From Traditional to Online Media: Best Practices and Perspectives
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
The Full Cycle of Political Evolution in Russia from Chaotic to Overmanaged Democracy
The Full Cycle of Political Evolution in Russia From Chaotic to Overmanaged Democracy PONARS Policy Memo No. 413 Nikolay Petrov Carnegie Moscow Center December 2006 In the seven years that President Vladimir Putin has been in power, Russia seems to have regressed politically almost to where it was a decade and a half ago. This is not to say that the Kremlin has been actively fighting against democracy; its decline is a side effect of the strengthening of the state. The rise of democracy in the late 1980s and early 1990s was the result of a weakening of the state, not a strengthening of society. With the state becoming stronger and society still weak, democracy in Russia is also becoming weaker. It is important to understand what of democracy has gone and what, if anything, is still left. After centralizing political reforms were launched in late 2004, the use of the term “managed democracy” to describe Russia’s current political regime no longer makes sense. Out of the many possible terms to replace it, I suggest overmanaged democracy (OMD). This term does not imply that the regime is to be regarded as essentially democratic. Rather, it implies the genesis of a regime that has evolved from former president Boris Yeltsin’s chaotic proto-democracy to managed democracy to the ultimate and final stage of OMD. Nearly all democratic institutions have been weakened under Putin’s rule, including parliament, political parties, independent media, and fair elections. Ultimately, in order for OMD to survive as a political system, it must draw on a well-functioning mechanism that provides for direct communication and feedback between authorities and society. -
The Internet in Russia: the Cradle of Civil Society
OswcOMMentary issue 72 | 21.03.2012 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies The internet in Russia: the cradle of civil society Jadwiga Rogoża NTARy Me In the last decade, along with economic and technological growth, ces cOM Russia has seen a dynamic development of the internet. Today the net is an everyday tool of work, information and entertainment for 40% of Russians – the most educated, active and affluent part of the society. tudies The spread of the internet (known in Russia as the Runet) has, in turn, s brought about significant political and social consequences. With the politi- cal and social sphere in Russia strictly controlled by the government, most astern of this activity has moved to cyberspace. The internet has become an alter- e native to the state-controlled media, a site for the free exchange of views and a home to numerous social initiatives. In this way, it has become a school of citizenship for Russians, and a kind of ‘test tube’ that has spawned social entre for and political activity. This activity went beyond cyberspace in the election c period in 2011/2012, and turned into massive street protests. The potential of the internet has also been used by the Russian govern- ment, both to shape public opinion (via loyal online media) and to monitor NTARy Me civil initiatives, especially opposition ones. The state has many instruments of technical control and supervision of the internet and its users’ activity. This control was used in the election period 2011/2012, when selected ces cOM sites were blocked and pressure exerted on independent websites. -
Uncovering the Network of Planning Expertise in St. Petersburg: Civic
Uncovering the Network of Planning Expertise in St. Petersburg: Civic and State by Svetlana Moskaleva Submitted to: Central European University Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology and Social Anthropology Supervisors: Prof. Jean-Louis Fabiani Prof. Judit Bodnar CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Abstract This study explores the role of expertise in urban planning. Using the example of “urbanistica” – a local name for urban studies in Russia, the thesis will discuss the possibility of conceptualization of the struggle for recognition between various groups, including activists and professionals. The analysis will focus on an activist group which is involved in the projects of urban redevelopment in St. Petersburg. Members of the group work in research centers, as well as in city committees and use digital platforms to involve citizens in the discussion of urban problems. The purpose of the study is to expose the mechanisms of the social construction of civic expertise of urban problems and to contextualize global and local conditions in which this activity has been forming. Following Gil Eyal’s concept of expertise as a network as well as studies on transferring urban ideas (Friedman, King, Collier), I describe the hybridity of civic and state expertise and comprehend the processes occurring within groups, their integration into the institutional context. Through the analysis of planning documents, I trace how global urban concepts influence this context, producing political discourses or rather co-producing them together with citizens who are striving to become new political actors in urban planning. -
English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 1 March 2015 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report Warsaw 15 May 2015 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................................. 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...................................................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL CONTEXT ......................................................................... 4 IV. ELECTORAL SYSTEM .................................................................................................................. 5 V. LEGAL FRAMEWORK .................................................................................................................. 5 VI. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .................................................................................................. 6 A. FORMATION AND COMPOSITION OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS ................................................. 6 B. FUNCTIONING AND ACTIVITIES OF ELECTION COMMISSIONS .................................................. 8 VII. VOTER REGISTRATION .............................................................................................................. 9 VIII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION .................................................................................................. 11 IX. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ............................................................................................................. -
Disinformation and Propaganda – Impact on the Functioning of the Rule of Law in the EU and Its Member States
STUDY Requested by the LIBE committee Disinformation and propaganda – impact on the functioning of the rule of law in the EU and its Member States Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs Directorate General for Internal Policies of the Union PE 608.864 - February 2019 EN Disinformation and propaganda – impact on the functioning of the rule of law in the EU and its Member States STUDY Abstract This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs and requested by the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, assesses the impact of disinformation and strategic political propaganda disseminated through online social media sites. It examines effects on the functioning of the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in the EU and its Member States. The study formulates recommendations on how to tackle this threat to human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It specifically addresses the role of social media platform providers in this regard. ABOUT THE PUBLICATION This research paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) and was commissioned, overseen and published by the Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs. Policy Departments provide independent expertise, both in-house and externally, to support European Parliament committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny -
Civil Participation in Decision Making in the Eastern Partnership Countries
Civil Participation in Decision Making in the Eastern Partnership Countries Part Two: Practice and Implementation Regional Project Civil Participation in Decision Making in the Eastern Partnership Countries Civil Participation in Decision Making in the Eastern Partnership Countries Part Two: Practice and Implementation Study Editor: Jeff Lovitt Civil Participation in Decision Making in the Eastern Partnership Countries Part Two: Practice and Implementation Study About this publication: This study was commissioned by the Civil Society Division, Directorate General of Democracy, Council of Europe, and is funded by the European Union and the Council of Europe. Editor: Jeff Lovitt Council of Europe project team: Eteri Kamarauli, Gabriela Matei Acknowledgements are due to many experts who commented on drafts, and provided detailed input on laws and practice in their respective countries. Particular thanks are due to: Hanna Asipovich, Arzu Abdullayeva, Ziya Guliyev, Gubad Ibadoglu, Avetik Ishkhanyan, Yeghishe Kirakosyan, Ion Manole, Lusine Martirosyan, Boris Navasardyan, Natalia Oksha, Aram Orbelyan, Isabella Sargsyan, Olga Stuzhinskaya, and Heriknaz Tigranyan. The opinions expressed in this study are those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Council of Europe. The reproduction of extracts from this publication is authorised on condition that the source is properly cited. Photo: © Council of Europe © Council of Europe, Strasbourg, France, April 2017 Council of Europe F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex France www.coe.int http://partnership-governance-eu.coe.int -
Dynamics of New Party Formation in the Czech Republic Since 1998
Dynamics of new party formation in the Czech Republic 1996-2010: Looking for the origins of a ‘political earthquake’ Introduction Together with Hungary and Slovenia, the Czech Republic was until recently one of a small number of Central and East European (CEE) democracies, whose relatively closed and stable patterns of party politics made them broad outward approximations of West European type party systems. From its consolidation in 1992-6, the Czech party system, in particular, was characterised by a pattern of stability centred on the continual parliamentary presence of four strong parties with ‘standard’ political profiles which had integrated relatively successfully with West European party families: the Civic Democratic Party (ODS), the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD), the Christian Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People’s Party (KDU-ČSL) and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). Although the Czech political scene was marked by some electoral volatility, this seems largely to have taken the form of voters shifting between these four established actors, rather stemming from the successful emergence of new contenders (Powell and Tucker 2009; Mainwaring et al 2009; Deegan-Krause and Haughton 2010).1 A partial exception to this pattern could be found in what might be termed the ‘liberal centre’ of Czech politics which generated a succession of small short-lived market-oriented parties all seeking in different ways to combine economic liberalism with quality of governance issues such as ecology, decentralisation and civil society development (Pšeja and Mareš 2005; Deegan-Krause and Haughton 2010; Hanley 2010a). Overall, however the Czech party system could be viewed as consolidated and stable one with little scope – or little or no need – for significant new parties to emerge. -
Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe
Get a Subsidy or Perish! Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe Fernando Casal Bértoa & Maria Spirova Department of Political Science Leiden University f.casal.Bé[email protected] [email protected] The Legal Regulation of Political Parties Working Paper 29 February 2013 © The author(s), 2013 This working paper series is supported by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC research grant RES-061-25-0080) and the European Research Council (ERC starting grant 205660). To cite this paper : Fernando Casal Bértoa and Maria Spirova (2013). ‘Get a Subsidy or Perish! Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe’, Working Paper Series on the Legal Regulation of Political Parties, No. 29. To link to this paper : http://www.partylaw.leidenuniv.nl/uploads/wp2913.pdf This paper may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ISSN: 2211-1034 The Legal Regulation of Political Parties, working paper 29/13 Introduction 1 Much has been written about the state financing of political parties, its characteristics and its consequences for party behavior. Research has centered heavily on the effects party financing has had on issues of corruption, accountability, and transparency, and for the most part has focused on the regulation of private financing (Roper 2002, 2003; Protsyk 2002; Nassmacher 2004; Pinto-Duschinsky 2002, Smilov and Toplak, 2007). Similarly, studies have investigated the effects high dependence on public financing has had on the development of organizational structures and the internal shifts of power within individual parties (van Biezen 2003, 177–200). -
Proquest Dissertations
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis arxf dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while otfiers may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, ookxed or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleodthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the autftor did rx>t send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unautfxxized copyright material had to be removed, a note will irKficate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9” black and white photographic prints are availat)le for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Artwr, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 UMT PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AND CONSOLIDATION IN POST-COMMUNIST BULGARIA DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Rossen V. Vassilev, M.A. The Ohio State University 2000 Dissertation Committee: Professor Richard Gunther, Adviser Approved by Professor Anthony Mughan Professor Goldie Shabad Adviser Department of Political Science UMI Number 9971652 UMI UMI Microform9971652 Copyright 2000 by Bell & Howell Information and Leaming Company. -
Reclaiming Democracy
Joerg Forbrig and Pavol Demeš, Editors RECLAIMING DEMOCRACY RECLAIMING RECLAIMING DEMOCRACY Civil Society and Electoral Change in Central and Eastern Europe Joerg Forbrig and Pavol Demeš, Editors and Pavol Joerg Forbrig Postcommunism, with its exaggerated emphasis on the power of the economy, politics, law enforcement, justice and the media, can be seen, to some extent, as echoing the communist period. The patience of people has been enormous, but not without limits. Fortunately, the ethos of the anti-communist revolutions of 1989 and 1990, the natural self-organization of civil society and the international context made a return to totalitarianism impossible. Sooner or later, the situation in various postcommunist countries ripened into civic protest against the new abuses of power. From the preface by Václav Havel Reclaiming Democracy Joerg Forbrig and Pavol Demeš, Editors RECLAIMING DEMOCRACY Civil Society and Electoral Change in Central and Eastern Europe Copyright © 2007 by The German Marshall Fund of the United States and Individual Authors The opinions expressed in this book are those of individual authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the authors’ affi liation. Published by The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1744 R St. N.W. Washington, DC 20009 All Rights Reserved Cataloging-in-Publication Data Forbrig, Joerg, and Pavol Demeš (eds.) Reclaiming Democracy. Civil Society and Electoral Change in Central and Eastern Europe p. cm. ISBN 978 – 80 – 969639 – 0 – 4 (paperback) Printed in the Slovak Republic LIST -
Media Sustainability Index – Russia 2017
As a 2016 Mediastandart Foundation survey confirmed, the vast majority of Russian journalists feel that they are not free and independent, and believe that media owners undermine the independence of journalists. RUSSIA ii MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2017 introduction OVERALL SCORE: 1.43 RUSSIA In 2016, in preparation for the September Duma legislature elections, Russian authorities continued to build up pressure on independent media. In March 2016, national NTV aired a documentary, “In Debt to the State Department,” which claimed that the US government dictates the editorial policies of several regional independent private media outlets. In June, the Iprivate national RBC media holding let go of its editor-in-chief and her deputies after they ran a series of investigative reports about senior Russian officials and their family members. Economic decline triggered by European Union (EU) and US sanctions slowed down, and the Russian advertising market started to recover in the past year. But while television and Internet advertising increased, newspapers continued losing advertising revenue. Print media generally continued to lose circulation revenue because of rising paper prices and a diminishing number of kiosks. Russia has many media outlets that are owned by national, regional, and local authorities and state-affiliated businesses; these serve government interests. Such outlets outnumber the independent media that serve the public interest. As a 2016 Mediastandart Foundation survey confirmed, the vast majority of Russian journalists feel that they are not free and independent, and believe that media owners undermine the independence of journalists. Although state subsidies to the media decreased, this funding has continued to be a substantial source of revenue for media outlets, influencing the content of media coverage.