your houses with songs. (9) Later we will hear some interviews. There will be news and (10) lots of conversation. Good evening my friend James, How are you? CC: [James] Good evening friend How are you? CC: [radio host] Yes, good. On this gorgeous cold night here we are broadcasting live.

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SCENE 21: Music (1-9) Shots of New York VO: New York plays an important centre for (10) Time lapse, shot of Gabina music, film, theatre, dance and visual arts. But its uniqueness lies in the extraordinary diversity of different cultures coexisting. I was most intrigued to find a Quechua speaking community alive and thriving in the ‘Big Apple’.

(11) Black screen Text: New York (12-16) Gabina and Frank walking VO: The first contact I made was with Professor Frank, the Quechua teacher at NYU, in addition to a published poet and writer. He comes from the city of Cusco in Peru and is a native Quechua speaker.

(17-19) Shots in the Quechua classroom Students speaking Quechua Text: Frank, Quechua Lecturer, NYU VO: I was interested to know why his devoted students living in New York wanted to learn Quechua.

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SCENE 22: (1) Tom: So I’m a student of Journalism myself, (1-10) and so I will be doing reporting and storytelling in Shots of Tom speaking in a classroom. Latin America, specifically in South America. (2) Shots of Tom speaking in a park with overlays of And I was always interested in doing reporting in Indigenous people in the Andes the Andes, (3) and I thought that it wouldn't be Text: Tom possible to do (4) true reporting and to get the Quechua Student, NYU stories of Indigenous people in the Andes (5) without making an effort to learn the Quechua language. (6) So many communities in the Andes prefer Quechua, (7) speak Quechua as a native language, and (8) it would seem unfair and presumptuous of me (9) to assume they would speak Spanish with me when I’m going into their communities (10) to speak with them. And so for that reason it’s important for me to learn Quechua.

SCENE 23: Karen: As part of the PhD research we have to do (1) Shot of Karen a dissertation project, and one of the areas that Text: Karen, PHD Student, NYU had really been calling my attention was the hybrid musical forms that are happening in Peru, where people sing in Quechua but they're playing rock music. And so the hybridity of Indigenous culture with imported American culture, and the new kind of Indigenous subjectivities that are coming about in Peru. Contemporary particularly in Peru. And I thought in order to really study that I am going to need to learn this language.

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SCENE 24; James: (1) So I was born and raised in New York, !1)Shot of James talking my parents are Ecuadorian. My parents are from Text: James, MA Student, CLACS, NYU Cuenca but they were born in like the outskirts of (2-4) Shots of Gabina and James walking, James Cuenca but they were never taught Kichwa, being interviewed which is the variant in Ecuador of Quechua. (2) My grandparents spoke Kichwa but I never really communicated with them or knew much about it except the fact that it was very embedded in the culture and the music and sort of (3) like the culture itself like we knew it was Kichwa culture. But I never really paid much attention to it until I came to NYU as an undergrad (4) and I started taking Quechua courses with Frank. I didn't even know the potential was being offered, would be offered at universities that I could tell. I saw it here at NYU and I took all these courses and I just- from there I had to keep taking it.

SCENE 25: VO: (1) I was impressed with the strong (1-2) Shots of Gabina and Deborah talking connection of the students and the Andean culture. (2) However, Deborah gives us a different point of view.

Continued shot of Deborah Deborah: So I grew up in Lima and, you know, I Text: Deborah, MA Student, CLACS, NYU grew up speaking Spanish and in my schools (3) Medium close-up shot of Deborah learned English, French, and I just feel like in Lima there’s a lot of racism and there’s a lack of… I feel like Quechua should be taught, I feel everyone in Peru should speak and learn both. Right now, the way it is, is that people who speak Quechua in order to function must learn Spanish, but it’s not the other way around. (3) So this is ironic that I’m in a Master’s program in New York learning Quechua and that I grew up in Peru. But this is the way things go.

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SCENE 26: Music (1) Shots of students (1) Interview: The Runasimi outreach committee is all about bringing Quechua to the greater (2) New York and Tristate actually (3) community and sort of (4) raising awareness (5) about this incredible culture. (6) Students: So Quechua and English… on our Quechua night. Students discussing

SCENE: 27: Music (1- 5) Shots of students at their event Speaking in Quechua CC: We are part of the Runasimi outreach committee. We do monthly Quechua Nights. Every month is a different event. Sometimes here at CLACS, sometimes at bigger venues SCENE: 28: Tom: Okay so we have a little activity here to get (1- 9) Shot of Tom speaking at the ‘Quechua you started speaking some Quechua. I am sure Night’ event there’s some people here who know some Quechua. I’m sure there’s plenty of people here who know no Quechua. Okay… [speaking in Quechua] ‘We are from New York’ Tom: So we can give an example, yes? Tom and Zoe: [speaking in Quechua] D - Hi, what’s your name? G - My name is Zoe, and you? D - My name is Tom, where are you from? G - I come from Bolivia. Where do you come from? D - I come from Georgia. Where do you live? G - I live in Brooklyn, and you? D – In Brooklyn G – Very good. Goodbye D – Goodbye

SCENE: 29: Music (1-7) Shots of Gabina speaking at the Q&A VO: I could feel the interest from the audience interacting with audience for the Quechua culture through the Q&A that I (8) Shot of Gabina interviewed by the press, shared enthusiastically with Frank. There was overlay also interest from the press. The Runasimi outreach committee also organised the cultural and traditional event of Carnaval.

SCENE: 30: Music Text: Zoe Speaking in Quechua MA Student, CLACS, NYU I feel very happy that you have come to this Quechua Conversation Teacher ‘carnaval’. I am Bolivian I am from the Kalallusta community. I arrived at this university last year.

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(1-4) Shots of Zoe speaking at Carnaval event, Then, because I didn’t want to part myself from shots of event the Bolivian culture, I have prepared this celebration with my friend Raúl from La Paz (Bolivia). (5-12) Shot of Tom speaking at Carnaval event, Music shots of festivities at event Tom: In the Andes, Carnaval was the time when people make offerings to the Pacha Mama asking for better things to come and success in their personal lives and endeavours. Today we will recreate a traditional Indian experience at NYU with Bolivian artisans, who will exhibit miniatures and drawings. In addition there will be music, dancing, and delicious Bolivian treats. Traditions will be honoured with the killa offerings for Pacha Mama, and the chiaya sprinkling of confetti for blessings and for good luck, as well as the performance of Quechua folk dance, a traditional dance. This celebration will be preceded by a panel of experts from the university and community, giving the general public an understanding of the historical, social and cultural traditions of the Bolivian Quechua Carnaval.

SCENE 31: Student: We are about to have a Quechua Film (1-5) Shot of student talking, shots of students Showcase in March. One day it’s going to be in discussing in a meeting the Bronx, one day it’s going to be in Queens, one day its going to be in NYU. And most, like 95% of the films we are going to show are all in Quechua. Apparently it’s the first event of its kind. We are very happy to be able to do this. It’s really really cool.

SCENE 32: VO: The interest and love for Quechua extends to (1) Shots of New Jersey landscape from train other cities. I was thrilled to be invited to New window. Jersey. Text: New Jersey

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(2) Shot of Vicky speaking at her office Speaking in Quechua Text: Vicky, Foreign Languages and Literatures Vicky Good day, ladies and gentlemen. My name is Vicky. I come from the United States. I teach Spanish and Quechua.

(3-4) Vicky and Gabina walking into university Speaking in English Vicky: I have the pleasure of teaching basic Quechua within the context of two interdisciplinary honours program courses. One is called Modern Descendants of the Incas: Quechua Language, Culture and History, and the other is Linguistics in Cultures of Native South America. (5) Vicky and Gabina on stage I am very excited to see all that’s happening with revitalisation and maintenance of the Quechua language and all its varieties, and I’m looking forward to the future for Quechua. SCENE 33: VO: Now in Philadelphia, with Jim, originally from (1-2) Shots of Gabina and Jim at the Penn Peru. He is the founder of Quechua initiatives at University Penn University. Text: Philadelphia

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(3-4) Shots of Gabina and Jim walking Jim: I think it’s important to learn Quechua (5-6) Shots of Jim teaching in classroom because here in the United States there is a lot of (7) Jim being interviewed scholars who work on Latin America, and they Text: Jim Quechua Teacher, University of know Spanish, and Spanish allows them to Pennsylvania understand a lot of Latin American culture, however each language in the case of Quechua offers a different point of view, but also a (8-14) Overlays shots of people in the Andes different sensibility. The songs, the way of speaking, the suffix that the language offers, help us to understand. Even if it is a little bit more, it puts us one centimetre closer to people. I think that when we are doing research on the Andes, we are not doing research only on the space, but we are dealing with people. And people have feelings, point of view… And this sensitivity is very important, and Quechua can provide us to be at least a little bit closer. We can learn the language so we can learn from them too. They have many things to offer us as well.

SCENE 34: Speaking in Spanish (1-4) Shot of Justine speaking Text: Justine Wensjoe, Quechua student, Penn University CC: I came from Peru to do a degree 6 months ago, and here is where I have come to learn Quechua. I have always been interested but at my university- I think in the majority of private universities in Lima- Quechua is not counted as a credit; you have to pay for it separately, so you take it a bit like… because you want to but it is not part of your academic career. I remember with my colleagues we asked if we could, take an extra language apart from Spanish to graduate. Can it be Quechua? No. It can be French, English, German or whichever international language. So, in the end I didn’t take it there and I’ve come here to learn Quechua, which I find amazing, with a Peruvian teacher and Peruvian students as well as people from here, Ecuador and there is a girl from Chile learning Quechua here in the United

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States. Well, is part of my degree, it counts as a credit. I don’t have to pay it separately. It’s in my schedule.

SCENE 35: VO: Aside from Quechua classes, students (1-2) Shots of students in classroom participate in activities, lectures and workshops, creating a cultural awareness. SCENE 36: VO: Back in New York, I was surrounded by joyful (1-2) Shot of Gabina on train Andean music in a rich cultural event. SCENE 37: Music (1-12) Shots of Andean musical group Ann I’m a co-founder of the New York Quechua Text: New York Initiative, with Elva Ambía and Christine Mladic Text: Ann, New York Quechua Initiative Janney. We are an independent, small community organisation and the mission is to support, celebrate, preserve and also diffuse Quechua languages and culture in New York City, both through native speakers and within the immigrant community of Andean people living in New York- which you know is this very global metropolis, you know very multicultural city and really having Quechua language and culture be a part of that mosaic. (13) Shot of Ann talking Music (14) Shots of band playing Ann In terms of the musical group Inkarayku, this Text: Inkarayku. New York Andean band is an Andean band, New York based Andean band, based- the root of our music is the traditional Quechua music from Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, and at the same time we always say we are an Andean band with a New York edge. SCENE 38: Music (1) Shots of plane landing, Paris (2) Shots of Eiffel tower, Paris (3-11) Shots of Gabina and Erika walking in Paris (12) Black screen

Text: Paris (13-18) Shots of the Peruvian Film Festival VO: I was invited to the Peruvian Film Festival in Paris to show my documentary. The festival showcases films in Spanish and Quechua. In Paris, there is a strong interest and appreciation (19) Shots of Gabina and students at INALCO for the Peruvian heritage. I was thrilled to find out that Quechua was taught at INALCO. SCENE 39: Speaking in Spanish (1) Shot of three people sitting, Alan speaking, shots of the school

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Text: Alan, Director, School of Quechua, INALCO, Paris CC: The diploma in Quechua that we offer is for 4 years. To my knowledge it is the most comprehensive in the world. (2) The National Institute of Oriental Languages and Civilisations has existed for more than 200 years. (3) At present 90 non-European languages are taught here. SCENE 40: (1) Shots of people at the Q&A Text: After presenting the film

(2) Shot of Gabina talking Speaking in Spanish CC: In my own experience I think I actually began to appreciate my culture when I arrived in Australia. SCENE 41: Speaking in Spanish (1-14) Shot of students talking, having a discussion Text: Student 3: First year student, INALCO, Paris CC: Exactly, the fact is, the more we educate ourselves, the more we value our culture. CC: [Alan] It seems that several of the people you interviewed expressed a desire for things to be different to what they are, that more Quechua should be spoken and they felt like prisoners in a dynamic against their will. Text: Student 1: 3rd Year Student’, INALCO, Paris CC: It seems that Quechua is alive when it’s alone, but when confronted with another world it disappears. Text: Student 2: 3rd Year Student, INALCO, Paris CC: Well I’m Bolivian and my mother tongue is Spanish and it always has been, I love it and it makes me proud. However, from learning Quechua I have the impression that the vision I have of my country, of my culture, of my life, has all been in two dimensions and now I’m gaining a third. Text: Student 5: First year student, INALCO, Paris CC: I’m a student in History and Anthropology, and I went to communities in the region of Ayacucho to study the local traditions. They would talk to me in Spanish but I knew something was missing, that it was not the information I was seeking. The stories they were telling me were not really what they were experiencing. In that moment I realised that if I didn’t speak Quechua,

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if I couldn’t understand their mother tongue, I wasn’t going to understand a thing of what was going on there. That is why I returned to France with the promise of learning Quechua. CC: [Student 1] 3rd year Student, INALCO, Paris. Our mother tongue is Spanish or for me it’s French. They are languages which are not constructed like Quechua and each syllable that we learn, the –ku, the –pu-, the –mu-, the – manta, the –pi, each one that we learn is a gift, because it makes us think in a different manner. I don’t want this possibility to disappear. Text: Jason, Quechua teacher, INALCO, Paris CC: I believe for the future of the language, our job is to spread it in a way that Quechua speakers can feel closer to this Parisian culture or other cultures. In this case, we who speak Quechua in Paris, I think we should show what we have learned. SCENE 42: Music (1-4) Shots of performance, people being Speaking in Spanish interviewed Text: Peru Andino Group, Paris Text: Carl, Founder/ Director, Peru Andino, Paris CC: I have dedicated myself to music. We have collaborated with Mercedes Suarez. The ‘Peru Andino’ group, will be celebrating its 30th anniversary next year. Peruvian folk music is from the coast, the Amazon but mainly from the Andes. Lots of songs are in Quechua so it has been very useful for me to be able to demonstrate to the world, to the Peruvians that there is a language that still exists and should keep existing. I think that it won’t fade away. SCENE 43: Music (1-5) Speaking in Spanish Shots of Jane speaking, shots of her costumes and Gabina trying them on Text: Jane, Dancer/ Costume Designer, Peru Andino CC: Apart from forming the dance part of the group, my passion since I was a child was always to have all the traditional costumes from Peru. Starting in Huánuco and then I started again when I arrived here in France I had the idea to show the beauty of Peru through its traditional costumes. Each region has infinite ranges of clothing, hats, accessories, and it’s so rich that even until now we can’t approximate the amount of clothing Peru offers.

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SCENE44: Speaking in Spanish (1) Shots of Gabina trying clothes on, Jane speaking CC: Normally the ‘polleras’ from Huánuco are of seven colours, like the rainbow, and when the women wear the ‘polleras’ they start folding here to show the amount of ‘polleras’ they have. So it forms the colours of the rainbow here. I’ve wanted to simplify it so all the colours of the ‘polleras’ are all here. Yes, but the original is this, but they fold it here because the more ‘polleras’ you have it implies social status. The more ‘polleras’ you have the richer you are. CC: [Gabina] So I’m very rich here. SCENE 45: Speaking in Spanish (1-2) Shots of Carl being interviewed CC: At the age of 10 they took me to the coast and I’ve never forgotten how to speak Quechua because I keep practicing it through the music and speaking it because it’s a beautiful language, very comical, affectionate, happy, it’s very special. Singing in Quechua (3) Shot of Carl singing Text: singing in Quechua CC: [Singing] …with her hair strewn across the pillow, she cries in loneliness with her hair strewn across the pillow, she suffers in solitude…

SCENE 46: Speaking in Quechua (1) Text: Jason, Quechua Teacher, INALCO, Paris CC: I am very happy that there are people wanting to learn. We desire for it to be spoken without embarrassment. I’m from Andahuaylas and I’m thrilled to be able to speak Quechua here, like in my town. The students learn with lots of affection. They are a good example for us. (2) Text: Alan, Director, School of Quechua, INALCO CC: If you know the language well, you’re capable of expressing everything. That is why we should protect it so it doesn’t disappear. To not like it, to not love it, is to be blind. SCENE 47: Speaking in Quechua: (1-4) Shots of Gabina at New York radio station, What’s your name? shots of New York My name is Gabina Where do you come from? I come from Peru And where do you live?

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I live in Australia Yes, very good.

Music SCENE 49: Music (1-2) Shots of Cusco VO: Racism and chauvinism are still very strong (3-5) Shots of Gabina walking with magazine in Peru. As we were completing the film, the models magazine Noqanchis was shut down. (6) Shot of Inca wall Unfortunately, due to the Global Financial Crisis (7) Shot of posters the main sponsors- the Basque people of Spain, (8) Shots of Gabina Q&A were no longer able to support the publication. (9-11) Shots of local people In Cusco however, there is still a growing pride among people for the Inca heritage. More initiatives to promote the culture and use of Quechua are being put forward. These are small steps in the process. However, these steps are significant to the people of Cusco in finding a voice for their language, culture and identity. SCENE 50: Speaking in Spanish (1) Shot of David and Margaret being interviewed CC: [David I can now say that Quechua has regained momentum. It’s like the legendary ‘Incari’ have returned because people don’t look at you like a weirdo anymore when you speak Quechua. On the contrary, I think they look up to you because you’re fluent in two languages. SCENE 48: Speaking in Spanish (1-2) Shots of Jaime talking with Gabina in Cusco. Text: Bruce, Quechua Artist CC: We definitely have to keep on fighting, the fight sometimes is with ourselves, what we want for our future, and the other fight is with the system that invades us, with people that come with different ways of thinking, with people who think Western technology will make the world happy. They think they’ll be able to eat money and it’ll be tasty. That’s a topic we need to discuss with other Indigenous cultures. It’s hard, and it’s not easy. SCENE 51: Speaking in Quechua (1) Shot of Janet talking, (2-4) Shots of Incan ruins (5) Shot of llamas at Machu Pichu Text: Hilda Cannar CC: If we follow the path of the Incas… their footsteps, like the way they built Machu Picchu and Sacksaywaman- those structures are still standing now, the walls are made from very strong stone- that is how we will strengthen our

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Quechua. SCENE 52: Music (1) Black screen

Credits:

Directed and Produced by Gabina Funegra,

Assistant to the Director Julian Bonifaz

Editor Julian Bonifaz

Editors Q&A INALCO, Paris Elena Hattersley, Erika Bonifaz

Huallanca, Peru (January, 2009) Filmed by Erika Bonifaz

Paris, France (April, 2011) Filmed by Erika Bonifaz,

Paris, France (April,2011) Additional footage in Paris in Paris courtesy of Rubén D. Romero

Cusco, Peru (January, 2013) Filmed by Siwar Peralta, Julian Bonifaz

Paris, France (April, 2014) Filmed by Tamara Don

New York, USA (January, 2015) Filmed by Julian Bonifaz

Special thanks to: Gabrielle Finnane Elena Hattersley Janet Bell Cesar Itier Brooke Naylor Wendy Assinder Michelle Malaney

Text: I would like to express my deep and sincere

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gratitude to the people of Paris, Cusco and New York that participated in the film and warmly welcomed me into their communities; their contributions were of great value for making the documentary. Thank you for your generosity in sharing your stories.

Music

Atatáw, Mana Munakuq Performed by George

Añaway Dante Piaggio Performed by Peru Andino

El Condor Pasa Performed by Peru Andino

Himno Al Sol Daniel Alomía Robles Performed by Peru Andino

Miski Tayki Performed by Alice and Mark

Pim Chay Warmi Huahua Performed by Carl

Quenas L. Dunker Lavalle Performed by Peru Andino

Tierra Huallanquina Performed by Trio Huallanca

Urpituchata Performed by Alice and Mark

Text:

This documentary was submitted as part of Gabina Funegra’s PhD thesis titled:

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Quechua Language: Documenting Contemporary Revival and Maintenance Strategies.

Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, School of Humanities & Languages

UNSW Australia

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Appendix 8: Illustrations These illustrations are all by Julio Bonifaz.

Maps

The Spanish conquest

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Tupac Amaru II execution in Cusco

Losing the Quechua identity

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Appendix 9: CD cover design CD cover for ‘Mother Tongue’ by Julio Bonifaz.

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