Issn: 2087-2119

ISSN: 2087-2119

Volume 8 Nomor 2, Desember 2017

DAFTAR ISI

POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT OF THE MALAYSIAN PARLIAMENT Nazli Aziz...... 89-99

THE LIFE OF MUSLIM INDONESIAN STUDENTS IN GERMANY: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES Gilang Maulana Majid ...... 101-113

THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR IN THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION Indriana Kartini...... 115-123

GERAKAN MASYARAKAT ADAT SAMI DAN KONTESTASI SUMBER DAYA ALAM Manggala Ismanto ...... 125-136

AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN SEJARAH KOREA Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas ...... 137-153

RESEARCH SUMMARY CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA: EVIDENCE FROM KENYA Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam ...... 155-161

TINJAUAN BUKU CHINA BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTRUKTUR DAN PERLUASAN HEGEMONI EKONOMI TIONGKOK DI DUNIA Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto...... 163-168

ISSN: 2087-2119

Volume 8 Nomor 2, Desember 2017

______DDC: 361.6 Nazli Aziz PERDEBATAN KEMISKINAN DI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT PARLEMEN MALAYSIA Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 89-99

ABSTRAK Artikel ini menyajikan prediksi perdebatan tentang isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang diungkapkan di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Parlemen Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan teknik penelitian kualitatif, fokus utamanya adalah masih adanya isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang disematkan dalam Pernyataan Resmi (Hansard) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Namun demikian, menganalisis isu kemiskinan secara kualitatif akan mengundang keabsahan, dan bersifat ambigu serta terbuka terhadap tantangan. Terlepas dari keberhasilan pemberantasan kemiskinan di Malaysia, masalah kemiskinan selalu diperdebatkan hampir di setiap sidang parlemen di Dewan Rakyat. Jika Malaysia berhasil memberantas kemiskinan, mengapa anggota parlemen masih memperdebatkan isu kemiskinan di Dewan Rakyat sampai sekarang? Untuk memahami masalah ini, catatan Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012) digunakan untuk menggambarkan komposisi isu kemiskinan di daerah perkotaan dan pedesaan di Malaysia secara kualitatif. Kajian-kajian sebelumnya mengenai kemiskinan di Malaysia dievaluasi kembali dengan meninjau kembali perdebatan yang dikutip dari Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memahami apakah ada dan sejauh mana pengentasan kemiskinan menguntungkan masyarakat dan menyebar ke seluruh wilayah di Malaysia.

Kata kunci: Parlemen Malaysia, Hansard (pernyataan resmi), Anggota Parlemen, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, pengentasan kemiskinan. ______DDC: 305.6 Gilang Maulana Majid KEHIDUPAN PELAJAR MUSLIM INDONESIA DI JERMAN: TANTANGAN DAN PELUANG Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 101-113

ABSTRAK Imigrasi orang-orang yang melekat pada agama tertentu di negara yang mana sebagian besar penduduknya tidak memeluk agama yang sama selalu menjadi topik yang menarik untuk dieksplor, terutama ketika menyangkut wacana mobilitas siswa di dunia pendidikan tinggi. Banyak faktor harus diperhitungkan sebelum seseorang membuat keputusan ke negara mana untuk melanjutkan studi. Sebagai umat Islam yang mematuhi nilai-nilai agamanya, setiap faktor yang mendukung kesalehan seseorang akan dipertimbangkan. Studi ini mengeksplorasi kehidupan pelajar Indonesia Muslim yang

iii belajar di Jerman. Studi ini berangkat dari motivasi belajar, konsep push dan pull factor yang kemudian diperkaya dengan perspektif agama. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa meskipun ada tantangan yang dihadapi para siswa ini sebagai seorang Muslim, namun masih ada peluang menarik yang mereka alami ketika tinggal di Jerman yang kemudian dianggap sangat penting dalam kaitannya dengan keislaman mereka. Menyadari pentingnya wacana semacam ini bagi para imigran Indonesia, baik itu mahasiswa maupun non-pelajar, maka perlu penelitian lebih lanjut dengan topik yang sama.

Kata kunci: Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, Jerman, push-pull factor, pendidikan tinggi, haji ______DDC: 324.1 Indriana Kartini PERAN UNI EROPA SEBAGAI AKTOR INTERNASIONAL DALAM MISI MONITORING ACEH Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 115-123

ABSTRAK Keterlibatan Uni Eropa (UE) dalam Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) merupakan salah satu cerita sukses dalam penyelesaian konflik secara damai. Dalam misi ini, UE mampu menunjukkan kepada dunia bahwa mereka merupakan salah satu aktor signifikan dalam politik internasional. Harus diakui bahwa UE merepresentasikan uncertain image (gambaran yang kurang jelas) dalam politik internasional yang tingkatannya tidak dapat disejajarkan dengan negara-bangsa. Artikel ini menganalisis apakah UE memainkan peran signifikan sebagai aktor internasional dalam proses perdamaian di Aceh melalui pendalaman terhadap kerja AMM. Dengan memandang UE sebagai entitas yang terlibat dalam isu-isu khusus dan dengan menekankan pada kehadiran UE di kancah internasional melalui keterlibatannya dalam AMM, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa UE memainkan peran siginifikan sebagai aktor internasional.

Kata kunci: Uni Eropa, aktor internasional, Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) ______DDC: 305.8 Manggala Ismanto GERAKAN MASYARAKAT ADAT SAMI DAN KONTESTASI SUMBER DAYA ALAM Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 125-136

ABSTRAK Agenda utama dalam gerakan adat atau indigenous movement adalah memperjuangkan hak politik dan budaya komunitas etnis yang menjadi minoritas sesuai dengan keunikan historis serta praktik budaya yang mereka miliki. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Kymlicka, bahwa hak-hak minoritas juga harus diperjuangkan karena mereka berada pada sistem yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami di Norwegia merupakan bentuk perjuangan panjang untuk memperoleh hak secara mandiri untuk mengelola sumber daya alam. Saat ini masyarakat Sami berjuang untuk mempertahankan keunikan identitas budaya dan praktik hidup yang telah dimiliki secara turun-temurun. Tulisan ini ingin melihat pembentukan gerakan masyarakat adat Sami di Norwegia serta praktik gerakan sosial yang dilakukan untuk menuntut perubahan sosial terkait dengan self-governance dan otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya alam.

Kata kunci: Gerakan Masyarakat Adat, Sami, identitas, otonomi, pengelolaan sumber daya alam iv | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol.8 No.2, 2017 ______DDC: 305.6 Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN SEJARAH KOREA Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 137-153

ABSTRAK Masyarakat Korea Selatan merupakan masyarakat yang heterogen dari sisi agama. Agama Khonghucu dan Agama Buddha telah berkembang di Korea sejak berabad lampau. Agama Khonghucu sangat mengandung unsur-unsur filsafat pemikiran, politik, dan kebudayaan yang berakar dan berpengaruh ke dalam pembentukan etika dan identitas bangsa Korea. Agama Buddha juga berperan dalam pembentukan dasar-dasar identitas dan kebudayaan Korea. Selain Agama Kristen, Islam dan Katholik, agama setempat atau shamanisme juga tetap dipeluk sebagian masyarakat Korea Selatan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan bagaimanakah situasi kehidupan beragama di Korea Selatan dan bagaimanakah kedudukan Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam sejarah perjalanan bangsa Korea. Tulisan yang dihasilkan dari penelitian literatur ini ini juga dimaksudkan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimanakah kondisi Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha di Korea pada masa kini dan bagaimana perannya dalam membentuk kebudayaan dan identitas nasional Bangsa Korea.

Kata kunci: Agama Khonghucu, Agama Buddha, shamanisme, teks-teks Xu she, dan budaya massa. ______DDC: 330.9 Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna dan Saiful Hakam RESEARCH SUMMARY CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA: EVIDENCE FROM KENYA Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 155-161

ABSTRAK Sejak 2008, perekonomian dunia telah dibayangi oleh tekanan krisis keuangan global. Dengan hubungan global yang relatif kuat, sulit bagi Kenya untuk sepenuhnya keluar dari krisis tersebut. Kenya juga mengalami krisis pangan, krisis politik pasca pemilu dan krisis keamanan. Namun, ekonomi Kenya, sejak awal tahun 2000an, terus bertumbuh tanpa banyak terpengaruh oleh krisis. Dengan pendekatan sejarah dan ekonomi, penelitian ini berangkat dari keingintahuan yang sederhana tentang bagaimana perkembangan ekonomi Kenya selama krisis. Studi ini meneliti tiga sektor yang bertahan hidup dan berkembang selama masa krisis, yaitu sektor pertanian (teh, kopi dan bunga potong), infrastruktur, dan teknologi keuangan. Selain itu, studi ini juga menggambarkan peningkatan peran China dalam perekonomian Kenya, ketika negara-negara donor lainnya berada dalam krisis.

Kata kunci: Krisis, sektor pertanian, pembangunan infrastruktur, teknologi keuangan, China ______DDC: 327.1 Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto TINJAUAN BUKU CHINA BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTRUKTUR DAN PERLUASAN HEGEMONI EKONOMI TIONGKOK DI DUNIA Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 163-168

Abstrak | v

ISSN: 2087-2119

Volume 8 Nomor 2, Desember 2017

______DDC: 361.6 Nazli Aziz POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT OF THE MALAYSIAN PARLIAMENT Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 89-99

ABSTRACT This article highlights the nature of parliamentary debates in the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives) of the Malaysian Parliament related to the poverty issues in Malaysia. Using qualitative research technique, it focuses on the untold story of poverty in Malaysia that buried in the Dewan Rakyat Hansard. Analysing poverty issues qualitatively, however, can be ambiguous and open to challenge. Despite the success story of poverty eradication in Malaysia, poverty issues have always been debated in almost every parliament proceeding in the Dewan Rakyat. If Malaysia is so successful in eradicating poverty, why the Members of Parliament (MPs) are still debating the issue in the Dewan Rakyat to date? To understand this issue, it uses Hansard records of the Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012) to narrate the multifaceted of poverty issues in both rural and urban consistencies in Malaysia, qualitatively. It re-evaluates the previous works on poverty in Malaysia by examining the debates extracted from the Dewan Rakyat Hansard. The aim is to understand whether and to what extent the poverty eradication agendas have benefited communities and spilled over throughout the constituencies inMalaysia.

Keywords: The Malaysian Parliament, Hansard, members of parliament, Dewan Rakyat; poverty eradication. ______DDC: 305.6 Gilang Maulana Majid THE LIFE OF MUSLIM INDONESIAN STUDENTS IN GERMANY: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 101-113

vii study motivation, the concept of push and pull factor is then enriched with religious perspectives. The research findings show that even though there are challenges that these students face as a Muslim, there is still an interesting opportunity that they have experienced when residing in Germany and later deem most significant in relation to their Islamicity. Realizing the importance of this kind of discourse for Indonesian immigrants, be it student or non-student, a suggestion of further research under the same topic is emphasized.

Keywords: Germany, hajj, higher education, Muslim Indonesian Student, push-pull factor ______DDC: 324.1 Indriana Kartini THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR IN THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 115-123

ABSTRACT The European Union (EU) involvement in the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) was one of the successful story in the peaceful conflict settlement. In this mission, the EU has been able to show the world that it is one of significant actor in international politics. Admittedly, the EU represents uncertain image in international politics as if it can not be seen at the same level of sovereign-states. This article examines whether the EU played a significant role as an international actor in the peace process inAceh through an indepth-look at the work of the AMM. By viewing the EU as an evolving entity which engaged in particular issues and by addressing its international presence in the context of its involvement in the AMM, it can be concluded the EU has played significant role as an international actor.

Keywords: the European Union, international actor, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) ______DDC: 305.8 Manggala Ismanto SAMI INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT AND NATURAL RESOURCE’S CONTESTATION Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 125-136

ABSTRACT The main agenda of the indigenous movement is fighting for political and cultural rights of ethnic minority communities in accordance with unique historical and cultural practices that they have. As Kymlicka said, minority rights must also be fought because they are on a system that is governed by the majority who pretend to produce injustice. Sami Indigenous Movement in Norway is a form of a long struggle to obtain the right independently to manage natural resources. Currently Sami struggling to maintain the uniqueness of the cultural identity and living practices that have been owned for generations. This paper would like to see the establishment of indigenous peoples’ movement Sami in Norway as well as the practice of social movements committed to demanding social change related to self-governance and autonomy of management of natural resources.

Keywords: Indigenous movement, Sami people, identity, otonomy, natural resource management ______

viii | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol.8 No.2, 2017 ______DDC: 305.6 Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro and Cahyo Pamungkas KONFUCIANISM AND BUDHISM IN THE HISTORY OF KOREA Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 137-153

ABSTRACT South Korean society has a plural society with its different religious background. Khonghucu (Confucianism) and Buddhism have grown in the country for the last several centuries. Khonghucu teaches philosophy and thingking about politics and culture which form identity and ethic of Korean society. Likewise, Buddhism has a role in establishing basic identity and culture of Korean society. Other religions such as Catholic, Islam, Protestant, and shamanism are also followed by Korean. This article tries to respond the question about religious environment among Korean society, especially the question for the ground of Confucianism and Buddhism in Korean history. This article is resulted from a desk literature research which also aims at describing the current development of Confucianism and Buddhism and their role in forming culture as well as identity of Korean people.

Keywords: Confucianism, Buddhism, shamanism, Xu she scripture, and mass culture. ______DDC: 330.9 Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam RESEARCH SUMMARY CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA: EVIDENCE FROM KENYA Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 155-161

ABSTRACT Since 2008, the world economy has been overshadowed by a heavy pressure from the global financial crisis. With a relatively strong global relationship, it is difficult for Kenya to fully escape the global financial crisis. Kenya has also gone through a food crisis, the post-election political crisis and the security crisis. In fact, the Kenyan economy, since the early 2000s, continues to grow without much affected by the crises. With history and economics approach, this study departs from a simple curiosity, to know how Kenya’s economic development is during the crises. This study examines three sectors that survive and thrive during times of crisis, namely agricultural sector (tea, coffee and cut flowers), infrastructure, and financial technology. In addition, this study also describes the increasing role of China in the Kenyan economy, when other donor countries are in crisis.

Keywords: Crisis, agricultural sector, infrastructure development, financial technology,China ______DDC: 327.1 Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto BOOK REVIEW BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: A CHINESE INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT AND STRENGTHENING ECONOMIC HEGEMONY IN THE WORLD Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 (2) Desember 2017: 163-168

Abstrak | ix

POVERTY DEBATES IN THE DEWAN RAKYAT OF THE MALAYSIAN PARLIAMENT

PERDEBATAN KEMISKINAN DI DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT PARLEMEN MALAYSIA

Nazli Aziz Universitas Malaysia Terengganu1 Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 08-08-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 02-11-2017

ABSTRAK

Artikel ini menyajikan prediksi perdebatan tentang isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang diungkapkan di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Parlemen Malaysia. Dengan menggunakan teknik penelitian kualitatif, fokus utamanya adalah masih adanya isu kemiskinan di Malaysia yang disematkan dalam Pernyataan Resmi (Hansard) Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Namun demikian, menganalisis isu kemiskinan secara kualitatif akan mengundang keabsahan, dan bersifat ambigu serta terbuka terhadap tantangan. Terlepas dari keberhasilan pemberantasan kemiskinan di Malaysia, masalah kemiskinan selalu diperdebatkan hampir di setiap sidang parlemen di Dewan Rakyat. Jika Malaysia berhasil memberantas kemiskinan, mengapa anggota parlemen masih memperdebatkan isu kemiskinan di Dewan Rakyat sampai sekarang? Untuk memahami masalah ini, catatan Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012) digunakan untuk menggambarkan komposisi isu kemiskinan di daerah perkotaan dan pedesaan di Malaysia secara kualitatif. Kajian-kajian sebelumnya mengenai kemiskinan di Malaysia dievaluasi kembali dengan meninjau kembali perdebatan yang dikutip dari Pernyataan Resmi, Hansard, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memahami apakah ada dan sejauh mana pengentasan kemiskinan menguntungkan masyarakat dan menyebar ke seluruh wilayah di Malaysia.

Kata kunci: Parlemen Malaysia, Hansard (pernyataan resmi), anggota parlemen, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, pengentasan kemiskinan.

ABSTRACT

This article highlights the nature of parliamentary debates in the Dewan Rakyat (House of Representatives) of the Malaysian Parliament related to the poverty issues in Malaysia. Using qualitative research technique, it focuses on the untold story of poverty in Malaysia that buried in the Dewan Rakyat Hansard. Analysing poverty issues qualitatively, however, can be ambiguous and open to challenge. Despite the success story of poverty eradication in Malaysia, poverty issues have always been debated in almost every parliament proceeding in the Dewan Rakyat. If Malaysia is so successful in eradicating poverty, why the Members of Parliament (MPs) are still debating the issue in the Dewan Rakyat to date? To understand this issue, it uses Hansard records of the Dewan Rakyat (1990-2012) to narrate the multifaceted of poverty issues in both rural and urban consistencies in Malaysia, qualitatively. It re- evaluates the previous works on poverty in Malaysia by examining the debates extracted from the Dewan Rakyat Hansard. The aim is to understand whether and to what extent the poverty eradication agendas have benefited communities and spilled over throughout the constituencies in Malaysia.

Keywords: The Malaysian Parliament, Hansard, members of parliament, Dewan Rakyat; poverty eradication.

1 This article is mostly based on the proceeding, entitled “Poverty Eradication: A View from the Malaysian Parliament” of Persidangan Transformasi Sosial Kebangsaan (The National Conference on Social Transformation), 27-28 Nov. 2013, organised by Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Author is a senior lecturer at School of Social and Economic Development as well an associate fellow both at Institute of Oceanography and Environment (INOS), and Kenyir Research Institute (IPK), Universiti Malaysia Terengganu (UMT). He can be reached at [email protected]

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in 89the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 89 INTRODUCTION clouding the analysis. As I will highlight in details below, I use the Dewan Rakyat Hansard of the There are many scholarly works have Malaysian Parliament (1990-2012) to capture been published on poverty in Malaysia to date. “insights”, “complexity of social behavior” and Malaysia is considered as one of the most “unknown quality” (Gerring, 2007, 4-7) of data successful stories of poverty eradication in the gathered. Integrating inferences and interpreting world after the affirmative action of the New the puzzle of the story is important in any case Economic Policy (NEP) (1970-1990) was studies to produce a coherent case empirically. introduced by the second Prime Minister, Abdul As the only elected representatives in Malaysia, Razak. Using quantitative methods, scholars understanding MP’s views are crucial who have show the reduction of poverty in Malaysia “situated knowledge” (Mitrom, 2003, 72) in statistically. While data and statistics provided providing unique and research-worthy insights by the state agencies help us to understand the into the parliament affairs. Through a narrative success of the poverty eradication, I highlight the focused on the MP debates in the Dewan Rakyat, untold story of poverty that has been raised in the I seek to understand the nature poverty issues in Malaysia Parliament in this article qualitatively. the Malaysian politics. Contrary to the existing Scholarly literatures and data by the works that examine poverty and quota using various state agencies in Malaysia inform quantitative data, I revitalise and refresh the us little about the poverty debates in the discussion by triangulating verbatim data of Malaysian Parliament. By analysing the Dewan Members of Parliments’ debates, extracted from 2 Rakyat (House of Representatives) Hansard to the Hansard. understand poverty issues, I explore the extent to Poverty eradication has always been on which the Members of Parliament (MPs) use the the federal government agenda in Malaysia, Malaysian Parliament to express their concerns to with programmes to eradicate poverty and rural government. My focus is the narrative debates on development undertaken using a top-down poverty issues and politics in the Dewan Rakyat. approach. Often, citizen input on development is I analyse the Dewan Rakyat Hansard within the ignored by the government. Poverty eradication time framework of the 8th parliament to the and the quota system for Bumiputera (son-of-the 12th parliament (1990-2012). Since the 1990s, soil) within the scope of different affirmative Malaysia has experienced a rapid economic action policies (in particular the NEP) have growth and urbanisation which contributed to been vital in uplifting the economic status of the reduce of the poverty level. I question whether working class group in Malaysia. Existing works and to what extent the data and statistics represent show that the different views of scholars about the “reality” of poverty in Malaysia after the New the Malaysian government’s top-down approach Economic Policy (NEP) ended in 1990. in addressing the poverty issues. Whether they agree or disagree with government mechanisms METHODOLOGY to eradicate poverty, the similarity in their arguments is that Malaysia is a success story in I revitalize and refresh the discussion on terms of poverty eradication and restructuring poverty in Malaysia by employing qualitative economic inequality between ethnic groups. technique of archival research. This article is an Specifically this success has been directly exploratory examination of poverty using the associated with the quota system in education, debates in the Dewan Rakyat as a case study. public sector and public equity for a particular I use the words whether and to what extent to ethnic, namely the Malays, using institutionalised avoid subconscious assumptions and perceptions mechanisms. 2 Hansard is a parliament report that contains the parliament Interestingly, Smits (2009) argues that debates in verbatim during the parliament sitting. The Malaysian Parliament Hansard contains the Yang di-Pertuan Agong’s (the the institutionalised mechanisms used by many monarch and head of the state of Malaysia) speech, bills and governments to address poverty have become acts tabled; the attendance of MPs; questions and answers of the source of controversial debates since the the parliament sittings; MPs votes and so forth.

90 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 1980s because it may undermine democracy. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard, to some Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, extent, illustrates the resistance amongst the have established their own welfare policies MPs of both government and opposition to the that have taken into account their own political executive agendas. In the poverty issues, MPs and cultural background for the purposes of become the mediators between the constituents supporting low income families. To Smits, none and government to channel the poverty issues of the programmes have met targets to eradicate in the parliament. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard poverty. Under economic rationalism based on shows a level of resistance amongst the MPs to neo-liberal perspectives, led by the American be the rubber stamp for the federal government and then followed by the western European from both the government and opposition MPs governments since the 1990s have reformed their because ministers and bureaucrats in Putrajaya welfare programmes to encourage the recipients have little contact with the community at large. to actively look for jobs and enter the labour This is a point of difference for this article, and markets, gradually implementing the bottom-up contradicts the monotonous argument that MPs mechanisms. Their footsteps have been followed functions are merely as rubber stamp in the by Australia, Canada, and New Zealand in which Dewan Rakyat. Often, to validate the argument of the role of governments in providing welfare rubber stamp culture in the Malaysian Parliament, support has been reduced to promote individual the sources that are referred to by the authors are responsibility. based on government practices via executive power, the Malaysian Constitution, Statute Paper, THE DEWAN RAKYAT HANSARD Parliament Standing Orders and Parliament Order Papers. Because of the “novelty” of Constitution AND POVERTY ISSUES and other governance documents related to Poverty issues matter in Malaysia’s parliamentary affairs, often the conclusion made politics. The existing scholarly work only used becomes too legalistic without “human soul” or the official statistics of government agencies to sufficient consideration of the complex human examine the poverty eradication in Malaysia relationships that are given voice during the (Sloane-White, Beaulieu 2010; Van Dodge process. However, the “conflicting interests” 2012; Lange 2009). The exclusion of Hansard between personal views and party obligations records has left the reality of poverty debates are captured and unveiled through the analysis in parliament unnoticed. Hansard records are of Hansard. under-utilised in the examination of poverty and decision-making in Malaysia. Interestingly, the The Dewan Rakyat Hansard, thus, does Dewan Rakyat Hansard records offer a significant greater justice for the reluctant MPs who source of data that reveal how the Malaysian MPs have been forced to accommodate, rather than articulate their thoughts in the poverty debates. voluntarily embrace legislation that may appear The Dewan Rakyat Hansard is a vital to be simply function of the rubber stamp culture source to investigate the MPs’ concerns on in the Malaysian Parliament. If the study only poverty in Malaysia. The Hansard records concentrates on MP votes in the Malaysian provide the “raw emotion and feeling” of MPs Parliament, it does not reveal much of the when debating poverty issues. The Dewan Rakyat process involved and thus may not necessarily Hansard shows whether the MPs are standing for reflect the outcome made by the legislative political party or citizens when raising poverty body. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard enlightens us issues in the Malaysian Parliament. The contents as to why the MPs raised the poverty issues and of the Dewan Rakyat Hansard enlighten us to the purposes for them being raised morally and understand MPs’ stands on poverty and public politically. policy from inside the parliament prior to decision-making in Malaysia.

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 91 DEBATES ON POVERTY MPs perceived as new problems in Malaysia, such as the increasing gap between the poor and NEP has contributed significant impacts rich amongst the citizens, and the growing and in combating poverty in Malaysia. Based on increasing relative poverty amongst citizens in the official government statistics, Malaysia has the first decade of the 21st century. experienced a significant poverty reduction from 49.3% (1970) to 29.2% (1980) to 16.5% Furthermore, some MPs perceived that (1990), and to 5.7% (2004) (Rahimah, 2012, 38). affirmative action also contributed to the According to the Ministry of Women, Family Bumiputera being unproductive and lacking and Community Development, the number of competitiveness, as well as the abuse of public hardcore families were decreased to 44,463 in procurements, projects and loans. MPs believed August 2010. It shows a significant reduction that these problems occurred because the of 10,515 families in two years. The Deputy government allowed cronyism and nepotism Prime Minister had informed the Dewan Rakyat during the implementation of the NEP and this that there were 54,977 hard core poor families has continued as a culture amongst the elite up in Malaysia in the parliament sitting on 14 May until the present time. What MPs perceived is 2008 (Najib Razak, DR.14.05.2008). Most of the also supported by existing scholarly literatures recipients of e-kasih were from the poor states on this subject. Scholars have argued that the such as Sabah, Sarawak, Kelantan, Kedah and implementation of the NEP has been abused Terengganu. Sabah and Sarawak remained as the by the politicians and has indeed fostered two poorest states within the federal up to 2012. cronyism and nepotism in Malaysia (Gomez, However, a few MPs challenged the validity of 1990, 1991, 1996; Gomez & Jomo, 1999). The data related to the hardcore poverty provided gap between the rich and the poor Malays has by the state agencies. For example, the Kuala also certainly been widened and contributed to Lipis MP, Mohamad Shahrum Osman doubted greater economic inequality amongst the ethnic the validity of the hardcore poverty statistics that groups (Ho, 2003; Jomo, 1994), and nourished were provided by the government. He claimed a complacent attitude amongst some Malays and that there were two different statistics provided by thus made them less competitive in developing the Economic Planning Unit (EPU) and Ministry survival skills (Gomez & Jomo, 1999; Mahathir, of Rural and Regional Development (MoRRD) 2011; Plate, 2011). (Mohamad Shahrum Osman, DR.18.02.2009). Data from Hansard indicate that debates Despite of a few affirmative actions that about affirmative action are concentrated on the have been introduced by the federal government privileges given to the Bumiputera under Article after 1990, the NEP remained as the focal point of 153. This article has been used to justify the debates in the Dewan Rakyat. The NEP outcomes strategy to increase Bumiputera equity. Ibrahim and their consequences were still being debated in Ali, the Pasir Mas MP, questioned the rationales parliament, two decades after the policy officially of the New Economic Model (NEM)3 as he ended in 1990. For example, Khalid Abdul believed that they were not sufficient to protect Samad, the Shah Alam MP, asked the government Malay privileges as stated in Article 153 of the in 2010 to explain the reasons why the NEP failed Constitution (Ibrahim Ali, DR.14.12.2010). to meet its objectives (Khalid Abdul Samad, Ibrahim Ali, an independent MP and the President DR.14.12.2010). The polemics have centered on of Perkasa (an ethnic Malay NGO), was against a new need for a policy approach that is inclusive due to many of the perceived consequences and 3 NEM (2011-2020) was introduced by Najib Razak, under the 1Malaysia programme. Under the 1Malaysia concept, NEM is flaws that have arisen from the implementation subjected to the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) of the NEP. The NEP has been debated because and the Government Transformation Programme (GTP). The of the government’s failure to reach targets NEM main objective is to generate economic growth faster if Malaysia is to be a high income developed state in which to eradicate poverty and increase Bumiputera Mahathir, UMNO and Perkasa (an NGO) have considered equity. The interviews and Hansard data establish would weakening the Malay preferential treatment. The NEM the notion that the NEP has contributed to what was announced in parliament in 2010 during the Budget 2011 presentation.

92 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 the idea of dropping 30 per cent Bumiputera data validity and the actual state agency that is equity ownership as proposed in the NEM. He responsible and accountable for decision-making, was one of the MPs that have advocated for tasks and resources. The multiple state agencies quota allocations for Bumiputera remaining that are involved in a given government program in the NEM. Strong opposition from UMNO also, to some extent, has created difficulties and Perkasa has made the National Economic to MPs in the execution of their tasks. Nancy Advisory Council (NEAC) to amend the original Shukri, the Batang Sadong MP, raised the issue version of the NEM to protect the Malays’ related to the effectiveness of the 1AZAM interests. However, opposition MPs argued that it program since it involved different ministries and was about time that Article 153 was re-examined. multiple state agencies at federal and state levels For example, (Nancy Shukri, DR.09.12.2010). For example One of the pillars in the Constitution is the the ministries and government agencies involved privileges of the Malays and Bumiputera. [But in poverty eradication are the Prime Minister’s I’m questioning] the method used here. We Office, the Economic Planning Unit (EPU), use the Malay and Bumiputera privileges only the Ministry of Finance (MoF), the Ministry of to enrich a few leaders and give a very small Women, Family and Community Development portion to the ordinary citizens. Therefore, it (MoWFCD), the Ministry of Rural and Regional is acceptable for us to study article 153 again Development (MoRRD), the Ministry of Housing (Anwar Ibrahim, DR.19.2.2009). and Local Government (MoHLG), Majlis

Perundingan Ekonomi Melayu (MAPEM), Another problem is the competing and Majlis Perundingan Ekonomi Negara (MAPEN), overlapping tasks between different ministries.4 YBK, Amanah Ikhtiar and so forth. This has contributed to a situation where responsibilities and policies often overlapped. Hansard data indicate that often the one-off These ministries are responsible to inform the administrative service expenses are bigger than parliament about the programs that they oversee. the total amount of aids channeled to citizens. This has also caused confusion especially on For example, Zuraida Kamaruddin, the Ampang MP, asked the government to explain the

4 An example involving bureaucracy and red-tape is the reasons why the one-off administrative service 1AZAM programme of e-Kasih to eradicate hardcore poverty expenses of the welfare department was bigger by 2010. e-Kasih is a government programme to register poor than the assistance provided. She argued that households nationwide. e-Kasih’s target is the poor family, single or sick elderly person, ill family members that need the government should reduce the red-tape, and treatment, disabled persons, and so forth. Under e-Kasih, the overlapping and unnecessary bureaucracy, to government has created a few platforms to facilitate or/and improve the delivery system and the resources create jobs for citizens through the 1AZAM programme. The 1AZAM programme can be divided into four sub-programmes available to providing welfare to citizens. In which are the AZAM Kerja (labour sector), the AZAM Tani the Auditor General‘s Report 2009, low income (agriculture sector), the AZAM Niaga (business sector), individuals in Tawau, Sabah, had to wait for and the AZAM Khidmat (services sector). The Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development is responsible two to eight months to get the assistance from for co-ordinating the 1AZAM programmes of e-Kasih that government agencies. Zuraida claimed that the are conducted by the different ministries and government government took from 17 to 500 days to channel agencies such as the Ministry of Human Resources for AZAM Kerja, the Ministry of Agriculture and Agro-Based Industry the allocation of RM2.4 million to the deserving for AZAM Tani, the Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia for AZAM recipients (Zuraida Kamaruddin, DR.8.12.2010). Niaga and AZAM Khidmat. Meanwhile, in East Malaysia, the state governments appointed their own agencies. In Sarawak Questions also raised by MPs regarding the the agencies responsible for the 1AZAM programme are the methods employed by Putrajaya to empower the Department of Agriculture, the Bintulu Development Authority, the Sarawak Bumiputera Development Unit, the Sarawak poor groups. Abdul Hadi Awang, the Marang MP, Timber Industry Development, FAMA, LKIM, GIAT MARA questioned the methods used by the government and the Sarawak Labour Department. In Sabah, the agencies in implementing some policies to enhance the involved are Sabah Usaha Maju Foundation, the Department of Agriculture Sabah, the Sabah Fishermen Cooperation, the socio-economic status of poor citizens. He argued Sabah Rural Development Cooperation, the Department of that budget allocation was not good enough if Fisheries Sabah, and the Department of Women Affairs Sabah (Hen Seai Kie, DR.09.12.2010). the body that managed a particular program

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 93 failed to deliver it. He claimed that MAPEN had created housing problems which has contributed not carried out their duties effectively and the to the emergence of relative poverty in today’s modus operandi of MAPEN was different from Malaysia, even if absolute poverty has been what had been agreed upon during the policy- dramatically reduced. making process. Hadi claimed that the initial modus operandi involved and engaged different ACCROSS THE DEVIDE: stakeholders such as state agencies, opposition THE VOICE OF DEWAN RAKYAT parties, academicians and NGOs (Abdul Hadi Awang, DR.30.04.2008). The poverty eradication programmes have always been a top-down approach in Malaysia. The competing and overlapping tasks by Although Malaysia is a federal state, Putrajaya various state agencies of the different ministries (previously Kuala Lumpur) has always played a were perceived by MPs as a mechanism for the vital role to govern the poverty issues. Between politicians to get more government projects 1990 and 2012, there were two programmes that through the government programs. Wan Azizah had been established by the federal government Wan Ismail, the Permatang Pauh MP, agreed that to eradicate poverty that directly impacted the NEP had contributed to the development and upon hardcore families in Malaysia. The two reduction of poverty in Malaysia. She, however, programmes were the Development Program for urged the government to re-examine any policy the Hard core Poor or Program Pembangunan resemblance to the NEP as they had become a Rakyat Termiskin (PPRT) and e-Kasih. Prior to factor that had nourished cronyism, manipulation, the 21st century, generally the aid given under and the self-serving abuse of power amongst the this program was in the form of one-off-aid, and elite politicians. She argued that it was about time did not contribute to value-added activities or that the affirmative action policies included all proper vocational training. However, the strategy marginalised citizens in Malaysia. has been since changed through the provision [This] is very unfortunate for Bumiputera of better technical skills and vocational training when only a minority of the rich [Bumiputera] support, in order to ensure the sustainability urge [the NEP] to continue. What we must of recipients ‘abilities to cope and adopt with care about is the future of the majority of Bumiputera – Malays in villages, Kadazan, the changes in life-style and surroundings as Murut, Iban, Bidayuh and others in remote Malaysia continues to develop. rural areas and along the coast. Any new In April 2008, Muhammed Muhamad approach to tackle poverty has to take into Taib, the Minister of the MoRRD, informed account the poor and marginalised Chinese Dewan Rakyat that Putrajaya was focused on and Indians as well (Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, six core strategies to tackle poverty eradication DR.05.05.2008). in rural constituencies. The first strategy focused

on upgrading the quality of basic infrastructure, Under the NEP, the government focus and social utilities and amenities such as the for poverty eradication was mainly in the rural road system, alternative roads for villages, water constituencies, especially from the 1970s through and electrical supplies. The second focused on the 1980s. Since the 1990s, the focus has shifted to eradicating hard core poverty via development include the urban constituencies as well because schemes for people and mega agricultural of the rapid industrialisation and urbanisation projects of the agropolitan. Third, intensifying that was highly concentrated in the major urban the human capital development for rural citizens areas such as Klang Valley, Penang and Johor. through vocational training and along with the The rapid industrialisation and urbanisation has fourth, integration of development programmes driven the steady internal migration of the rural for isolated and underdeveloped villages were nitizens to urban constituencies. The population both key strategies for increasing value-added concentration and the high cost of living in the activities within the program. The fifth strategy major urban areas like Kuala Lumpur/Klang was to narrow the digital gap between the rural Valley, Johor Bahru and George Town has

94 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 and urban areas by providing infrastructure and or detect isolated cases [which have been info-structure such as information technology overlooked under e-kasih] that need assistance. (IT) centres in villages and rural districts, while All MPs that I interviewed, regardless of whether the sixth and final strategies were to develop they were Barisan Nasional (BN) or PR or in industry based on the agropolitan project the urban or rural constituencies, have worked (Mohammed Muhamad Taib, DR.30.04.2008). with the Welfare Department to focus on poverty eradication in Malaysia within the PPRT and The six core strategies were the e-Kasih programs. continuation of previous government strategies in responding to citizens’ demands by intensifying In principle, MPs agreed that the battle the development of basic infrastructure, utilities, to eradicate poverty should not be politicized. rural information and communications technology They agreed that those who qualified must be (ICT) programmes, and so forth (Muhammed helped, regardless of their ethnic background and Mohammad Taib, DR.20.05.2008). The MoRRD political affiliations. There should not be special claimed that providing basic infrastructure and preferences for one particular ethnic group and amenities to rural areas was on track as the political allegiance. MPs provided the list of the supply coverage for treated water in the rural needy families/individuals to the state agencies. areas in the Peninsular was 97 per cent, while However, they did not have the power to make the it was 63 per cent in Sabah and 62 per cent in final decision or to ensure that the target groups Sarawak. The supply of electricity to rural areas actually receive the help from the agencies as in the Peninsular was 99 per cent, in Sabah it was claimed by key informants, Zuraida Kamaruddin, 76.26 per cent and in Sarawak 84.08 per cent. the Ampang MP; Fong Po Kuan, the Batu Gajah Finally, the coverage of roads that were sealed MP; and Siti Zailah Mohd Yusoff, the Rantau roads (excluding highways) in rural areas in the Panjang MP. Peninsular was 95 per cent, in Sabah 40 per cent, In the early 1990’s, the Bukit Mertajam and in Sarawak this figure was 34 per cent in 2007 MP, Chian Hen Kai, claimed that the government (Muhammed Mohammad Taib, DR.20.05.2008). practiced favouritism based on party alliances in It has become the duty for MPs to selecting the recipients of poverty programme disseminate information about state programs aids. He claimed that Bumiputera who earned on combating poverty in Malaysia to citizens RM5000 had received assistance while some and providing the lists of poor citizens to the who had earned only RM300 were denied. He, government agencies. MPs have been one of therefore, urged the government to reconsider the backbones to trace and give feedback to and change the policy to ensure that only the the government agencies. MPs helped their deserving individuals received help, to ensure constituents by providing lists of the needy political allegiance was not a factor (Chian Hen to the federal government. MPs’ offices have Kai, DR.02.01.1991). been responsible for combating poverty with Although the government denied any programs such as the PPRT, e-Kasih and the political influence in the process of providing Projek Cari (the Search Project) that target a assistance to the poor, findings from interviews, wide range of welfare dependents, including poor on the contrary, reveal that most MPs perceived families, single or sick elderly persons, stateless that poverty assistance delivery and coverage, children, ill family members who need treatment, to some extent, was actually influenced by disabled persons who have not registered with political allegiance. Interview data indicate that the Department of Welfare, depleted households, there is a strong consensus amongst opposition and households without basic necessities. Zuraida MPs that the government gives priority to the Kamaruddin, the Ampang MP, provided a good BN constituencies. MPs from the opposition example of the above. For example, through felt that it was always about the government Projek Cari, Zuraida claimed that she cooperated constituencies and the opposition constituencies. with the state agencies at federal level to search Potential recipients are often scrutinised first out and notify the marginalized individuals

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 95 before receiving assistance. The opposition MPs Badawi (2003-2009) who allowed parliament to also claimed that opposition party members often be more “transparent and independent”. During did not get help from the government agencies Mahathir tenure as the Prime Minister (1981- even though they are supposed to be non-partisan. 2003), Hansard data indicate that in parliament, Furthermore, all opposition MPs suggested that as expected, the cabinet tended to use the Dewan the poverty eradication policy had been abused Rakyat to brief and inform MPs what the federal by UMNO elite for its own vested interests. government has done and how successful the poverty eradication programs were, rather than Raja Ahmad Zainuddin Raja Omar, the re-evaluate and advocate the discussed programs. Larut MP, is an example of how an MP urged Depending on the MP’s political party affiliation, political allegiance as a must criteria to decide generally MPs had tendency to echo the cabinet’s on the allocation of government resources to agenda if they were government MPs, and citizens. He suggested that the government criticised it if they were opposition MPs. should carry out studies to ensure that opposition supporters amongst the low income groups did Prior to 2008, Hansard data suggest that not get assistance under the PPRT project. He often MPs echoed government explanations expressed his frustration in the Dewan Rakyat during parliamentary sittings. For example, Che because the poor families who supported the Ibrahim Mustaffa, the Sungai Petani MP, simply opposition were amongst the recipients of the praised the government by repeating what the PPRT program (Raja Ahmad Zainuddin Raja government had delivered through the budget. Omar, DR.23.02.2000). However, the Deputy Che Ibrahim Mustaffa said the government had MoRRD, G. Palanivel explained that poverty done a great job by repeating what the minister eradication did not take political allegiance into had informed the parliament about, such as account (G. Palanivel, DR.23.02.2000). RM6 billion allocations for poverty eradication programme in rural districts: RM80 million for The opposition MPs’ claim that only their the subsidy scheme for paddy fertilisers, RM12 constituencies had been discriminated against by million for fishermen and farmers, RM416 the government is arguably inaccurate. Hansard million for new settlements, restructuring land indicate that the government constituencies use and replanting the rubber trees, RM346 in East Malaysia were also fighting to get million for water supply, and RM16 million for better treatment from the federal government. electricity supply in rural districts (Che Ibrahim This argument is based on the consistency of Mustaffa, DR.02.01.1991). pledges and statements of frustration made by the government MPs of Sabah and Sarawak in The questions asked by MPs were rather parliament. The Sabah and Sarawak MPs claimed standard during parliamentary sittings. MPs that there was always a tendency for the federal asked what the government had done to tackle government to be deliberately selective and poverty and to lessen citizens’ burden when biased in providing assistance to combat poverty, the oil price was increasing globally (Razali whether this was a regional or ethnic bias. Ibrahim, DR.30.04.2008). This type of question is often answered by cabinet ministers using a standard format, such as making reference to the POVERTY DEBATES: government reviewing mid-term budget of the THE “EVOLUTION” Malaysia Plan. For example, when the oil price Prior to Malaysia’s 12th General Election reached US$120 per barrel on the international (2008), based on data extracted from the market in 2008, the cabinet informed the Dewan Hansard, the Dewan Rakyat was functioning Rakyat that the government would undertake more as a venue for government briefing their a mid-term review of the 9MP. Parliament agenda and success rather than debating the approved RM4 billion under the scope of people national issues. However, the debate cultures oriented budget to subsidize basic needs such as had changed gradually since then, especially rice, flour, cooking oil and so forth as well as under the fifth Prime Minister, Abdullah Ahmad construction materials to ensure the upgrading

96 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 of infrastructure projects in rural constituencies the Cinderella in the federation. Analysis based and the construction of low-cost flats for poor on Hansard records show that often the MPs citizens were not affected (Abdullah Badawi, from East Malaysia were skeptical about cabinet DR.30.04.2008). This trend, however, has answers in parliament. changed since the 12th Parliament. In the first Abdul Ghapur Salleh of Kalabakan was one sitting of the first term of the 12th Parliamentary of the BN MPs that had consistently advocated debates, issues of poverty and up-graded quality and disputed the government programmes of life dominated the concerns of opposition MPs on poverty eradication in the Dewan Rakyat. of DAP, PAS and PKR. Frustrated with the rhetoric, he suggested that In between 1990 and 2013, poverty issues the cabinet should visit the poor constituencies in East Malaysia, especially in Sabah, were in Malaysia rather than rely on data provided constantly highlighted by MPs in parliament. by officials. He claimed that poverty in Sabah Their concerns were focused on the problems was at 24 per cent of its population and 800 per related to the lack of infrastructure, or facilities cent higher than poverty at the national level for better living conditions and activities to (Abdul Ghapur Salleh, DR.12.05.2008). The boost the economy. Meanwhile, the MPs of Deputy Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office, Semenanjung (Peninsular Malaysia) had moved S.K. Devamany informed parliament that the toward discussing a new type of poverty, which government only provided assistance to poor is relative poverty. This kind of poverty has risen families and responded to citizens’ demands because of the rapid urbanisation process and the based on data and statistics provided by the global impacts on the Malaysian economy of state agencies (S.K.Devamany, DR.12.05.2008). certain types of increased trade opening. MPs felt However, as argued by MPs of East Malaysia, that hard core poverty was not a major issue in statistics did not always portray the actual many constituencies in the Peninsular, but it was situation (Bung Mokhtar Radin, DR18.02.2009; in rural Sabah and Sarawak. However, these MPs Lau Ngau Siew, DR21.02.2000). The Batang perceived that the high level of income inequality Sadong MP urged Putrajaya to pay closer was becoming a significant problem, especially attention to her constituency as the reality was in the urban constituencies. worse than what statistical data suggested (Nancy Shukri, DR.07.05.2008). Rather different than the BN MPs from Semenanjung, Hansard data reveal that The common answer given by the minister the government MPs of Sabah and Sarawak in the Dewan Rakyat is that the government have taken a different tone when questioning always allocates a bigger budget to Sabah and government programs and policies. Their Sarawak than other states in the Peninsular. For behavior in questioning the government’s example, the Minister of Integration, Culture, promises to citizens is actually inclined towards Arts and Heritage, Mohd Shafie Apdal denied that and similar to that of the opposition MPs in East Malaysia had been sidelined from the major parliament. For example, the Tanjung Manis development by Putrajaya. Shafie stated that both MP, Norah Abdul Rahman, questioned the Sabah and Sarawak had been allocated a bigger federal government’s perception about the status budget in the 9MP compared to the 8MP. The and significance of East Malaysia. She felt the allocation for Sabah, which was RM15.7 billion federal government had ignored East Malaysia or 7.8% in the 9MP against RM13.2 billion in terms of economic development (Norah Abdul in the previous 8MP, was the highest amongst Rahman, DR.05.05.2008). She was not alone as the 13 states in Malaysia. Meanwhile, Sarawak the MPs of Kinabatangan, Kalabakan, Gaya and received RM13.4 billion or 6.7% in the 9MP Batang Sadong were amongst the most active compared to RM12.8 billion in the 8MP. Mohd legislators who advocated citizens’ concerns, Shafie explained to the parliament that RM189 demands and frustrations in the parliament. MPs million was allocated for Sabah to tackle poverty from Sabah and Sarawak felt that East Malaysia amongst the Bumiputera with emphasis given had been sidelined and the East Malaysia was to Orang Sungai, Rungus, Bisayah, Suluk and

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 97 Sulu. Meanwhile RM139 million was allocated Gomez, E. T. (1996). The 1995 Malaysian General to Sarawak to help poor Bumiputera there, in Elections: A Report and Commentary. particular amongst the Bidayuh, Kenyah, Kayan, Singapore: ISEAS. Kadayan, Penan and Luang Bawan (Mohd Shafie Gomez, E. T., & Jomo, K. S. (1999). Malaysia’s Apdal, DR.05.05.2008). Political Economy: Politics, Patronage and Profits. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CONCLUSION Jomo K.S. (1990). Growth and Structural Change in the Malaysian Economy. London: Macmillan. The Dewan Rakyat Hansard provides new Jomo K.S. (1994). U-Turn?: Malaysia Economic insights of the unexplored poverty polemics in Development Policies After 1990. Cairns: Malaysia. The parliament proceedings indicate Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, James the complexity of the poverty issues and politics Cook University. in Malaysia. Within the time framework of Jomo, K.S. (2000). Malaysian Middle Class?: Some this article, the 12th parliament became the era Preliminary Analytical Considerations. In K. S. where the MPs across the divide questioned and Jomo (Ed.), Rethinking Malaysia (pp.126-148). Hong Kong: Asia 2000. challenged the federal government more openly in the parliament related to the affirmative action Ho, K.L. (2003) Kerangka Politik dan Pentadbiran: Cabaran dan Pembaharuan di Bawah in combating poverty in Malaysia. I employ Pentadbiran Mahathir. In K.L. Ho, & J. Chin qualitative research technique of archival (Eds.), Pentadbiran Mahathir: Prestasi dan research to examine how MPs, to some extent, Krisis dalam Pemerintahan (pp.8-29. Kuala are still impartial in undertaking their role as Lumpur: Times Book International. citizen representatives. That is to say that the Mahathir, M. (2011). A Doctor in the House: The Malaysian MPs are not always constrained Memoirs of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. by partisan interests when debating poverty Petaling Jaya: MPH Group Publishing. issues in the Dewan Rakyat. Contrary to the Mintrom, M. (2003). People Skills for Policy Analysts. popular perception that the role of the Barisan Washington D.C: George Town University Nasional MPs as a “rubber stamp” to the federal Press. government, I argue that they had been given Plate, T. (2011). Dr. M: Operation Malaysia. Singapore; London: Marshall Cavendish a “venue” to question the authority related to Editions. the poverty issues in the Malaysian Parliament. Rahimah, A.B. (2012). New Economic Policy and However, they still faced some limitations as to the Malaysian Multiethnic Middle Class. Asian in-line and coherent with the government agenda Ethnicity, 13(2), 29-46. since the poverty policies in Malaysia had always Smith, G. (2009). Democratic Innovations: Designing using top-down approach. Based on the Hansard Institutions for Citizen Participation. data, MPs agreed in general that the federal Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. government was able to address and reduce, over Sowell, T. (2004). Affirmative Action around the time, the hardcore poverty and restructure society World: an Empirical Study. New Haven: Yale in Malaysia, even if they had misgivings about University Press. the implementation of the NEP. Zainal, A.Y (2001). Income Distribution in Malaysia. In C. Barlow (Ed.), Modern Malaysia in the Global Economy: Political and Social Change REFERENCES into the 21st Century (pp.74-93). Cheltenham: Edward Edgar Publishing. Gerring, J. (2007). Case Study Research: Principles and Practices. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Parliament Hansard Gomez, E.T. (1990). Politics in Business: UMNO’s Abdul Hadi, A. (2008, April 30). Penyata Rasmi Corporate Investment. Kuala Lumpur: Forum. Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Gomez, E.T. (1991). Money Politics in the Barisan Nasional. Kuala Lumpur: Forum.

98 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 Abdul Ghapur, S. (2008, May 12). Penyata Rasmi Nancy, S. (2010 December 9). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Kedua Belas. Abdullah, B. (2008, April 30). Penyata Rasmi Najib, R. (2008, May 14). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Kedua Belas. Belas. Anwar, I. (2009, February 19). Penyata Rasmi Norah, A.R. (2008, May 5). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Kedua Belas. Belas. Bung Moktar, R. (2009, February 18). Penyata Rasmi Palanivel, G. (2000, February 23). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Kesepuluh. Che Ibrahim, M. (1991, January 2). Penyata Rasmi Radin, M. (1991, January 2). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kelapan. Kelapan. Chian, H.K. (1991 January 2). Penyata Rasmi Raja Ahmad Zainuddin, R.O. (2000, February 23). Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Kelapan. Rakyat, Parlimen Kesepuluh. Devamany, S.K. (2008, May 12). Penyata Rasmi Razali, I. (2008, April 30). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Kedua Belas. Belas. Fadzil, M. N. (2000, February 16). Penyata Rasmi Wan Azizah, W.I. (2008, May 5). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kesepuluh. Kedua Belas. Hen, S.K. (2010, December 9). Penyata Rasmi Zuraida, K. (2010, December 8). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Kedua Belas. Ibrahim A. (2010, December 4). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Khalid, A.S. (2010, December 14). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Lau, N.S. (2000, February 21). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kesepuluh. Mohammed, M.T (2008 April 30). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Mohammed, M.T (2008 May 20). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Mohd Shafie, A. (2008, May 5). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Mohamad Shahrum, O. (2009, February 8). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas. Nancy, S. (2008, May 7). Penyata Rasmi Parliament Malaysia, Dewan Rakyat, Parlimen Kedua Belas.

Nazli Aziz | Poverty Debates in the Dewan Rakyat of the Malaysian Farliament | 99

THE LIFE OF MUSLIM INDONESIAN STUDENTS IN GERMANY: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

KEHIDUPAN PELAJAR MUSLIM INDONESIA DI JERMAN: TANTANGAN DAN PELUANG

Gilang Maulana Majid Goethe University of Frankfurt Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 10-08-2017 Direvisi: 20-09-2017 Disetujui: 10-11-2017

ABSTRAK

Imigrasi orang-orang yang melekat pada agama tertentu di negara yang mana sebagian besar penduduknya tidak memeluk agama yang sama selalu menjadi topik yang menarik untuk dieksplor, terutama ketika menyangkut wacana mobilitas siswa di dunia pendidikan tinggi. Banyak faktor harus diperhitungkan sebelum seseorang membuat keputusan ke negara mana untuk melanjutkan studi. Sebagai umat Islam yang mematuhi nilai-nilai agamanya, setiap faktor yang mendukung kesalehan seseorang akan dipertimbangkan. Studi ini mengeksplorasi kehidupan pelajar Indonesia Muslim yang belajar di Jerman. Studi ini berangkat dari motivasi belajar, konsep push dan pull factor yang kemudian diperkaya dengan perspektif agama. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa meskipun ada tantangan yang dihadapi para siswa ini sebagai seorang Muslim, namun masih ada peluang menarik yang mereka alami ketika tinggal di Jerman yang kemudian dianggap sangat penting dalam kaitannya dengan keislaman mereka. Menyadari pentingnya wacana semacam ini bagi para imigran Indonesia, baik itu mahasiswa maupun non-pelajar, maka perlu penelitian lebih lanjut dengan topik yang sama. Kata kunci: Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia, Jerman, push-pull factor, pendidikan tinggi, haji

ABSTRACT Immigration of people attached to a certain religion in a country where most of the population do not embrace the same religion has always been an interesting topic to explore, especially when it is regarding the discourse of student mobility in higher education world. A lot of factors must be taken into account before one makes a decision on which country to continue the study. As Muslims adhere to certain religious values, any factor that supports one’s piousity would be ideally weighed. This study explores the life of Muslim Indonesian students studying in Germany. Departing from the study motivation, the concept of push and pull factor is then enriched with religious perspectives. The research findings show that even though there are challenges that these students face as a Muslim, there is still an interesting opportunity that they have experienced when residing in Germany and later deem most significant in relation to their Islamicity. Realizing the importance of this kind of discourse for Indonesian immigrants, be it student or non-student, a suggestion of further research under the same topic is emphasized.

Keywords: Germany, hajj, higher education, Muslim Indonesian student, push-pull factor

101 INTRODUCTION might be varied as today there are more ways to reach Germany besides self-funding scheme, i.e. Immigration has been a major factor that scholarship4 – making the opportunity to study shapes the Muslim population in Germany today. abroad becomes more open. The first Muslims to come to Germany in large numbers were the guest workers from Turkey The question drawn from the description who started to arrive in the 1960s (Keller, 2017). above is what will happen to the Muslim The peak of the migration was between 1971 Indonesian students that undergo the change of and 1973 during which around half a million status from being part of the Muslim-majority of Turkish labours came (Kilinc, 2014, 5). In society in Indonesia to become members of 1973, following the economic recession, the Muslim-minority community in Germany. How recruitment was banned but at the same period, do they then make their adjustment process in the the government introduced family reunification new country? What kind of challenges do they law allowing Turkish immigrants to bring their face? More importantly, what kind of experiences spouses and non-adult children (Oner, 2014, do they find in Germany that might not be found 72). Therefore, Turkish immigrants are currently in Indonesia but are worthy to share? After all, to considered the largest minority group in Germany what extent will they still recommend Germany constituting 2.4% of the total population; to their Muslim colleagues in Indonesia – who are while German makes up 91.5 % (CIA World in search of country destination for study – among Factbook, 2018). In terms of religion, Germany other Muslim-minority countries? is a Muslim-minority country with only 4.4% of Taking the results of interviews made the total population embracing Islam– compared with five Muslim Indonesian students as the to the adherents of Roman Catholic that make source of empirical data, this article departs from up 29% and Protestant that have 27% (CIA the common motivation that they have when World Factbook, 20181). In fact, 50.6% of those choosing Germany as their destination country Muslims are of Turkey origin (Keller, 2017). for study. Then their life as a Muslim in Germany Interestingly, dating back again in the will be explored to see if Germany has special early 1970s, Indonesians were the second largest condition that could be another point of attraction group of foreign students in Germany after the for Muslims to decide the country as their study Turkish (Welcker, 2016, 9). Although 87,2% of destination. This article attempts to contribute the total population in Indonesia are Muslim to existing literature on push and pull factor of (CIA World Factbook, 20182), Welcker (2016, a country as a study destination by employing 16) wrote that Christians make up less than 60% Muslims’ point of view in the discussion. The of total Indonesian immigrants in Germany3. findings found in this research can serve as a Their presence could be explained by the fact reference for any Muslim Indonesian student that, in the past, it is mainly Indonesians with before selecting a study destination country. sufficient financial means who were able to come Divided into three broad sections, the first to Germany for study and these often have been section of this article contains the theoretical and Christian Chinese-Indonesians (Welcker, 2016). methodological framework of the study providing In 2015, there are 3,626 Indonesian students a review of related literature and the data studying in Germany (DAAD, cited from Lestari collection process. The second section presents 2016). Within this number, it is believed that the the findings and discussion of the study. While disparity of the religious belief of the students the last section carries out a brief conclusion and suggestion for future study having the same topic. 1 Estimation in 2015

2 Estimation in 2010 4 DAAD (German Academic Exchange Service), offers a vast 3 Unfortunately, Welcker does not put the exact year of the number and types of funding opportunities and programs to statistics in his writing. Also, there is no accurate figure. It was foreign students so that they can study, research, and gain based on an interview with Deutsch Indonesische Gesellschaft practical experience in Germany (Comp, 2010: 197). Popular (Indonesian Community in Germany, DIG) Cologne in 2015. scholarships given by Indonesian government are LPDP, However, this rather intriguing finding is still included here. Beasiswa Unggulan, and DIKTI (Arta 2016).

102 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 THEORETICAL AND and the final factor is related to social links as METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK in whether there has been friends or families that have the experience of living or studying in Theoretical Framework the destination country (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002, 83). The concept of pull factor here will be Two main concepts are highlighted in this applied in the discussion section to see any aspect research, those are the discourse of push-pull that makes Germany more attractive as a study factor and third space. Those concepts suit the destination in the point of view of a Muslim. discussion about study abroad program very well since they cover both pre- and post-departure Furthermore, once students are finally phase of the students. A lot of consideration abroad, they will find exposures that might not must be taken even before a decision on where be found in their country of origin. For Muslim to study is made. The kind of goals that they students who move from a country where the want to achieve in the future becomes part of religion is the majority, like Indonesia, to a the reasons of why the students should study Muslim-minority country, in this case Germany, overseas and not remain in their country of the change of that status will enhance their origin. To elaborate the process of selecting a understanding because of the new experiences study destination, Mazzarol and Soutar (2002, they find in the new space. This kind of space 83) break it down into three stages. The first stage is, based on Bill Ashcroft, also referred as “a involves the identification of the students’ “push” transcultural space, a ‘contact zone,’ . . . that factor – referring to the condition in their country space in which cultural identity develops “ of origin that triggers them to study abroad, for (2009, 108, cited from Ghasemi, 2017, 25). instance, the lack of quality that universities in When having such space, students can have more the country of origin offer (Mazzarol and Soutar, reflection on themselves that later allows them to 2002). In the second stage, the students identify have greater chance to undergo self-development the “pull” factor within the destination country, process (Carlson et al., 2016). Bhabha suggested meaning they search for the factors that make the that this happened because people have the country more attractive than another (Mazzarol opportunity to take new positionings between and Soutar, 2002). After being finished with the themselves and the other (1994, cited from Zubair search stage, they choose an institution as the et al., 2017, 19) which later, to put it in the context final step (Mazzarol and Soutar 2002; Sasson, of Muslim students, results in the stimulation 2017, 182). of their intellectual and religious development Mazzarol and Soutar (2002, 83) elaborate (Carlson et al., 2016, 57). The post-departure the second stage further into six “pull” factors that phase encountered by the Muslim students is could influence students’ decision on selecting the then evaluated to learn whether the experiences study destination. The first factor deals with the in the destination country are worth sharing or students’ level of knowledge and awareness of the not. The discussion about third space will be destination country that is much influenced by the directly related to the topic of the performance availability of information about the destination of Hajj – an experience in which all participants country (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002, 83). The in this study deem as the most valuable one – by second is any personal recommendation about the exploring the narration given by the students destination country received from other people; and see how they make meanings of the Hajj while the third is about cost issues, be it financial pilgrimage. costs or social costs as in the case of racial discrimination (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002, 83). Methodological Framework Environment such as physical climate or lifestyle Primary and secondary data are used in in the destination country becomes the fourth this research. While the secondary data were factor to influence (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2002, collected from sources such as government 83). The fifth factor is geographic proximity of publications, websites, journal articles and the destination country to the country of origin;

Gilang Maulana Majid | The Life of Muslim Indonesian Students in Germany ... | 103 book chapters, the primary data were gathered University of Hamburg and performed through a series of interviews and a utilization Hajj in 2017. of simple questionnaire. Bearing the above • Participant 4: a 31-year-old doctorate research questions and theoretical framework in student studying at Goethe University mind, open-ended and in-depth interviews were of Frankfurt and performed Hajj in considered the most suitable approach to explore 2017. the experiences of each participant. A list of • Participant 5: a 38-year-old doctorate semi-structured questions was prepared before student studying at RWTH Aachen and the interviews but rather as a guidance that could performed Hajj in 2016. be visited once a question was done answered by the participants. Questions focused on the: challenges, difficulties, and positive experiences Four interviews were made using online when living in Germany; the Hajj experience of phone call and one was via direct meeting. the participants; and the extent of their personal They lasted between 15 and 45 minutes, were recommendation for any Indonesian Muslim not audio-recorded but the answers were student intending to study abroad after taking the written down during interview. To ensure that opportunity to perform the Hajj from Germany all participants approve the way the data are into consideration. presented, this article was distributed to them first before being submitted. The technique of simple random sampling was employed within the population of ‘Muslim In addition to the qualitative interviewing Indonesians who were active students enrolled at method above, a small portion of quantitative a university in Germany and have had performed approach is also applied in this research in form the Hajj during their study’. As a result, five of a simple questionnaire to enrich the collection students are set as samples in this study, but their of data. The questionnaire was developed using names are kept anonymous to give them more Google Forms with only three questions to fill. freedom when answering the given questions. The first question is an open-ended question The contacts of four participants were collected asking about “the students’ motivation for from the database of the former Hajj performers studying in Germany”; while the second and that Indonesian Hajj service provider in Germany, third question are modelled after the five-point FORKOM5, has, while one was from the author’s Likert scale that was used to measure the level of personal acquaintance. All of them are students agreement or disagreement of the participant for in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and the following statements: a) Living in Germany Matematics) fields. They are, as a Muslim is not difficult and b) The easiness of performing the Hajj from Germany can be taken • Participant 1: a 24-year-old female into consideration by any Indonesian who wants bachelor student studying at Humboldt to continue their study in a Muslim-minority University of Berlin and performed country. In the one-to-five scale, point 1 stands Hajj in 2016. for ‘strongly disagree’ and point 5 is for ‘strongly • Participant 2: a 24-year-old female agree’. Quantitative element added here is only bachelor student studying at Julius with an intention to complement the qualitative Liebig University of Giessen and data gathered from the interviews so that the performed Hajj in 2016. author could avoid subjectivity when assessing the • Participant 3: a 26-year-old male degree of the attitude of the participants towards master student studying at Hafencity two statements above that were also asked during the interview. Although the quantitative data were 5 FORKOM (Forum for Communication of Muslim Indonesian Community in Germany) was founded in Karlsruhe in 1994 as an not analysed statistically due to the small number initiative from some Indonesian Muslim students. Not only does it of the participants involved, pointing out the bridge communication between Islamic lectures across Germany, but attitude of the participants toward two statements it also facilitates people intending to perform Hajj and Umrah during their residency in Germany as it has cooperation with a Turkish above using numbers that represent their level of travel agent, Balcok agreement or disagreement helps the author to

104 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 come up with clearer data representation. After cost issues can also become another factor that all, the findings will be analysed by categorizing influence students’ decision when selecting a the given answers based on the broader theme study destination (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2012, each answer belongs to and applying the 83), and in here, financial costs are taken theoretical framework mentioned above. Also, into consideration by the three participants. it is important to realize that due to the small Meanwhile, Participant 1 stated that she did number of participants, the results of this study not choose Germany but rather followed her cannot be generalised. father who had to bring his family with him by reason of continuing his study in the country. DISCUSSION Though the pull factor might not come from the internal side of the student, but the social links Participants’ (Common) Motivation for factor, “related to whether a student has family Studying in Germany living in the destination country” (Mazzarol and Soutar, 2012, 83), happenned to be the reason of Almost every academic discipline in Participant 1 studying in Germany. On another Germany has a long and outstanding tradition occasion, Participant 2 interestingly mentioned of success. In addition to that, Luget (2014) the presence of Turkish immigrants as another mentions two reasons keeping Germany factor that motivates her to choose Germany attractive as a destination country for study: as destination country. The implication of this first, excellent higher education staff members relates to her religious factor, which is the fourth and infrastructure, and, second, no tuition factor according to Mazzarol and Soutar namely fees at public universities. Based on the data environment (2012, 83). She believed that their gathered, four of five participants in this study presense could support her religious life as a have their motivation resonated with the first Muslim that requires her to follow the lifestyle reason. While Participant 2 said it as “very good that goes along with the Islamic values. In short, education quality”, Participant 3, 4, 5 testified each participant in this study has their own for the advancement of technology as the pull concern when it comes to motivation for studying factor that attracts them to coming to Germany in Germany, be it educational, economic, social, to which Participant 3 specifically praised its or religious factor. advancement of the field of renewable energy and modern geomatics. In this part, the pull factor The Life of Muslim Indonesia Students mentioned is about knowledge and awareness in Germany of the destination country, meaning that the participants were aware of the reputation for the Mosques and halal food – two things quality of the education in Germany (Mazzarol mentioned in the interviews – are the easiness and Soutar, 2012, 83). that most Muslims living in Germany today can Furthermore, Participant 3, combined enjoy as the early immigrants already paved with the statement of Participant 4, referred the way for them. As explained by Participant 4 Germany’s economic development as another who had the experience living in Spain, France, consideration when deciding it as their study and the United Kingdom when doing his master, destination. This is true as Germany ranks fourth living in Germany – in this case, Frankfurt – as a in both world’s rankings of Human Development Muslim is considerably easier compared to those Index and Gross Domestic Product (UNDP, three previous countries because of the large 2018; World Bank, 2016). This strong economy number of Turkish immigrants present in the guarantees the students to enjoy the free tuition city. “Back in the United Kingdom and France, fee available at the public universities. “The cost I was in cities that have less access to mosques for studying in Germany is not as expensive as and halal food. I think it is not easy to find a city other [first] countries,” Participant 2 supported that is more Muslim-friendly than Frankfurt,” this after making comparison to Singapore he added. Participant 5 supported the view that and Australia. As presented in the first section, living in Germany as a Muslim is regarded easier

Gilang Maulana Majid | The Life of Muslim Indonesian Students in Germany ... | 105 as sometimes he still can pray five times a day at new country (Black et al. 1991 cited from Yijälä, mosque since in Aachen, there are at least five 2012, 762). In this occasion, Muslim Indonesian big mosques that are always busy during the students should equip themselves with some prayer times. However, still, being compared information about the availability of halal food to the situation that one finds in Indonesia, in in the potential city where they are going to study. Participant 4’s words, “where one can spot In fact, this strategy was applied by Participant mosques by walking (at least in the Island of 2 where she researched about the availability of Java)”, finding a place to pray is somehow quite the Muslim Indonesian community in Hannover a challenge. Participant 3 also recounted that first – a city where she had a test before entering when he was at the campus and there was no the university – prior to her arrival in Germany. mosque nearby, the students prayed under the The community that she had contacted before stair. “Even when it was for the Friday prayer, the departure then helped her by showing the Muslim students from different background locations of mosques that exist in the city. In that would gather under the stair and then the Turkish way, she can have some knowledge on where student usually started to take the lead by giving to pray or stay active in any kind of Islamic a lecture before the prayer.” As a PhD student, activities and reduce the level of uncertainty to for Participant 4, praying when being at the succeed her religious needs. After all, this sub- campus could also mean performing the prayer section provides any Indonesian Muslim student in an office where he shared with his non-Muslim who wants to study abroad with an information colleague. As he recounted, “sometimes you dealing with the challenges that one might face need to ask for permission to your colleague first when studying in Germany and learn how the before praying. Though, to my experience so far, participants here handled the situation. none of my four previous colleagues ever had a problem with me praying in the office”. It is also Hajj: A Momentous Experience quite often to have a prayer room that is not only for Muslim as Participant 1 shared her experience For Muslims, Mecca is the holiest spot of “praying in a ruheraum (relaxation room) that on earth in that those, who have the means is used by all religion”. both financially and physically, receive the obligation to visit at least once for Hajj as the Regarding food, the participants living in completion of five Pillars of Islam7. There big cities such as Frankfurt, Berlin, and Hamburg stands the Ka’aba – a point on the globe towards basically do not experience any difficulty in which Muslims around the world face during all finding the halal6 eatery or butchery since they their salat (prayer) (Kadir, 2008, 61). The Hajj can easily spot many halal shops owned by (major pilgrimage) occurs in the month of Dhul Muslim immigrants. Kadir mentions what main Hijjah, the twelfth month of the Islamic lunar features that need to be met when identifying calendar (BBC, 2009), while the Umrah (minor whether a food is halal or not, that is “one, the pilgrimage) can be performed at any time of the halal animal, like chicken, sheep and cattle, has year. During the Hajj period, there are more than to be slaughtered in the Islamic way as prescribed two million Muslims gather8 while outside the by God, and, two, the food should be acquired period, thousands of Muslims perform the Umrah through halal means” (2008, 103). Nevertheless, everyday (Kadir, 2008, 59). The importance of Participant 3 noticed that the condition in smaller performing the pilgrimage for Muslims is written cities in Germany might be different as they have on Hughes’s work as less halal shops. Therefore, one should “make anticipatory adjustments to reduce uncertainty Among devotees the prevalent, strongly before actually entering the new environment” held belief is that a pilgrimage to a sacred (Black et al. 1991 cited from Yijälä, 2012, 762). Anticipatory adjustment here refers to any 7 The five Pillars of Islam are Faith (witness), Prayer, Charity, preparation that one makes before moving to the Fasting, and the Hajj (Pilgrimage). See Edgar 2002. 8 The average of total pilgrims from 2007 to 2016 is 2,393,635 6 Permissible under Islamic law (Kadir, 2008, 93) (General Authority for Statistics, KAS, 2018)

106 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 centre brings religious merit on the Day of of registration from the bureau. “I registered in Judgement. … It is believed that every step February 2016 and the deadline was in March.” taken in the direction of pilgrimage to Mecca washes out a mortal sin (1975, 136, cited When asked about tips on choosing a travel from Werbner, 2015, 34). agent as the Hajj organizer, participant 5 testified for the advantage of taking a bureau offering Hence, it is not surprising that all Muslims guidance in Indonesian language and compared regardless of their age would try their best to it with the situation that his colleagues – that afford going to pilgrimage, more specifically, are also awardees of the same scholarship with the Hajj. him – encountered. However, as the status of Indonesia is the “My colleagues in the UK and Japan also largest Muslim population in the world – with a performed the Hajj. However, I would feel total of 222 million Muslims (Muslim Pro, 2018) insecure if I were them since they needed to – the Ministry of Religious Affairs already has organize everything by themselves. While the bureau I chose accompanied us with an its long waiting lists for any Indonesian wanting Indonesian guide ready waiting for us in to register themselves for the Hajj. According to Saudi Arabia.” the website of Kemenag, the shortest waiting time for the regular Hajj found to be for the residents Participant 2 also suggestted any of the regency of Southwest Maluku in which the Indonesian wanting to perform the Hajj to new registrant can depart in 2022 at the earliest choose the bureau she used over other agencies (2018). The longest waiting time is for any new for two reasons. First, for the single women, it registrant in the Sidrap and Bantaeng regency, is very recommended to use the service of the South Sulawesi, that needs to wait until 2054 for bureau because they will find them theMahram 9. the departure (2018). Meanwhile, the quotas in “I do not think that Turkish or Arabian travel big provinces such as DKI Jakarta, Central Java agency can find an Indonesian amahram for the and East Java are already booked until 2035, Hajj pilgrimage.” The second is also about the 2038, and 2040 respectively (2018). language reason. She told that her colleagues In contrast to the situation that Muslim – though they are spouses – they used another Indonesians face when applying for the Hajj travel agency that did not provide them a guide from the country, the findings found in this with Indonesian language proficiency. As a result, research show that these Muslim Indonesian when performing the Hajj, they went from one students take the benefit of their status as student place to another by themselves. “Sure, the travel in a Muslim-minority country. “In Germany, the agency I used charged a little more expensive quota provided is still not fully filled, thus I was fees, but the assistance was really worth it.” still able to apply for the Hajj only one month As another suggestion, Participant 3 before the departure. It is impossible to have such emphasized that the Indonesian students should situation in Indonesia,” said participant 4 that try to afford to perform the Hajj while they made the decision only a few months before the are young and able. “It was my savings from embarkation. He said that at that time the quotas working part-time for a year.” Participant 2 also at some travel agencies were already full, but had to save the money she got from working he kept looking for any available option until part-time for three years. “At first I only wanted finally he found one. “I am quite sure that as to perform the Umrah. But, a colleague asked long as the requirements are complete, and the why I did not save the money for the Hajj instead. quota is available, even if it is only two weeks Since the cost was reasonable10, I then chose to before the departure, the bureau would still be 9 likely to proceed”. Different from participant A mahram is an adult of sound mind whom she is forever forbidden to marry because of blood ties or for a permissible 4 that organized the Hajj using Arabian Travel reason. His presence is required so that he can look after and Agency, participant 3 used the same travel agency protect the woman. Otherwise, the woman is not permitter to as the rest of the participants in 2016 but he travel without a mahram (Salih al-Munajjid 2011). registered only a month before the closing date 10 In 2016, the cost was around 4,800 Euros or around

Gilang Maulana Majid | The Life of Muslim Indonesian Students in Germany ... | 107 wait a little longer.” Being seen from the age responsibility to become a better Muslim with the perspective, this is of course a matter that is status of Hajj labelled on them. More expectation worth considering since, according to Kemenag is given, as experienced by Participant 3 who is (2008), the age range of 41-50 years old is when getting more invitation after returning from the most Indonesians apply for the Hajj; and 51-59 pilgrimage being asked to share his knowledge years old comes second. 31-40 years old, the age for the Indonesian community in Hamburg. range where two participants of this study belong, “Through the talks, I encourage the older people ranks the third; while the age range of the rest to perform the Hajj sooner.” Participant 4 echoes of the participants, 21-30 years old, comprises this view by stating that he feels relieved because only 5.3% of the total applicants. Seeing that the he has completed all the five pillars of Islam in waiting time for these applicants ranges from five which the Hajj might be a special case since up to thirty-five years, an opportunity to perform it starts to become obligatory for those who the Hajj while studying abroad might be another are financially able. Finally, an expectation to pull factor to be considered for any Muslim visit Mecca again is what was mentioned by student when digging for information about a Participant 2 and 3 that regard the pilgrimage destination country. as an exceptional marker in relation to their identity as a Muslim. As Participant 2 explained, What makes the discourse about Hajj more “I know about the Prophet Muhammad p.b.u.h. interesting is because of the effect brought by the before but have never felt so close to him until performance itself in which one could then reflect I visited the Mecca and really felt the loss.” on his/her religiosity following the completion While, Participant 3 keeps being reminded of of the ritual. Tawaf – the act of going around the journey anytime he hears prayer call and the Ka’aba seven times in an anti-clockwise prays in group. In short, the Hajj experience direction which becomes first act of the pilgrim successfully leads the performers to enjoy a upon arrival in Mecca and the final act before different level of religiousity that might imply to leaving it (Kadir, 2008, 67) – is one of the most an inspiration where one wants to develop a new notable moments referred by participants in this religious lifestyle afterwards (Buitelaar 2015, study when being asked about their memory of 17-18). Considering the huge impact of the ritual the pilgrimage. Participant 2, 4, and 5 similarly to the performers, the possibility of performing expressed that the ta’waf was a great reminder the Hajj while young and studying might be for them not to be arrogant at anything. Simply considered as value-added which one could take put, being in the middle of millions of Muslims into consideration especially when setting up makes Participant 5 think that he has nothing targets alongside educational agendas which then to boast about, especially recalling his status in would imply to the discourse of push-pull factor Germany as a doctorate student. “I have a very of a study destination country and the country of limited knowledge about Islam, and hence, still origin of the students. need to learn everything from the basic including how to read the Qur’an.” While in Participant 2 and 4’s words, ta’waf reminds them that anything Do We Recommend Germany? Keeping they own today is only God’s possession and the Hajj in Perspective human beings are only given a chance to have Before stepping into the discussion of it temporarily in this world. Having exposure on whether these participants recommend Germany a series of rituals performed collectively during as a study destination, the responses gathered the Hajj is another moment that the participants from the questionnaire will be discussed first. deemed as a reminder that they then carry the Three students agree with the statement saying that ‘living in Germany as a Muslim is not 80,000,000 Rupiahs. While in 2018, FORKOM announced difficult’ – while one disagrees, and one answers the price of the Hajj that is 5,200 Euros or around 6,5 million neutral. Based on the interview, the challenges Rupiahs more. As a comparison, the price of Hajj plus in Indonesia per 2018 is around 138 – 151 million Rupiahs with that the participants ever faced include topics an estimated waiting time of 7-8 years after the application such as, one, the struggle when one wants to made (Arminareka 2018).

108 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 follow the commands of Allah, two, prejudice admire Prophet Muhammad peace be upon against Muslim, and, three, seasonal variation. him I believe. Maybe it would be different if it is in (ex)-Eastern Germany. Shortly, men The first is the experience of Participant 2 do not suffer much since our appearance is in relation to her field of study that is medicine. not so different from the society,” (personal “Due to hygienic reason, I was asked to remove interview with Participant 3) my headscarf when entering the surgery room. This is in line with the findings of I refused and asked them to give me a sterile Rosenow-Williams declaring that “prejudices cloth instead,” she recounted the moment she are more dominant in the Eastern German states, needed to join a practicum at her department. where direct contact with Muslims is much rarer Also, when applying for a part-time job at a in those areas” (2012, 143). Correspondingly, the hospital, it was quite difficult for her unless statistics in 2014 also show that only “around 9% she applied for a job at a Catholic hospital of total Indonesians in Germany residing in the because they still tolerate headscarf. While for Eastern part of the country” (Welcker, 2016, 12). male immigrants, the challenge mentioned is Thus, the information that should be highlighted about the activity they have at Friday noon that by any Muslim female student who wants to conflicts the time for obligatory Friday prayer. study in Germany is regarding to the choice of the Unlike in Indonesia where everyone is given city where the destination institution is located. a pause during that specific prayer time, since The last challenge is the seasonal variation Germany is not a Muslim-majority country, it that affects not only the prayer times but also the is understandable that the government do not fasting hours during Ramadan. Different from accommodate this issue in social policy (Boz the prayer times in Indonesia that are relatively et al., 2012, 99). The solution is the mosques in unchanging, the Muslims living in Europe need Germany usually have two turns for the prayer to adjust themselves with the schedule that with the approximate interval of one hour. It is fluctuates as sunrise and sunset times change. either due to the small size of the mosques in that Participant 5 noticed that even though Muslims they cannot accommodate all the worshipers at can pray Fajr quite later which is at 6 a.m. or 7 the same time or the time for break of the people a.m. during the winter but since the temperature working does not match the time for Friday is very low, it is still quite challenging for him prayer. “For instance, they have Friday prayer personally to go outside and pray at a mosque at 1 p.m. and again at 2 p.m., and we do not do due to the coldness. Conversely, even though it this in Indonesia. There we have it only for one is not cold during the summer, but he has to pray time,” Participant 3 said. around 4 in the morning that makes it a challenge The second, prejudice against Muslim, again for him to wake up and go to the mosque is also experienced by Participant 2. Relevant “especially after staying up at night waiting with Wilamowitz-Moellendorff’s findings stating for Isha that comes around 11 p.m.”. However, that “prejudice is more common among persons this brings these participants to experience a with lower educational levels” (2003, 14, cited jurisprudence of Muslim minorities that they from Rosenow-Williams, 2012, 142), she, who might not possible to apply in Indonesia with the lives in Giessen – a considerably smaller region exact same reason, namely significant change of compared to where other participants live – was prayer times. Participant 3 explained that since once yelled at by an adult when she was riding a the night time in summer is shorter, there are bicycle. “A woman in veil riding a bicycle!” she some people that pray Isha right after finishing recalled. Participant 3 believed that prejudice is the Maghrib prayer because they need to have felt more by the Muslim women as they wear a some extra hours for sleep before waking up at ‘visually identifiable’ veil (Rosenow-Williams, 3 or 4 a.m for the Fajr prayer. In winter, though 2012). people are awake during the day but due to the rush hours, they also combine the Dzuhr and “In big cities, the people are socially better, ‘Asr considering that the interval is very short11. more educated and tolerant. Some even 11 The shortest interval of the prayer times during the day in

Gilang Maulana Majid | The Life of Muslim Indonesian Students in Germany ... | 109 Another ritual that is also challenged by the more findable in Germany than Indonesia. In seasonal variation is fasting. “When Ramadan the same positive fashion, Participant 5 recalled happens to be in summer, then the Muslims will that his participation in lailatul qadr events (i.e have to fast for a longer period12,” Participant itikaf13) was remarkable because back then in his 4 added. Here, despite the challenges above, hometown, Pekanbaru, such events were not held such experiences are what Carlson et al. refers so often at the mosques. But in Aachen, he was as “the advancement of [one]’s intercultural in a mosque together with Muslims from various understanding and a vision of the harmonious co- levels of age from kid to adult. “Then during the existence of people” (2016, 57). In this context, Eid ul-Fitr prayer, I was side by side with people the discourse on ‘third space’ is very applicable from different ethnic and racial backgrounds, yet since these students were situated in a space that as we got together, the difference was vanished,” made them experience different cultures due to he reminisced the series of Ramadan activities he the difference of ethnic group composition within had in Germany. the society and geographical location. In effect, Considering all these experiences that one the students have more chance to undertake the is much likely to acquire when living as minority, self-development process by reflecting these the question that arises is then how significant phenomena on themselves. the discourse on Hajj would influence these Going deeper to the concept of third space, participants to recommend Germany as a study besides the Hajj, these participants also discover destination. In the questionnaire, the statement, experiences that might not be found in Indonesia, “The easiness of performing the Hajj from yet in fact resulted in more religious development Germany can be taken into consideration by any process. Participant 2 becomes more aware of Indonesian that wants to continue their study in her religion when she lives abroad. “When I a Muslim-minority country”, is included to see was in Indonesia, I was quite ignorant. But when the level of agreement or disagreement that the moving to Germany, I started to study more about participants have towards the statement. The Islam and get involved in Islamic activities more word ‘easiness’ here refers to the facts that, frequently such as becoming the committee of a) There is no long waiting list required – as mosque and part of team of donation-seeker”, she the Participant 4 said that he registered only recounted. This possibility to change the lifestyle a month before the embarkation, that one usually has into a new one resonates the b) The price is somehow reasonable – findings in Carlson and Jacobsson’s work proving compared to the waiting time and types of that study abroad can apparently be “a reflexive Hajj embarkation in Indonesia, and emotional identity project” (2016). Not limited c) The availability of an Indonesian bureau to internal turning point events, witnessing other people turning point is also of an amazement for cooperating with a Turkish travel agency. Participant 3. As he informed, “in Hamburg, I saw some Germans converted to Islam. I was amazed As a result, three participants ‘strongly because they were enthusiastic in learning about agree’ with the statement; while one agrees, the religion.” Similarly, Participant 4 also said and the other one disagrees. According to that seeing a process of conversion is one of the interview, the one who disagrees did not his most impressive experiences in which, to recommend Germany because of the situation his observation, this kind of phenomenon is in the country that she does not think everyone can deal with. She knew that a lot of Indonesians 2017 happened in December with Dzuhr at 12.20, Asr at 14.06, Maghrib at 16.23 and Isha at 17.50. While in summer, the latest Isha prayer was at 23.08 – with Maghrib at 21.40 and Fajr at 13 I’tikaf is to stay in a mosque for a particular time period in 03.48 (IIS, 2017). the worship of Allah. In the state of I’tikaf, a person can stand, sit, sleep, etc; and there is not one particular ‘form’ that this 12 The longest in 2017 was when they had to stop eating at 03.47 retreat must be carried out in (unlike the salat which has a and broke the fast at 21.40. Relatively shorter compared to the specific form to it). What is important in this period is to obey fasting time in Jakarta at the same date in 2017 in which the the commandments of Allah, to refrain from the things which Muslims could still eat until 04.41 and had the break at 17.51. He has prohibited and to be in the service of Him (Bhimji n.d)

110 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 leave Germany with failure to get a degree. She students. Most of the times, students fail to added, meet this requirement due to the shorter amount of time they have for the study program. This suggestion accords with an information displayed “Not everyone can juggle between study and work. If someone wants to study here because on the website of British Haj Travel stating that of the affordable cost for study, that is fine. the applicant only needs to provide a proof of But, if it is only for the Hajj, I do not think their United Kingdom residency without any that it is worth the risk. I would suggest Egypt minimum duration of validity needed. To sum or Saudi Arabia over Germany.” up, although the opportunity to perform the Hajj from Germany seems wide open – especially due Taking a different viewpoint, Participant to the long tradition of Turkish immigrants in the 2 thought Germany as an ideal place to study country – information on Hajj in other country because of its affordable cost of living, free might be of an important knowledge to collect tuition fee policy, and complete facilities. In before someone decides the destination country connection with the Hajj, she remembered that for study. her colleague in New Zealand told her that the price for Hajj package there14 is way more CONCLUSION expensive than in Germany in which she believed This article aims to explore the life of that the distance between New Zealand and Saudi Muslim Indonesian students in Germany covering Arabia also counts. An interesting thing to notice their motivation for coming to the country, here is that geographic proximity which is the challeges faced as a Muslim, and opportunities fifth factor in Mazzarol and Soutar’s pull factor that they can get when residing in the country. discourse (2002, 83), is mentioned as a point for After conducting interviews with five participants consideration not to the country of origin of the and analysing the interview result, it is concluded student, but to Mecca. that push and pull factor has been a useful concept Meanwhile, Participant 3 believed that to uncover the reasons making Germany more the large number of Turkish immigrants15 in attractive than other study destination countries. Germany has somehow paved the way for the Reasons such as the good reputation of the easiness of Muslim life inclusive to the Hajj universities and the low cost of studying are the bureaucracy; so that it becomes more attractive pull factors highlighted earlier by the participants. compared to other countries such as the United Environment is another pull factor mentioned in Kingdom or Australia. In a slightly different the findings referring to the presence of Turkish manner, Participant 4 suggested that even immigrants in the country. It is found that their though performing the Hajj from Germany has presence has made these Muslim Indonesian been proven easy, but the Muslim Indonesian students experience a much easier life as a student – who has not chosen a destination Muslim – ranging from the easiness in finding country – should look up any information on the Mosques, buying halal food, and performing the price and requirement in other Muslim-minority Hajj. Interestingly, the latter one is deemed as countries, such as Japan, South Korea and the the most valuable experience for the participants United Kingdom. He argued that a requirement as they compared the relatively easy situation of visa that should be valid for at least a year in performing the Hajj from Germany with the in Germany is of an obstacle itself for some current situation in Indonesia regarding to Hajj embarkation. The Hajj experience has also been 14 In 2018, the price for Hajj package from New Zealand is a factor that leads the participants to undergo 10,560 New Zealand Dollars or equals to 104,195,520 Rupiahs; while in Germany it is 5,200 Euros or equals to 87,360,000 religious development phase often offered in third Rupiahs (Almarwah 2018; Forkom 2018; Currency on 19 space. Moreover, the availability of an Indonesian March 2018) beruau cooperating with a Turkish travel agent in 15 See for example Yurdakul (2009) to learn how Turkish Germany is also said as another thing that could immigrant associations strive for the rights and needs of the be taken into consideration by any prospective Muslim society

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Gilang Maulana Majid | The Life of Muslim Indonesian Students in Germany ... | 113

THE EUROPEAN UNION’S ROLE AS AN INTERNATIONAL ACTOR IN THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION PERAN UNI EROPA SEBAGAI AKTOR INTERNASIONAL DALAM MISI MONITORING ACEH

Indriana Kartini Research Center for Politics Indonesian Institute of Sciences Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 04-07-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 12-10-2017

ABSTRAK

Keterlibatan Uni Eropa (UE) dalam Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) merupakan salah satu cerita sukses dalam penyelesaian konflik secara damai. Dalam misi ini, UE mampu menunjukkan kepada dunia bahwa mereka merupakan salah satu aktor signifikan dalam politik internasional. Harus diakui bahwa UE merepresentasikan uncertain image (gambaran yang kurang jelas) dalam politik internasional yang tingkatannya tidak dapat disejajarkan dengan negara-bangsa. Artikel ini menganalisis apakah UE memainkan peran signifikan sebagai aktor internasional dalam proses perdamaian di Aceh melalui pendalaman terhadap kerja AMM. Dengan memandang UE sebagai entitas yang terlibat dalam isu-isu khusus dan dengan menekankan pada kehadiran UE di kancah internasional melalui keterlibatannya dalam AMM, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa UE memainkan peran siginifikan sebagai aktor internasional.

Kata kunci: Uni Eropa, aktor internasional, Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM)

ABSTRACT

The European Union (EU) involvement in the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) was one of the successful story in the peaceful conflict settlement. In this mission, the EU has been able to show the world that it is one of significant actor in international politics. Admittedly, the EU represents uncertain image in international politics as if it can not be seen at the same level of sovereign-states. This article examines whether the EU played a significant role as an international actor in the peace process in Aceh through an indepth-look at the work of the AMM. By viewing the EU as an evolving entity which engaged in particular issues and by addressing its international presence in the context of its involvement in the AMM, it can be concluded the EU has played significant role as an international actor.

Keywords: the European Union, international actor, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM), Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM)

INTRODUCTION August 15, 2005. The agreement, henceforth After three decades of conflict, the Helsinki Accord, was facilitated by the Crisis Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Management Initiative chaired by former Finnish Movement or Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) President, Martti Ahtisaari, with the support of which was fighting for an Aceh independent the European Union (EU). In this peace process, state eventually agreed to end the conflict by the EU played a key role in fostering the Helsinki signing the Memorandum of Understanding on Accord, by supervising the implementation of

115 the agreement. The EU also led a peacekeeping and nonterritorial interests. Moreover, EU’s mission, the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) involvement in world affairs are varies over time from 15 September 2005 until 15 December 2006 and issues (Caporaso, 1998, 213). in cooperation with some of the Association of Caporaso, et.al (1998, 214), outline three Southeast Asian Nation (ASEAN) member states. characteristic to analyse the “actorhood” of the This mission regards as a watchdog to ensure the EU. First, the EU can be seen as a collection peace process in Aceh. of states with limited set of rules to direct the This paper will critically examine whether interactions among member states. The status the EU played a significant role as an international of the EU as a “collective actor” relates to actor in the peace process in Aceh through an its convergence of interests at the unit level indepth-look at the work of the AMM. I will argue facilitated by interaction within a communication that the EU played a key role as an international structure. Second, the EU regards as an evolving actor in the AMM. This paper will be divided into polity. Based on this idea, there has been a political three sections. The first section will examine the transition within the EU from nation-state system debate over the EU as an international actor. The into a polity. This approach, however, ignores the second section will show the Aceh conflict as the process of system transformation itself. Third, the background understanding of the peace process. EU view as an evolving entity made up of several The third section will examine the work of the issue areas and policy networks with varieties of EU through the AMM and its challenges. “actorhood” across time and issues (Caporaso, 1998, 214). In this regards, the third characteristic THE EU AS AN INTERNATIONAL will be used in later discussion about the EU’s ACTOR: THE DEBATE actorness in global politics. In contemporary world affairs, the EU According to Caporaso, et.al., (1998, 214- presents a puzzling feature. According to 220) there are four components of actor capacity in McCormick (2005, 208), the EU is more than global politics : recognition, authority, autonomy, an international organization but less than a and cohesion. First factor, is recognition by state and this feature often frustrated other other actors, whether de jure or de facto, which international actors, whether they should think accept and allows for presence in global politics. of 27 member states or regards as a single De jure recognition is diplomatic recognition entity. The EU member states still maintain their under international law or formal membership sovereignty in many areas, such as defence and in international organizations. Because of the security issues. However, in particular issues, EU is not sovereign, therefore, the EU does such as trade negotiations, other parties should not have a full diplomatic recognition from deal with the EU because of member states third parties. Although the EU has high-level willingness in allowing the EU Commission as diplomatic contacts with almost every country the representative of their interest (McCormick, in the world, it has not been granted the exact 2005, 108). status as sovereign states. There are some challenges to assess the By the same token, in international role of the EU in global politics. Caporaso et.al., organizations memberships, the EU often (1998, 213) argues that the analytical criteria to confused third parties due to its unclear position determine the status of the EU as an actor are whether it is competent enough to address any not clear. It is hardly to find consensus about given issues and endorse responsibilities as the meaning of the actor where the existing a member of the international organizations. standards mainly discussed about power and As a consequence, third parties does not grant influence. Furthermore, he argues that the full recognition to the EU through formal changing nature of the EU is a challenge. It is international organizationmembership. De facto an organization made up of 27 member states recognition can be seen from the sociality of and several institutions which replicate territorial global politics. The interaction between third

116 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 parties and the EU can be regarded as an implicit be how good and how bad the leading member recognition upon it (Caporaso, 1998, 216). states coordinate and cooperate with one another. For example, the Anglo-French rapprochement in The second factor is the EU’s authority the St Malo declaration was the most significant to act externally. Due to the fact that the EU is a factor for the development of the EU’s security creation of the member states, thus the authority ambitions and capabilities from late 1990s. derives from these states. In this regard, the On the contrary, there is a significant loss of authority is assigned to EU institutions by momentum in the Iraq crisis due to the aligning sovereign nation-states. The third factor is of Franco-German against British, Spain, and autonomy, which suggest independency from Italy (Mackenstein, 2005, 261). other state actors. Independence in this sense means that these institutions should work Furthermore, they argue that the most differently and independently from the basic important factor of all is political will, especially, expectation of a normal states system operating the willingness of other international actor to on the basis of power and interests. The fourth recognize the EU as a legitimate international factor, is cohesion, to which the ability of actor. And more important is the political will of actor to formulate and articulate consistent the EU member states. In order to be an effective policy preferences. However, the EU can make international actors and to be able to reverse its a difference even without policy cohesion international presence into operational power, (Caporaso, 1998, 217). the EU need to have a common will, a common vision and trust. The common vision of the EU In a slightly different way, Mackenstein is lacking of broad principles and objectives, and et.al, (2005, 261-262) outline four factors to there has been a political will deficit and lack of analyse the EU’s direction and capabilities as an trust. As a consequence, the EU seems to present international actor : legitimacy, the transatlantic uncertainty feature as an international actor. It context, the enlargement, and the attitudes of will consistently set apart in economic, politico- member states. The legitimacy discussions strategic and geographic reach. Its international include the impact of international law and the ambitions and credibility will depend on the relationship between the EU and its citizens. international events and there seems to be a International crises such as in Kosovo, September contradictory in order to meet the rethorical 11 and Iraq provide challenges to international commitments and political will (Mackenstein, law and implies recognition that the EU should 2005, 262). response effectively to these crises. According to Vogler, et.al. (1999, 5), there Because of the role of the EU is very are three categories to examine the external limited therefore the EU should increase its roles of the EU : presence, opportunity, and power to provide greater accountability in the capability. Presence refers to the relationship EU external relations. The transatlantic context, between internal development of the EU and in this regard, discuss the conduct of the EU external expectations. Opportunity refers to as an international actor. The enlargement of factors in external developments that could the EU is also crucial factor, which include the enable and constrain actorness. Capability pending 2004 round and future obligations, refers to the capacity to respond effectively such as those taken on the SAP. New external to external expectations and opportunities. relations challenges ranging from migration and Following Allen and Smith rationale, the EU’s new environmental threats through to strive for presence in international affairs has been adapting the European security architecture and significance. Presence, in this sense, refers to avoid outlining new dividing lines around EU the ability to influence; to shape the perceptions frontiers (Mackenstein, 2005, 261). and expectations of others. Presence was not Nevertheless, they argue that the most supposed to be an external action, but rather as critical factor of all is the attitudes of its member states. In this regard, the significant factors will

Indriana Kartini | The European Union’s Role as an International Actor in the Aceh ... | 117 a consequence of internal policies and processes discovery, such as dispossession, dislocation, (Vogler, 1999, 6). industrialization, pollution, foreign corporations, urban-rural migration, the arrival of non- By outlining from these point of view, the Acehnese workers and enclave development in next section will discuss a case study about the North Aceh. This led to the risen of prices and EU’s role as an international actor in the Aceh urban poverty. The harder grievances felt by Monitoring Mission. Acehnese was the Indonesian military operation from 1976, particularly in the period from 1989 THE ACEH CONFLICT to 1998 when Aceh known as Daerah Operasi Militer (DOM) or military operations area. The roots of the Aceh conflict date back a During this period, the Indonesian army in order long way. In October 1976 a separatist movement to pursue GAM, committed with human rights was created in the Indonesian province of abuses towards Aceh population (Schulze, 2007, Aceh on the island of Sumatra. This movement 2). fought by GAM, strive to establish an Acehnese independent state. In the Indonesian history, An opportunity for a peaceful settlement there seems to be a paradox regarding to the emerged by the changing of power in Indonesian fact that unlike the two other territories which civilian and military power after the fall of created separatist movement, such as East Timor Soeharto in 1998. Before that, the Indonesian and West Papua, Aceh had contributed to the government was consistent to use military Indonesian nationalist movement and the creation approach in dealing with conflicts within the of the IndonesianRepublic. There is a broad republic. However, the tsunami disaster on consensus in Indonesian society, especially in December 2004 contributed to the shifting Acehnese society that the Acehnese embodied political approach in dealing with conflict in Islamic values in a country which comprised Aceh, especially under President Susilo Bambang 88% of Muslim population, and widely known Yudhoyono. The involvement of the EU through as “Serambi Mekah” or “the Veranda of Mecca”. the Crisis Management Initiative chaired by By drawing upon Acehnese dissatisfaction Martti Ahtisaari contributed much to bringing toward the government,GAM created a separatist the peaceful settlement to a successful outcome movement. The 1976 GAM operation failed in July 2005. to mobilize Acehnese grievances and by 1979 GAM was paralyzed by Indonesian military THE ACEH MONITORING MISSION operations. In 1989, GAM was able to begun (AMM) its military operations. For about sixteen years, GAM was involved in the insurgency against the As a response to the official invitation by Indonesian army. The crucial dissatisfaction lies the Indonesian Government and supported by the in the vertical conflict of centre-periphery led to GAM leadership, and despite initial doubts among a political, social, and economic grievances. The some member states, the EU eventually decided Acehnese grievances related to the unfulfilled to conduct its first mission in Asia. Learning from promises of autonomy by the central government the past experience in East Timor, the Indonesian under Soekarno (1951 – 1959) and under Government preferred a regional organization Soeharto (1967 – 1998). The grievances become rather than the United Nations’ involvement intensified in 1971 by the discovery of natural and eventually the EU was a reasonable choice gas. Especially, under Soeharto, the revenue of as if no Asian regional organizations capable to Aceh’s natural resources flowed to Jakarta with conduct such operation. The AMM was deployed small amount of wealth return to the province on 15 September as an EU mission conducted (Schulze, 2007, 2). together with five ASEAN countries (Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand), Furthermore, the population also felt and with contributions from Norway and discontent to the effects of the natural gas Switzerland. It was led by the head of mission,

118 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 Pieter Feith, whoreported to the European negotiations were facilitated by the Centre for Council and directly to SecretaryGeneral Javier Humanitarian Dialogue (HDC) that produced the Solana(Helly, 2005). ‘Joint Understanding on Humanitarian Pause for From 15 Septemberto 31 December the Aceh’ of12 May 2000. AMM had 125 EU and 93 ASEANmonitors The second negotiation produced the on the ground. At the end of the missionthere ‘Cessation of Hostilities Agreement’ (COHA) were only 29 EU and 7 ASEAN monitors left. of 9 December 2002. Unfortunately, both The AMM’s objective was to assist GAM negotiations were failed to end the conflict. and theIndonesian government with the Unlike the previous accords facilitated by the implementation ofthe MOU and ‘to contribute HDC, the Helsinki Accord facilitated by the CMI to a peaceful, comprehensiveand sustainable had full support from the EU in legal and financial solution to the conflict inAceh’ 1. basis. The legal basis of the CMI found in the ‘Council Regulation No. 381/2001 establishing the Rapid Reaction Mechanism’ orRRM. The The AMM specific tasks were to: initiative legal basis found in the EU’s ‘RRM • to monitor the demobilisation of GAM and Policy Advice and Mediation Facility Decision thedecommissioning of its weapons 2002–2004.’ It can be argued that the quasi-state • to monitor the redeployment of non- was thesole international mediator during the organic TNI and police negotiations that end up in the Helsinki Accord • to monitor the reintegration of GAM and (Gunaryadi, 2006, 89). the human rights situation as well as the legislativechange After five rounds of tough negotiations • to rule on disputed amnesty cases between January and July 2005, the Indonesian • and to investigate violations of the MOU government and GAM eventually agreed on the Helsinki Accord. Aspinall (2005) emphasizes According to Schulze (2007, 4), the key to that the possibility for success of this accord the success of the AMM were the Commission is greater than the previous peace accords on Security Arrangements (COSA) meetings, because it is different in fundamental way. The head by Pieter Feith and attended by senior previous accords, such as The Humanitarian representatives of GAM and the Indonesian Pause for Aceh andCOHA, called for ceasefires government, police and military. In addition, and demilitarization which followed by an there were also meetings at the district level openendeddialogue on the political status of (DiCOSA). The purpose of these meetings was to Aceh. Both parties remained in a different provide a forum that could accommodate issues, stand on the core issue of whether Aceh should questions, and complaints and resolve them become an independent state or remain part of before they turn to be real problems. the Indonesian republic. On this critical circumstances, it was very difficult for both parties to build confidence and THE EU INVOLVEMENT IN THE AMM trust one another. Especially Indonesian military The EU initiative and full support through and government remained suspicious that the the CMI is essential for the success of the peace accords was used by GAM to strengthen its Helsinki Accord. Its initiative also supported by separatist movement However, the negotiations some EU member states which sent their team become possible to be successful after GAM in the AMM to show their strong commitment announced in February that they were willing to to the implementation of the Accord. Actually, leave behind its independence goal and agreed the Helsinki Accord was the third attempts to accept a “self-government” solution for Aceh which involve international mediation to solve within the Indonesian state (Aspinall, 2005, the conflicts in the region. The first peace viii).

1 Aceh Monitoring Mission leaflet, BandaAceh, 2006.

Indriana Kartini | The European Union’s Role as an International Actor in the Aceh ... | 119 Furthermore, Aspinall (2005, viii) notes build the largest block in the Bretton Wood that compare to the previous accords, the institutions : 23% of the votes in theWorld Helsinki Accord outlinesa comprehensive Bankand 29% of the votes in the International peace settlement. It deals not only with security Monetary Fund, it possesses the largestcollective dimension but also with broad terms such as a number of votes as well as a regional grouping in new political relationship between Aceh and the the World TradeOrganisation(Van Reisen, 1999, Indonesian state which is personified in a new 2). Moreover, the EU will remain influential Law on the Governing of Aceh. The Helsinki in the global economy as the euro become Accord also includes requirementsconcerning established and become powerful competitor to political participation, human rights, the rule of the US dollar and the Japanese Yen. law, andeconomic matters as well as measures The EU ‘actorness,’ is still debatable for the disarmament of GAM andits members’ because it was usually referred to the role of reintegration into society. Indeed, with the a sovereign state, a level that would be hard involvement of the EU in Aceh Monitoring toachieved by the EU. Thus, the concept of Mission and also supported by participating the ‘actorness’ should be go along with the countries from ASEAN, the Helsinki Accord notion of its international presence. The notion is more successful than the previous accords. of ‘presence’ itself would compensate the The EU backstage roles in the process is EU’s inability to exercise it effectively in the significant in spite of Indonesia’s sensitivity to pursuit of its global interests (Peterson, 1998, foreign intervention on its domestic affairs. The 3). The notion of ‘presence’ might become a important thing then begin with the question why more significant phenomenon that attract the the EU took the lead in the process, compare to perceptions and expectations of policy-makers in other organizations. To answer the question, it the international politics (Allen& Smith, 1991, would be better to analyse the EU motivations. 95-120). According to C. Hill (1994, 103-126) there are three capabilities underlining the EU THE EU MOTIVATIONS international ‘presence’ : its ability to agree, its ability to act, and the extent of resources dedicated Following Gunaryadi (2006, 92), the EU to support those actions. The capabilities, in this main motivations to take the lead of the Helsinki regard, are divided into resources, instruments, Accord are the political; and geopolitical and and cohesiveness. Gunaryadi (2006, 93) argues strategical considerations. From the political that in the Helsinki Accord, the EU preservedall motive, there are three points need to be concerns. aspects that sustain itscapabilities to act and to First, it can be said that the EU has ambition to be realize its ambition for global leadership. The a global player where it requires ‘to lead, not to be EU commitment to support the Helsinki Accord led’ (Suryadinata, 1997). This ambition is natural through the Crisis Management Initiatives should in away of its appearance as an international be understood in political aspiration framework. actor and the pursuit of its global interest. He mentions several factors that endorse the EU as Second, the EU has an ethical obligation to an international actor. realize its commitment to develop its cooperation with Indonesia which have a legitimate legal The most important factor is the EU has source under international law. It can be argued become a global power in terms of economic, that the EU is consistent with its grandstrategy on tradeand investment. It contributed 51% of Indonesia. Although there is no special clause in world’s foreign direct investment outflows. It is the major documents regulating its relations with the biggest and richest marketplace in the world Indonesia to solve internal conflicts in a peaceful with more than 454 million consumers, its exports way, however, the Helsinki Accord is part of the of goods and services constituted 38% of the main agenda, such as the EU’s support to good world market, controlled of 36% of the world’s governance, local democracy, and sustainable GNP, provided 56% of official development management of natural resources. The EU often assistance. Furthermore, the EU Member States critisised human rights violations in Indonesia,

120 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 but it consistently support Indonesian territorial large contribution to humanitarian assistance integrity and called for a peaceful and political and development aid. Since the tsunami, the EU conflict resolution in the country. Third, through and its member states have contributed up to the involvement in the Helsinki Accord, the EU 1.5 billion euros. On the EU side, particularly, is indirectly try to deliver message to the world, 123 million euros were allocated to immediate especially to the powerful country, such as the humanitarian assistance to all countries affected US, that conflicts can be solved peacefully rather by disaster and 207 million euros made available than using military force (Gunaryadi, 2006, 93). under the Asia and Latin America (ALA) program and the RRM to support the long-term From geopolitical and strategic reconstruction of Aceh. In the Aceh peace considerations, Gunaryadi (2006, 96) mentions process, the EU had contributed well before the two main motivations : the first motivation of the tsunami. In December 2002, it became a co-chair EU involvement is that the possibility for success of the Tokyo Preparatory Conference for Peace is bigger after the tsunami disaster. The warring and Reconstruction in Aceh where it financed the parties in Aceh were also hit by the devastation. monitoring mission chaired by the Henry Dunant This condition perceived by the EU and the CMI Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue which failed as a good opportunity which could accelerate to end the conflict (Grevi, 2005, 29). the peace process in Aceh. Second, by the fact that Acehnese are predominantly Muslim, like Furthermore, in March 2005, the EU the majority Indonesians, it can be said that the mobilized up to 220,000 euro from the RRM in EU was willing to portray in sympathyamong support of a project in drafting the Master Plan the Muslims and to reinforce the West-Muslim for the recovery of Aceh which involved local world’s relations andunderstanding in the stakeholders and civil society. On April 2005, context of economy, politics and the measures of the EU delivered fund under the RRM, with combatingterrorism. Third, the successful of the a 270,000 euro ceiling to the CMI to conduct Helsinki Accord may improve the EU’s image peace talks. On 29 July, the EU provided 30 and influence in Indonesia. This can be seen million euros to support the projects for the from the statement of Commissioner for External rehabilitation and reconstruction of the province. Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy, This project intended, not only to rebuilding Benita Ferrero-Waldner on March 2005: houses, public infrastructures and restart the economy, but also to strengthening the capacity The world must not forget the terrible devastation the Tsunamis brought toSouth of the new Reconstruction Agency as well East Asia.... Of the €350 million...available for as the local government (Grevi, 2005, 29). post-Tsunami reconstructionI intend to devote Although, financial matters are oftenly become over €200 million to Indonesia.... Europe and tough criticism in Brussels, the EU’s efforts South East Asia are not just major trading and the AMM mandate might be regarded as partners...two regions can deepenthis... complementary and mutually reinforcing. important relationship particularly on non-trade issues from the fightagainst terrorism, to protecting the environment CHALLENGES OF THE AMM and combating the drugstrade...how we can strengthen ties with Indonesia, and support The Helsinki Accord facilitated by the EU it on its path todemocracy, stability and through the CMI is one of the successful story prosperity(European Commission 2005 b, 4 in the peace settlement, however, it also suffered March). some challenges. Schulze (2007, 5) addresses two important points : first, the disparity betweenthe FINANCING THE AMM limited time to set up the mission and the Following the tsunami disaster in lengthier and highly bureaucratic funding process December 2004, Aceh become a region with in Brussels.Second, the trainingand selection of many international presence, including the EU. monitors. One of the greatest challenges is the It has taken the lead in relief effort and has given financing of the AMM. When the CMI asked the

Indriana Kartini | The European Union’s Role as an International Actor in the Aceh ... | 121 EU to involve in monitoring the implementation the unconventional way of raising the money of the AMM, it came with different reactions. A forthe mission, had consequences not only on the positive reactions about a Europeandeployment diplomaticlevel but also on the ground. This can in Aceh came from The General Affairs and be seen from the fact that when the assessment External Relations Council (GAERC), while team arrived in Aceh in August2005 they had The Political and Security Committee (PSC) was no money to access and no mobilephones that halfhearted. In this case, the EU member states worked. Unfortunately, the AMM lacked money were divided. Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands, forsecretaries, offices, computers, and printers France, and the UK were agreed for an EU (Schulze, 2007, 5). involvement while the rest preferred the EU to The training program for the mission was concentrate on areas which had already the EU a challenges as well since it was not prepared presence, such as in Balkans and Africa. sufficiently. Since the beginning, it only covered However, the EU Commission’s External elementary issues in a three-day training Relations DirectorateGeneral continued to program. It included briefs on Acehnesesociety outline a proposal to finance the mission in July and culture, the conflict history, and an overview 2005 through a grant to a member state. This of the Indonesian military functioned.There proposal attracted an intense debate between the was also training provided on emergency Commission and the Council, not only about the preparednessand humanitarian operations. The contents but also the political consequences to the local languages also posed significant challenges. Commission for conducting the Aceh mission. There were only a small number within the As a consequence, the Council Legal Service EU team who can speak Indonesian let alone rejected the proposal on legal, budgetary and Acehnese language. This become more burden political grounds. Thus, from this reaction, it was with the fact that a few members of the AMM obvious that the Council felt the Commission had were not speak English adequately and therefore been overboard from the EU chain of command. hindered communication among the monitors The process to finance the AMM was slow during (Schulze, 2007, 5). the debate due to some member states dubious Despite the challenges along the process, stance on the Aceh mission. Because of Javier the AMM was success in some ways. Its Solana’s personal intervention, the debate over monitors and expertise contributed to made financing the AMM swayed in favour of EU the implementation process of the Helsinki deployment and financing it from the CFSP Accord easier and avoid the collapsed of the budget (Schulze, 2007, 5). Aceh peace process. Due to the impartiality and Nevertheless, out of a total budget of 15 the confidence inspired by the AMM in both million euro, the CFSP could only cover 9 million GAM and the Indonesian military, it eventually euro, the rest had to be provided by member smooth the way to the implementation of the states. Only seven member states contributed to crucial decommissioning and redeployment. this mission for an overall amount of 5 million Schulze (2007, 14) summed up five key points euro. For instance, Sweden gave 4 million euro of the successful of the peace process: First, for logistical support. However, in this critical full commitment of GAM and the Indonesian situation, the largest contribution fell upon the government in the peace process. Without the UK through the British embassy in Jakarta since consent of both parties, the peace process will the UK held the EU presidency at the time. failed since the very beginning of the talks. This financial challenges forced by procedural Second, the leadership and impartiality of its and time constraints, because the EU are not head of mission, Pieter Feith, and the mission as equipped to release the fund rapidly. In addition, a whole. Third, the support of individual member the Aceh mission was operated at very short time, states, particularly the UK, Finland, and Sweden in only 18 days. Therefore, Schulze argues that during the set-up phase of the mission. Fourth, the institutional struggle of power inBrussels, the quick amnesty and the committee on security the lack of consensus among member states,and arrangements (COSA). Fifth, by not too much

122 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 focusing on the human rights implementation at Caporaso, J.A. & J. Jupille. (1998). “States, Agency, the early process, it made possible for the AMM and Rules: The EU in Global Environmental to complete its mission in the light of sensitive Politics”, in Carolyn Rhodes (ed), The European Union in the World Community. London: Lynne context of Indonesian domestic politics. Rienner Publisher. European Commission. (2005b). Commissioner CONCLUSION Ferrero-Waldner visits Indonesia 9–12 March. The EU involvement in the AMM was IP/05/257, Brussels, 4 March. one of the successful story in the peaceful Gunaryadi. (2006).”The EU in the Peace Process for Aceh”. Springer-Verlag. conflict settlement. In this mission, the EU has been able to show the world that it is one Hill, Christopher. “The Capability-expectations gap, or Conceptualizing Europe’s International of significant actor in international politics. Role”. In Simon Bulmer & Andrew Scott (eds). Admittedly, the EU represents uncertain image (1994). Economic and Political Integration in international politics as if it can not be seen at in Europe: Internal Dynamics and Global the same level of sovereign-states. Nevertheless, Context. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. by viewing the EU as an evolving entity which John Peterson. (1998). “The European Union as a engaged in particular issues and by addressing Global Actor”. In John Peterson & Helene its international presence in the context of its Sjursen (eds). A Common Foreign Policy involvement in the AMM, the EU has played for Europe? Competing Visions of the CFSP. London: Routledge. significant role as an international actor. Marsh, Steve & Hans Mackenstein. (2005). The Furthermore, the willingness of third International Relations of the EU, Essex: parties in the peace process, particularly the Pearson. Indonesian government and the GAM leadership, McCormick, John. (2005). Understanding the to recognize the EU as a legitimate international European Union: The EU and the World, actor and the political will of some EU member London : Palgrave Macmillan. states to participate and contribute in the AMM Pirozzi, Nicoletta & Damien Helly. (2005). “Aceh also emphasized the EU’s role as an international Monitoring Mission: A New Challenge for actor. In conclusion, by viewing the EU as an ESDP”. European Security Review. October. evolving entity which engaged in particular issues Schulze, Kirsten E. (2007). “Mission Not So and by addressing its international presence, it is Impossible: The Aceh Monitoring Mission argued that the EU has played significant role and Lesson Learned for the EU”. International Policy Analysis. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Juli. as an international actor in the context of its Suryadinata, L. (1997). Indonesia’s Foreign Policy involvement in the AMM. Under Suharto: Aspiring to International Leadership. Singapore: Times Academic. REFERENCES Van Reisen, M. (1999). Global Player: The North/ South Policy of the EU. Utrecht: International Aspinall, Edward. (2005). “The Helsinki Agreement: Books. A More Promising Baisi for Peace in Aceh?”. Policy Studies. Vol 20. East-West Center. Allen, David & Michael Smith. (1991). “Western Europe’s Presence in the Contemporary International Arena”. In Martin Holland, M. (ed). The Future of European Political Cooperation: Essayson Theories and Practice. London: Macmillan. Braud, Poerre-Antoine & Giovanni Grevi. (2005). “The EU Mission in Aceh: Implementing Peace”. Institute for Security Studies. Bretherton, Charlotte & John Vogler. (1999). The European Union as a Global Actor. London: Routledge.

Indriana Kartini | The European Union’s Role as an International Actor in the Aceh ... | 123

GERAKAN MASYARAKAT ADAT SAMI DAN KONTESTASI SUMBER DAYA ALAM

SAMI INDIGENOUS MOVEMENT AND NATURAL RESOURCE’S CONTESTATION

Manggala Ismanto Fakultas Ilmu Budaya – Universitas Brawijaya Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 06-07-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 16-10-2017

ABSTRACT

The main agenda of the indigenous movement is fighting for political and cultural rights of ethnic minority communities in accordance with unique historical and cultural practices that they have. As Kymlicka said, minority rights must also be fought because they are on a system that is governed by the majority who pretend to produce injustice. Sami Indigenous Movement in Norway is a form of a long struggle to obtain the right independently to manage natural resources. Currently Sami struggling to maintain the uniqueness of the cultural identity and living practices that have been owned for generations. This paper would like to see the establishment of indigenous peoples’ movement Sami in Norway as well as the practice of social movements committed to demanding social change related to self-governance and autonomy of management of natural resources.

Keywords: Indigenous Movement, Sami people, identity, otonomy, natural resource management

ABSTRAK

Agenda utama dalam gerakan adat atau indigenous movement adalah memperjuangkan hak politik dan budaya komunitas etnis yang menjadi minoritas sesuai dengan keunikan historis serta praktik budaya yang mereka miliki. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Kymlicka, bahwa hak-hak minoritas juga harus diperjuangkan karena mereka berada pada sistem yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami di Norwegia merupakan bentuk perjuangan panjang untuk memperoleh hak secara mandiri untuk mengelola sumber daya alam. Saat ini masyarakat Sami berjuang untuk mempertahankan keunikan identitas budaya dan praktik hidup yang telah dimiliki secara turun temurun. Tulisan ini ingin melihat pembentukan gerakan masyarakat adat Sami di Norwegia serta praktik gerakan sosial yang dilakukan untuk menuntut perubahan sosial terkait dengan self-governance dan otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya alam.

Kata kunci: Gerakan Masyarakat Adat, Sami, identitas, otonomi, pengelolaan sumber daya alam

PENDAHULUAN antaranya adalah hak untuk mengembangkan Indigenous people sebagai bagian dari dan membangun manisfestasi praktek-praktek warga negara dunia mendapat peluang untuk budaya (Kuokkanen, 2000). Melalui konvensi menyuarakan haknya di kancah dunia. “Self- ILO, masyarakat lokal yang selama ini menjadi determination” menjadi salah satu tujuan gerakan pihak yang termarjinalkan memiliki ruang untuk ini yang melingkupi beragam isu. Beberapa di bernegosiasi. Dalam konvensi yang diadakan

125 oleh ILO dengan tajuk ‘Convention concerning INDIGENOUS PEOPLE DAN Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent ARTIKULASI IDENTITAS DALAM Countries’ (ILO No. 169) dihasilkan definisi GERAKAN SOSIAL BARU mengenai masyarakat adat. Dalam pasal satu Secara global, masyarakat adat telah dinyatakan definisi masyarakat adat sebagai : mendapatkan pengakuan dan hal ini memberikan indigenous people as people who are regarded peluang kepada komunitas adat untuk as indigenous on account of their descent mengkonstruksi ulang identitasnya. Pengertian from the populations which inhabited the atau definisi yang fleksibel memungkinkan country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at the time of conquest or beberapa kelompok mengidentifikasi etnisitasnya colonisation or the establishment of present untuk mendapatkan klaim atas hak-hak untuk State boundaries and who, irrespective of diakui sebagai populasi masyarakat adat (Nuttal their legal status, retain some or all of their 1998). Seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Plant own social, economic, cultural and political (1994 dalam Nuttal, 1998, 3) bahwa banyak institutions. (Nuttal, 1998, 2) dari komunitas yang mencoba mengidentifikasi dirinya sebagai masyarakat adat dikarenakan Pengakuan secara internasional ini “proteksi kuat yang ditawarkan melalui hukum menjadi angin segar bagi gerakan masyarakat internasional”. adat di beberapa negara yang sudah berlangsung Perdebatan tentang munculnya cukup lama. Etnis Sami di Norwegia, menjadi identifikasi terhadap “keadatan” diwarnai salah satu aktor dalam proses pengakuan hak dengan bermunculannya klaim masyarakat adat di negaranya. Perjuangan menghadapi adat terhadap pengelolaan sumber daya. Salah ketidakadilan serta dominasi budaya berawal satu kajian yang membahas isu tersebut adalah sejak masyarakat Sami dihadapkan pada Kuper (2003). Dia melihat konsep yang diajukan kebijakan-kebijakan negara yang merugikan tentang indigeneousness sangat terkait dengan mereka. Gerakan ini diawali dari bentuk pembentukan identitas yang tidak pernah perlawanan terhadap proyek pembangunan usai. Pandangan tentang indigenous terkadang skala besar dengan dalih kemajuan. Setelah disamakan dengan romantisme terhadap aksi perlawanan tersebut, keterlibatan politik kehidupan masyarakat non-modern yang hidup masyarakat Sami mulai meningkat dalam konteks serasi dengan alam serta berdampingan dengan pengakuan hak. Hal ini terlihat dari pembentukan lingkungan. Disamping itu, Kuper (2003) Komisi Hak Asasi Sami, Parlemen Sami, menjelaskan tentang beberapa kasus tentang maupun pengajuan serta diimplementasikannya masyarakat adat yang akhirnya mendapatkan Finnmark Act (Perjanjian Finnmark). Finnmark klaim atas sumber daya alam yang terhubung Act adalah upaya pemerintah norwegia sebagai dengan latar historis mereka. pihak yang meratifikasi konvensi ILO tentang Namun, dibalik itu ada kegelisahan yang masyarakat adat, untuk memberikan kesempatan ditunjukkan oleh Kuper tentang klaim-klaim kepada orang Sami di kawasan Finnmark masyarakat adat dengan menunjukkan bahwa untuk mengelola sumber daya secara mandiri tidak ada masyarakat yang terisolir sama (Finnmark Act, 2005). sekali dan memiliki relasi dengan kelompok Dalam artikel ini, penulis ingin melihat masyarakat lain. Jadi secara historis, sulit bagaimana gerakan masyarakat adat muncul di menentukan siapa yang memiliki hak atas suatu Norwegia. Apa saja faktor pendorong gerakan wilayah, kerena didalamnya ada unsur migrasi tersebut dan dampaknya terhadap masyarakat ataupun asimilasi. Selanjutnya, klaim-klaim Sami? Apakah gerakan ini mampu mempengaruhi atas sumber daya dianggap mampu mengekslusi budaya dominan yang ada? Seberapa jauh atau menyingkirkan tidak hanya masyarakat masyarakat Sami dapat bernegosiasi untuk yang identitasnya berbeda tetapi juga dari mendapatkan pengakuan terhadap hak-hak internal masyarakat itu sendiri. Ketidakadilan kewargaaannya? dan penyingkiran kemungkinan bisa terjadi

126 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 jika klaim-klaim tersebut tidak didasarkan pada konsep tersebut untuk memastikan program- realita yang terkait dengan realita sosial budaya progam konservasi mereka berjalan baik dengan yang ada. Saling menggunakan sumber-sumber bantuan yang diberikan oleh lembaga donor historis yang berdasar pada budaya tutur maupun internasional. mitos bisa menghasilkan kontestasi yang tidak Hal yang menarik dilihat adalah akan pernah usai. Seperti yang dipaparkan Kuper bagaimana indigenousness ini dianggap sebagai (2003): sesuatu yang hadir tidak secara natural tetapi There are also frequent disputes about who merupakan upaya masyarakat untuk menentukan should be chief, and land claims regularly pit identitasnya sebagai bagian dari legitimasi. native against native, chief against chief... Tania Li (2003) dalam studinya di Indonesia Precisely because myths function as charters, there are inevitably competing stories, melihat bahwa fenomena identifikasi diri menjadi and disputes often rage over who owns a bagian dari masyarakat tribal atau adat sebagai particular story and who has the right to proses artikulasi identitas. Dia menyatakan use it to back up claims to resources (Kuper, bahwa identifikasi tersebut adalah sesuatu 2003: 391) yang “invented, adopted or imposed”. Bagi Li, tindakan tersebut adalah upaya positioning yang Hal tersebut senada dengan apa yang berdasar pada praktik-praktik historis, lanskap, coba ditelusuri oleh Hames (2007) tentang yang dilakukan dengan perjuangan. Menjadi bagaimana pendefinisian serta penggunaan indigenous, dapat diartikan bahwa masyarakat konsep noble savage. Dengan melacak Istilah bisa menuntut atau bahkan mendapatkan hak- noble savage secara historis, Hames menemukan hak tertentu terkait kehidupan mereka. Tujuan konsep tersebut mengacu pada anggapan dimana identifikasi diri sebagai bagian dari masyarakat masyarakat lokal (adat) yang dianggap ‘primitif’ adat adalah untuk mendapatkan hak yang salah adalah bentuk masyarakat yang menjunjung satunya untuk mengelola budaya, sumber daya nilai-nilai keserasian terhadap alam, atau bisa alam, politik secara mandiri. Istilah Indigenous dinyatakan sebagai konservasionis. Ahli sosial ini bukanlah secara sederhana bisa dipadankan menafsirkan bahwa kehidupan masyarakat dengan ras, etnisitas atau agama. Menurut Smith tersebut merupakan negasi dari kehidupan (2006), “Indigenous is a complex concept: as an masyarakat modern yang memiliki tendensi identity, a relationship to the land and the State, untuk melakukan eksploitasi terhadap alam and as a form of legitimation.” secara berlebih. Identitas merupakan entitas yang selalu Menurut Hames (2007), alih-alih mengalami perubahan dan di dalamnya terdapat mengklarifikasi apakah mitos noble savage itu ketidakstabilan serta selalu dipengaruhi beragam adalah sebuah kebenaran, dia mengusulkan untuk faktor. Seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Hall (1990 melihat bagaimana konsep ini digunakan untuk dalam Li, 2003, 151) mengenai identitas kultural kepentingan masyarakat yang mengusungnya. yang selalu berada dalam proses “menjadi”. Mitos tentang pola hidup masyarakat yang Menurut Hall (ibid), identitas tersebut datang dari sinergis dengan alam juga digunakan secara sesuatu yang bersifat historis. Argumentasinya politis oleh masyarakat dengan tujuan tertentu. menekankan bahwa seharusnya identitas tidak Konsep tersebut disandingkan oleh masyarakat dipandang sebagai bentuk yang “eternaly lokal dengan isu tentang identitas serta self fixed”, melainkan sebagai subjek yang sangat determination. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh dipengaruhi oleh sejarah, budaya dan kekuasaan. Hames (2007) “...how this concept is used by Bagi Hall, ada ketidakstabilan dalam identifikasi native peoples to identify essential characteristics kebudayaan, sehingga menurutnya proses of their culture and world view and how it is ini akan “renders any articulation complex, deployed politically in their struggles for self contestable, and subject to rearticulation”. determination and equality.” Tidak hanya Identitas bukanlah ruang yang kaku dan mutlak, masyarakat, organisasi non-pemerintah yang bahkan merupakan ruang yang dinamis dan selalu bergerak di bidang lingkungan juga menggunakan berupaya menemukan bentuknya.

Manggala Ismanto | Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami dan Kontestasi Sumber Daya Alam | 127 Masyarakat adat berupaya memposisikan politis. Selanjutnya hal ini biasanya terlihat dalam dirinya dalam tantangan menghadapi perubahan kasus ketika praktek tersebut diteorisasikan sosial yang terjadi di masyarakat melalui sebagai yang marginal, berseberangan, alternatif gerakan sosial. Nash (2008) menunjukkan dan semua itu “dipahami dalam relasinya dengan dalam kerangka gerakan sosial, masyarakat adat aturan dari kebudayaan yang dominan”. Budaya menjadi agen aktif untuk menjawab tantangan dianggap politik karena pemaknaan di dalamnya dunia yang terikat erat dengan sistem kapitalis mengandung proses, baik implisit maupun yang mengglobal. Keinginan atas otonomi dan eksplisit, untuk mendefinisikan kembali ‘sosial kepengaturan mandiri menjadi isu sentral dalam power’. Menurut Escobar gerakan alternatif masyarakat adat saat ini. Pendekatan gerakan merupakan upaya penegasan bahwa mereka bisa sosial saat ini mulai mengalami modifikasi untuk bernegosiasi atau berhadapan dengan budaya merespon arah baru dari proses-proses global. dominan. Seperti yang dijelaskannya bahwa : Pergeseran ini muncul berdasar kajian yang mulai “When movements deploy alternative beralih dari spesifik membahas kelas pekerja conceptions of woman, nature, development, menjadi kemunculan hak-hak sipil, gerakan economy, democracy, or citizenship that feminis, dan juga identitas post-industri. unsettle dominant cultural meanings, they enact a cultural politics. Cultural politics Gerakan masyarakat adat tersebut bisa are the result of discursive articulations dilihat dalam kerangka “new social movement”. originating in existing cultural practices. Karakter gerakan tersebut memfokuskan pada These processes are never pure and always identitas, otonomi serta “self-realization” hybrid yet showing significant contrasts in (Calhoun 2000 [1993] dalam Smith, 2006, 7). relation to dominant cultures” (Escobar,1998, 64). Di dalam gerakan sosial ‘baru’ ini, identitas memainkan peran yang cukup penting sehingga Dalam konteks kewarganergaraan gerakan masyarakat adat pun masuk didalamnya. (citizenship) hak-hak minoritas atau komunitas Seperti yang dipaparkan oleh Nash (2008, 10), juga mendapatkan perhatian karena terkait “the resurgence of ethnic identification among dengan keunikan dan perbedaan yang dimiliki. populations marginalized in the course of Holston dan Appadurai (1996) menjelaskan conquest challenged the indigenist ideologist... konsep kewarganegaraan yang dianggap brought to the fore collective practices and bersifat netral selalu menghadapi tantangan aspirations that had long been buried”. Seperti dalam konteks masyarakat yang multi-identitas. yang dijelaskan Dove (2006) bahwa, salah Kelompok-kelompok yang memiliki latar satu bentuk identitas yang sering dimunculkan belakang sejarah dan karakteristik berbeda adalah dengan mengenalkan konsep mengenai memaknai ulang hubungan antara hak dan indigenous environmental knowledge, di mana kewajiban sebagai warga negara. Perbedaan ini masyarakat dianggap mampu hidup secara mendasari bahwa setiap kelompok berupaya berkesinambungan dengan lingkungan melalui untuk mendapatkan ‘perlakuan’ berbeda dan penggunaan pengetahuan lokal mereka dihargai keberadaannya. Beberapa kelompok “Cultural politic” atau politik budaya identitas termasuk didalamnya adalah kelompok mendapatkan perhatian dalam pendekatan minoritas, kelompok orientasi seksual, ras, gerakan sosial untuk melihat bagaimana keagamaan maupun organisasi berdasarkan munculnya alternatif gerakan yang berdasar etnis. Masing-masing kelompok memiliki pada artikulasi budaya. Menurut Escobar (1998, klaim dengan tujuan, “...demand different 64) bahwa cultural politic merupakan proses treatment on the basis of their inalienable right yang terjadi ketika “sets of social actors shaped to retain and realize their unique qualities, by, and embodying, different cultural meanings contributions, and histories...That difference and practices come into conflict with each other”. in fact constitutes their authentic and original Dalam pengertian ini pemaknaan dan praktik character, which they have every right to develop tersebut bisa dikatakan sebagai sumber dari proses to full capacity.”(Holston dan Appadurai, 1996, yang bisa diterima sebagai sesuatu yang bersifat 194).

128 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 Hak-hak minoritas juga harus mendapat Hidup berdampingan dengan lingkungan perhatian karena mereka berada pada sistem yang keras di Artik membuat masyarakat Sami yang diatur oleh mayoritas yang berpretensi harus beradaptasi dengan menemukan cara-cara menghasilkan ketidakadilan. Kymlicka bertahan hidup. Beberapa diantara mereka (2002[1995]) berpendapat bahwa hak masih berpindah-pindah, atau nomaden. Mata kewarganegaraan sangat mengagungkan hak pencaharian masyarakat Sami diantaranya adalah individu yang didukung dalam sistem liberal berburu, nelayan, maupun menggembala rusa dan terkadang melupakan bahwa seharusnya kutub. Menjadi penggembala rusa kutub menjadi kelompok minoritas juga harus dilindungi salah satu ikon budaya masyarakat Sami. Banyak dan diakui keberadaannya. Salah satu bentuk orang Sami yang mempraktikan gaya hidup pengakuan tersebut adalah dengan memberikan semi-nomaden, untuk memindahkan rusanya “perlindungan eksternal” (dari negara atau diantara pegunungan dan pantai sesuai dengan kelompok mayoritas) dengan cara memberikan musim (Arnadottir, 2014, 170). hak atas pemerintahan sendiri kepada kelompok Rusa menjadi salah satu sumber kehidupan minoritas yang di dalamnya terkait bagaimana bagi orang Sami. Rusa bisa dimanfaatkan kelompok tersebut mendapatkan otonomi untuk untuk transportasi, membuat beragam peralatan mengatur, diantaranya terkait pengembangan dan juga sumber makanan. Bulu rusa bisa budaya serta akses terhadap sumber daya. dimanfaatkan untuk membuat sepatu musim dingin, sarung tangan, topi, pelindung kaki. MASYARAKAT SAMI: ANTARA Selain itu juga bisa digunakan untuk kasur, dan PENGAKUAN DAN DISKRIMINASI juga selimut. Sementara itu, dagingnya biasa dikonsumsi dan juga diawetkan untuk memenuhi Masyarakat Sami merupakan salah satu protein orang Sami. Pentingnya keberadaan rusa etnis yang tinggal di kawasan utara negara- pada kehidupan mereka maka negara-negara negara Skandinavia. Secara tradisional mereka Nordic mengadopsi perjanjian khusus terkait menempati teritori yang dikenal sebagai Sapmi, dengan penggembalaan rusa kutub, seperti yang yang meliputi kawasan utara Norwegia, Swedia, dijelaskan Zashikhina (2014): Finlandia, dan juga Kola Peninsula di Rusia. Meskipun mereka dipisahkan dengan batasan ...the Reindeer Grazing Act of 1971 in Sweden geografis dari empat negara, mereka tetap and the Reindeer Husbandry Act of 1978 in Norway, which was recently amended. memiliki kesatuan dan persamaan budaya These documents provide the Sami with the melebihi batas-batas kenegaraan (Arnadottir, exclusive right for their traditional livelihood 2014). – reindeer husbandry. The Lapp Codisil was Populasi orang Sami di Norwegia berkisar the first official document, which allows antara 30.000 orang. Di negara lainnya, Sami to the Sami to practice reindeer husbandry. This document still can be considered as the yang menetap di Sweden berjumlah 15.000 dan source of law regarding Sami’s rights for the di Finlandia berjulah 5.000 orang. Sedangkan traditional livelihoods. di Russia sekitar 2.000 orang. Di Norwegia sendiri 24.000 dari 30.000 orang Sami tinggal di Meskipun memiliki keunikan dan propinsi paling ujung utara wilayah negara ini. dukungan dalam pengelolaan sumber daya, Sekitar 15.000 orang berada di kawasan bernama masyarakat Sami sebagai minoritas juga Finnmark dan 9.000 orang lainnya berada di mendapatkan diskriminasi pada masa lalu. Tromso (Paine, 1987). Konsep mengenai Sami Salah satu bentuk diskriminasinya adalah sering digunakan tanpa definisi yang baku. dengan diimplementasikannya kebijakan Menurut orang Sami sendiri, Sami adalah orang asimilasi yang memarjinalisasikan orang Sami yang menganggap dirinya sebagai Sami, yang di Norwegia. Salah satu pemicu kebijakan ini berbicara bahasa Sami, dan atau memiliki orang adalah pemberontakan yang terjadi di kawasan tua atau keturunan yang berbahasa Sami (Kitti, Koaukatoni di Utara Norwegia pada tahun 1852. 1996, 65). Pemberontakan tersebut terjadi karena respon

Manggala Ismanto | Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami dan Kontestasi Sumber Daya Alam | 129 orang Sami terhadap diskriminasi dan penjajahan pada aboriginality dan keadatan. Penggunaan (Muus, 2010). retorika juga digunakan untuk mengartikulasi, menunjukan, serta mempertahankan identitas Setelah itu, muncul kebijakan yang dikenal sosial tertentu dan klaim bahwa mereka tergabung sebagai “fornorsking” atau “norwegianization” dalam group atau lokasi tertentu (Nuttal, 1998). yang terjadi pada era 1879-1940. Kebijakan Seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Nuttal (1998) itu diimplementasikan terjadi pada dua level, bahwa: yaitu kebijakan tempat tinggal dan livelihood, dan kebijakan bahasa dan pendidikan. Salah The use of such rhetoric has become essential for Arctic peoples as they argue that their satu prakteknya yang terjadi sebelum tahun demands for ownership of or title to lands 1970 adalah pelarangan untuk menggunakan and resources are based on two undisputable bahasa Sami dimanapun dan masyarakat Sami claims: that they have a unique and special harus menggunakan bahasa Norwegia di ranah relationship to the Arctic environment which publik(Zashikhina, 2014). Menurut Muus is essential for social identity and cultural (2010) orang Sami yang tidak menguasai bahasa survival; and that they have never given Norwegia baik membaca atau menulis, tidak up their rights over lands and resources in the first place—rather, land has been diperbolehkan memiliki bentuk bisnis atau expropriated and resources exploited without kepemilikan atas properti. Memiliki nama dengan due regard to indigenous peoples. Claims to karakter bahasa Sami juga bisa menjadi masalah lands and resources are thus based on cultural terkait hak kepemilikan properti. Dalam proses and historical rights: the Arctic environment asimilasi ini pula, ada hukum yang diberlakukan not only sustains indigenous peoples in an pada tahun 1902 terkait dengan nama Norwegia economic sense, it nourishes them spiritually and provides a fundamental basis for the saja yang bisa dilekatkan pada properti. Proses- distinctive cultures and ways of life they are proses dikriminasi ini sudah berlangsung cukup fighting to protect lama tidak hanya di Norwegia tetapi juga orang Sami di negara scandinavia lainnya, seperti juga yang dinyatakan oleh Zashikhina (2014): Pada bagian ini akan dipaparkan bentuk- For the long period of time the Sami people bentuk gerakan yang pernah dilakukan oleh from all these Nordic states were neglected by masyarakat Sami berserta pihak-pihak yang the governments and it was easier to pretend membantunya. Dalam hal ini secara garis besar that they are not a separate ethnic group, but upaya yang dilakukan oleh orang Sami adalah just a group of people with other language and untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak komunalnya, way of life. And it was easier to try to change diantaranya hak atas pengelolaan sumber daya them, make „them‟ similar to „us‟, then to maupun kepemilikan atas tanah. Upaya untuk cohabit all together. But it was not fault of national governments. All international law memperoleh klaim yang berdasar pada keunikan that time considered indigenous peoples not identitas ditempuh melalui jalan dan proses yang like individual ethnic groups, but just like panjang. Pada bagian ini, deskripsi momentum small tribes with no culture. di mana masyarakat Sami menjadi aktor dalam perjuangannya menuntut hak hidup serta hak GERAKAN SOSIAL DAN OTONOMI otonomi sumber daya yang berada dalam kaca PENGELOLAAN SUMBER DAYA mata gerakan sosial baru akan dipaparkan lebih ALAM mendalam. Seperti yang dinyatakan oleh Nuttal (1998, Proses perjuangan tersebut diantaranya 3) gerakan politik yang terjadi di Artik memiliki muncul pada aksi penolakan proyek skala besar tujuan untuk mendapatkan pengakuan diri (self- pembangkit listrik di Alta serta perjuangan politik determination) dan juga klaim terhadap lahan terbentuknya parlemen Sami dan pengajuan serta sumber daya alam. Upaya yang dilakukan Finnmark Act yang mencoba mengakomodasi untuk memperoleh itu semua adalah dengan kepentingan masyarakat Sami. Secara historis mengkonstruksi identitas etnik serta budaya kedua hal ini memiliki keterkaitan dalam yang dimiliki serta memfokuskan perhatian gerakan masyarakat Sami. Aksi penolakan ini

130 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 menjadi awal masuknya isu-isu diskriminasi kutub. Masyarakat Sami sangat bergantung pada serta ketidakberpihakan pemerintah terhadap pemanfaatan rusa kutub ini. orang Sami dalam perdebatan publik. Aksi ini Rencana pembangunan pembangkit listrik pulalah yang mendorong orang Sami secara ini menimbulkan gejolak dan perlawanan di politik memiliki perwakilan dalam parlemen, masyarakat, tidak hanya oleh masyarakat Sami yang dibentuknya sendiri, untuk bernegosiasi yang terekslusi dari tempat tinggalnya tetapi dengan pemerintah pusat. juga banyak pihak. Howell (2010) mengatakan bahwa pembangunan ini merupakan proyek Menentang Pembangunan Pembangkit yang paling kontroversial dalam sejarah proyek Listrik Alta energi di Norwegia. Tidak hanya karena Kawasan utara Norwegia sebagai mampu mengaktifasi gerakan dari populasi kawasan yang ditinggali oleh masyarakat Sami Sami, tetapi juga mampu menggerakkan pihak- menjadi lokasi pembangunan skala besar untuk pihak lain seperti politisi, kelompok radikal, meningkatkan pertumbuhan di Norwegia. environmentalis, maupun ilmuwan sosial Pemerintahan Norwegia memiliki rencana untuk seperti antropolog. Proyek skala besar ini juga membangun pembangkit listrik tenaga air di menimbulkan perdebatan politik di Norwegia daerah Alta-Kautokeino. Hal ini didasari pada (Broderstad, 2011; Andersen et al., 1985, disetujuinya perencanaan pendirian pembangkit 318). Kasus ini memberikan peluang untuk listrik beserta dam berukuran raksasa pada tahun mempertanyakan kembali prosedur serta aturan 1978 oleh parlemen. Proses inisiasi proyek ini dalam pembuatan kebijakan dalam ranah ternyata berlangsung cukup panjang. Menurut lingkungan dan manajemen sumber daya. Andersen,et.al (1985) Kementrian Sumber Daya Gerakan perlawanan ini didasari pada hak-hak Air dan Listrik Norwegia meluncurkan rencana masyarakat Sami atas tanah, air, serta sumber pada tahun 1960an untuk mengeksploitasi daya alam. aliran sungai Alta-Kautokeino untuk digunakan Tindakan perlawanan dari gerakan sebagai pembangkit listrik serta menciptakan ini berlangsung berulang kali dan sempat waduk di desa tempat tinggal etnis Sami. Kasus berhasil menunda sejenak proses pembangunan ini berlangsung cukup lama hampir lebih dari pembangkit listrik serta waduk. Bentuk resistensi 12 tahun dengan banyak ketidakpastian serta yang muncul beragam (Andersen, et. al., 1985, konflik. Namun akhirnya pada tahun 1981 320). Pada tahun 1970 penduduk Masi, rencana ini diimplementasikan. komunitas kecil Sami yang akan dipaksa Aliran sungai Alta-Kautokeino merupakan pindah dari lingkungan tempat tinggalnya salah satu aliran sungai yang memiliki nilai karena pendirian waduk, berhasil mendesak ekologis dan ekonomis bagi kehidupan parlemen Norwegia untuk tidak memasukkan masyarakat. Hal ini didasari atas pentingnya proyek pembangunan waduk dalam rencana aliran sungai bagi ekosistem di kawasan utara proyek pembangkit listrik. Hingga delapan Norwegia. Parmann (1981) memaparkan bahwa tahun setelahnya, pada 1978 keputusan untuk sungai tersebut merupakan salah satu sungai membangun waduk mendapatkan petisi dan terindah di Norwegia. Panjang aliran sungai juga aksi demonstrasi baik di pusat kota Oslo ini mencapai 130 km dan menyimpan potensi maupun di Alta. Setelah itu, pada tahun 1979 perikanan air tawar berupa persediaan ikan pembangkangan sipil dilakukan oleh masyarakat salmon yang mencapai 30.000kg/tahun. Berkat setempat dan juga kelompok lingkungan di sumber daya ikan tersebut, Sungai Alta berperan Norwegia dengan cara menutup pembuatan jalan dalam perikanan komersil dan juga sebagai menuju ke lokasi pusat energi. Pada tahun yang tujuan pariwisata (Andersen, et.al., 1985, 318). sama demonstrasi damai dengan membuat tenda Tidak hanya itu, di kedua sisi sungai itu melintasi di depan gedung parlemen dilakukan oleh warga dataran tinggi bernama Finmarksvidda yang Sami. Aksi ini diliput oleh media massa hingga merupakan area terpenting bagi migrasi rusa publik memaksa Pemerintah untuk menghentikan implementasi kebijakan tersebut.

Manggala Ismanto | Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami dan Kontestasi Sumber Daya Alam | 131 Perlawanan masyarakat adat Sami luaran. Hasil kerja keras komisi dapat dilihat dari memuncak pada tahun 1981 ketika pemerintah bagaimana Sami Act berhasil disusun pada tahun akan melakukan eksekusi pembangunan proyek. 1987 untuk membela kepentingan orang Sami. Gerakan mobilisasi massa terjadi di lokasi Alta Selain itu juga berhasil dilakukannya amandemen untuk menolak konstruksi pembangkit listrik konstitusi pada tahun 1988 serta pendirian dan dam. Tujuan utama aksi ini adalah untuk parlemen Sami di tahun 1989. Pasal yang melindungi kawasan yang memiliki fungsi diajukan dan telah disahkan dalam konstitusi ekologis di Norwegia serta untuk menegakkan Norwegia tercantum pada pasal 110a yang hak-hak masyarakat adat yang tinggal di berisikan ada tanggung jawab pemerintah kawasan tersebut, masyarakat Sami. Estimasi untuk mempertahankan serta mengijinkan menunjukkan sekitar 600-700 orang berkumpul “development of Sami Culture”. Dengan dengan membawa atribut demonstrasi. Mereka munculnya pasal tersebut, masyarakat Sami dapat telah berkumpul di lokasi dan menginap di lokasi bernegosiasi dengan Pemerintah Pusat mengenai pendirian konstruksi pembangkit listrik. Untuk otonomi sumber daya dan budayanya. Salah menghalau aksi tersebut, Pemerintah mengutus satunya adalah keberhasilan inisiasi penggunaan 600 anggota kepolisian untuk berjaga, dan bahasa Sami (Brodertstad, 2011)). bahkan menangkap semua orang yang ikut dalam Hak politik menjadi poin utama dalam aksi ini. Mereka yang tertangkap dikenai denda agenda masyarakat Sami dengan perjuangan sebesar 3000 kroner. Denda yang terkumpul pendirian parlemen Sami. Dengan adanya dalam aksi tersebut mencapai 1.700.000 kroner parlemen ini perwakilan masyarakat bisa atau setara dengan 350.000 dollar (Parmann, menegaskan representasinya dalam perpolitikan 1981, 153). Meskipun aksi massa telah dilakukan, di Norwegia. Melalui politik, negosiasi bisa terus namun gerakan ini belum membuahkan hasil dan dilakukan untuk kepentingan masyarakat Sami. proyek pembangkit listrik tetap berjalan yang Menjadi entitas warga negara yang memiliki dimulai pada akhir tahun 1981. kemampuan mengatur dirinya sendiri terkait sumber daya dan juga budaya merupakan tujuan Finnmark Act: Upaya Politik utama dari keterlibatan dalam ranah politik ini. Mendapatkan Otonomi Pengelolaan Seperti yang dipaparkan oleh Broderstad (2011) Sumber Daya bahwa, “As is the case across the Arctic, where a Kemampuan untuk bernegosiasi secara number of legal and political arrangements have politis diperlukan masyarakat adat untuk been established to promote a greater degree of mendapatkan bargaining position atas hak-hak autonomy, certain Sami rights gradually became yang mereka tuntut. Komisi Sami didirikan entrenched, and political arrangements were untuk memperjuangkan hak masyarakat adat established to promote a greater degree of Sami di Norwegia. Kemunculan Komisi Hak Asasi autonomy”. Sami (Sami Rights Commission) tersebut dapat Salah satu bentuk produk perjuangan dikaitkan dengan momen penting perlawanan adalah munculnya Finnmark Act (atau perjanjian masyarakat Sami terhadap proyek pembangkit Finnmark). Finnmark merupakan daerah paling listrik di kawasan Alta. Brodertstad (2011) terujung bagian selatan dari Norwegia yang menyatakan, meskipun warga Sami kalah dalam ditinggali sekitar 74.000 penduduk. Daerah ‘pertempuran’, tetapi mereka memenangkan tersebut juga merupakan kawasan tempat kasusnya. Tepat setelah kejadian demonstrasi tinggal masyarakat Sami dan juga masyarakat besar-besaran, masih di tahun 1981 komisi hak non-Sami. Gagasan reformasi lahan di Finmmark asasi masyarakat Sami dibentuk. Mandat utama tersebut diperjuangkan oleh Komisi Hak Asasi dari pendirian komisi ini adalah mempertanyakan Sami (Riseth, 2007, 180) setelah hampir 20 kembali mengenai hak masyarakat Sami terhadap tahun berdiri. Awalnya Komisi Hak Asasi Sami tanah dan air. memberikan rekomendasi agar ada pengakuan Tuntutan komisi ini mengenai hak hak masyarakat untuk bisa mengakses tanah masyarakat Sami menghasilkan beberapa dan air. Tujuan digagasnya perjanjian ini untuk

132 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 meminta pengakuan kepada pemerintah pusat dipilih oleh Sami Parlemen. Kemudian draft untuk memberikan hak otonomi kepada orang tersebut berkembang menjadi bagaimana Sami. masyarakat adat dapat mengelola sumber dayanya secara otonom di sana. Pada awalnya, bagian paling utara Norwegia yaitu Finnmark adalah kawasan Setelah enam tahun rekomendasi ini yangmenjadi bagian dari jurisdiksi Pemerintah diberikan, Pemerintah akhirnya mengeluarkan Norwegia dan negara memiliki kuasa penuh deklarasi (bill). Draft tersebut berkali-kali sebagai pemilik tanah. Seperti yang dinyatakan diujikan untuk mendapatkan kesepakatan Ravna (2011), kepemilikan oleh negara ini bersama antara komite, parlemen Sammi dan berdasar pada persepsi “terra nullius” atau “the Pemerintah Norwegia. Namun draft yang state land doctrine”. Negara mampu mengajukan diajukan oleh pemerintah beberapa poin tanah yang dianggap tidak berpemilik menjadi didalamnya tidak mengakomodasi kepentingan kekuasaan Norwegia, tanpa harus ada perjanjian masyarakat Sami. Salah satunya adalah terkait atau kesepakatan dari penduduk yang sebelumnya tidak adanya lembaga khusus yang memiliki telah mendiami dan memanfaatkan area tersebut. tugas untuk mengklarifikasi di lapangan apakah Cara pandang ini hampir sama dengan konsep ada kepemilikan hak lahan oleh masyarakat Sami ‘frontierisme’ (Tsing, 2003) yang merupakan di Finnmark. Padahal, proses identifikasi hak gagasan atau ide yang menganggap sebuah ‘zona’ menjadi salah satu poin utama yang diajukan dianggap kosong, tidak ada yang mengatur dan oleh komisi hak asasi untuk memperkuat oleh karena itu harus diatur. informasi mengenai aksesibilitas terhadap sumber daya. Hal ini dikritik oleh Parlemen Sami Seperti yang diketahui, Norwegia menjadi dan dibentuklah lembaga independen bernama salah satu negara awal yang meratifikasi konvensi “Parliamentary Standing Committee of Justice” No.169 terkait masyarakat adat dan tribal. untuk melakukan assessment terhadap draft Sebagai bentuk ratifikasi, PemerintahNorwegia yang telah disusun Pemerintah. Komite Keadilan dihadapkan pada kesepakatan-kesepakatan tersebut menyimpulkan bahwa apa yang diajukan yang dibangun serta melakukan implementasi oleh Pemerintah belum memenuhi persyaratan kebijakan terkait hak-hak masyarakat adat, salah dalam Konvensi ILO No. 169, satunya dengan mengidentifikasi dan mengakui tanah adat yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat adat. “Should the Finnmark Act meet ILO Convention requirements for recognition Perdebatan dan perjuangan untuk of land rights, the decision rules must be menginisiasi perjanjian Finnmark mengalami changed so that the Sámi are secured the proses yang cukup panjang. Lembaga-lembaga control according to an ownership position. If seperti Komisi Hak Asasi Sami dan juga this is not relevant for the entire county, the Parlemen Sami serta menjadi tulang punggung special Sámi areas need to be identified with a view to ensur- ing the Sámi the control and dalam proses legal formal. Negosiasi-negosiasi rights to these ar-eas” (Ravna, 2011, 434) juga dilakukan untuk mendapatkan peluang memperoleh pengakuan atas sumber daya atas nama masyarakat Sami di Finnmark. Pada Untuk mengakomodasi kepentingan awalnya pengajuan atau cikal bakal perjanjian pengidentifikasian hak kepemilikan maka Finnmark adalah tuntutan dari Komisi Hak dibentuklah Komisi Finnmark sesuai dengan Asasi Sami terhadap status kepemilikan adat Finnmark Act. Komisi ini memiliki mandat untuk masyarakat Sami terkait tanah dan air di kawasan melakukan investigasi terhadap hak kepemilikan tersebut (ibid). Komisi tersebut mengajukan dan penggunaan lahan di area tersebut yang perjanjian untuk pengelolaan tanah di Finnmark nantinya akan diambil alih dari negara kepada di mana kepemilikannya dialihkan dari ‘State ‘Finnmark Estate’. Komisi tersebut awalnya Forest Company” kepada badan kepemilikan tidak muncul dalam rancangan yang diusulkan independen yang bernama ‘Finnmark Estate oleh pemerintah. Pentingnya badan tersebut justru Management’ yang diatur oleh dewan yang dikemukakan dan diajukan ketika konsultasi

Manggala Ismanto | Gerakan Masyarakat Adat Sami dan Kontestasi Sumber Daya Alam | 133 dengan Komisi Hak Asasi dan Komite Keadilan. memandang bahwa sumber daya alam yang ada Komisi Finnmark ini adalah upaya untuk di kawasan tersebut sebagai “common resources” mengakomodasi kesepakatan yang dibangun atau sumber daya bersama. Di Finnmark baik dalam Konvensi ILO yaitu diperlukannya Sami atau non-Sami, memiliki hak untuk lembaga legal formal yang memiliki wewenang mengakses sumber daya, seperti memancing, untuk mendukung pengakuan hak masyarakat memetik buah berries atau berburu hewan (ibid). adat. Seperti yang ditegaskan oleh Ravna (2011), Dengan adanya Finnmark Act memunculkan bahwa: permasalahan di tingkat mikro terkait dengan “...under Article 6, paragraph 1 (a), to kekhawatiran penduduk Finnmark bahwa apakah take steps as necessary to identify land ada kemungkinan di masa depan hanya penduduk traditionally occupied by indigenous people, Sami saja yang bisa mengakses sumber daya dan and to establish adequate pro-cedures within menyingkirkan penduduk lain yang dari dulu the national legal system to settle land claim juga memiliki akses yang sama di area tersebut. of indigenous peo-ples under Article 14 (2) and 14 (3).The latters aim to facilitate the clarification process in relation to the Sámi, PENUTUP who for the most part are locals living in villages and reindeer-herders. This holds not Masyarakat Sami menjadi aktor dalam only for the formal process, but also for the gerakan sosial baru yang mendasarkan application of substantive law, including the perjuangannya pada identitas maupun otonomi. use of legal sources.” Perjuangan ini dimulai pada perlawanan mereka atas ketidakadilan yang dimunculkan oleh proyek pembangunan. Proyek skala Dalam praktiknya badan-badan yang besar yang diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah dibentuk untuk mendukung Finnmark Act masih Norwegia dianggap mampu memberikan terdapat permasalahan. Meskipun dianggap dampak terhadap kehidupan masyarakat Sami perangkat yang ideal, tetapi Komisi Finnmark di kawasan tersebut. Dengan adanya kasus yang memiliki tugas melakukan pemetaan perlawanan ini, publik Norwegia akhirnya tentang hak pemilikan lahan, berasal dari sadar tentang diskriminasi yang terjadi kepada kalangan elite pengacara dan sangat sedikit minoritas etnis Sami. Dengan adanya kasus ini, melibatkan masyarakat Sami. Broderstad (2015) dipertanyakan kembali bagaimana seharusnya bahkan mengatakan bahwa “the Finnmark proses pembangunan dilakukan dan apa Estate is ethnically blind”. Dia memaparkan dampaknya bagi masyarakat. Meskipun kalah bahwa dalam proses pengakuan hak, ternyata melawan intervensi pembangunan, tetapi gerakan hak masyarakat Sami dan masyarakat lain yang ini justru menginisiasi peran masyarakat Sami di mengakses kawasan Finnmark diperlakukan ranah politik. sama. Lebih lanjut, ia menjelaskan bahwa jika memang diperuntukkan bagi orang Sami, maka Secara politis, baik komisi hak asasi harus ada pembedaan atas pemilikan lahan atau maupun parlemen Sami menjadi corong penggunaan lahan. kepentingan orang Sami. Usulan-usulan serta inisiasi orang Sami untuk mempengaruhi Munculnya bentuk pengaturan lingkungan kebijakan pemerintah, telah memberikan ruang dan sumber daya melalui Finnmark Act negosiasi agar hak kewarganegaraan etnis memunculkan berbagai respon tidak hanya dari minoritas untuk mendapatkan pengakuan. Salah penduduk etnis sami, tetapi juga non-Sami yang satu bentuk negosiasi tersebut adalah perjanjian tinggal di daerah Finnmark. Ween dan Lien Finnmark yang berisi tentang gambaran ideal (2012) melihat bahwa penerapan kebijakan ini pengakuan hak masyarakat terhadap sumber ternyata juga mendatangkan rasa takut bagi daya, terutama tanah dan air. Perjanjian ini penduduk di sana dalam hal akses terhadap dianggap sebagai pengejawantahan yang sumber daya. Mereka melihat bahwa sudah dilakukan oleh pemerintah Norwegia terhadap sejak lama masyarakat Sami dan non-Sami hidup Konvensi ILO No. 169. Sebagai pihak yang berdampingan di Finnmark. Masyarakat tersebut

134 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 meratifikasi, makaNorwegia memiliki tanggung ______(2015). “The Finnmark Estate: jawab untuk memperlihatkan komitmennya Dilusson of Indigenous Rights or a untuk mengakui hak masyarakat adat. Robust Compromise?”. (2015). Dalam The Northern Review, 39 (2015): 8–21 Meskipun perjuangan untuk mendapatkan Dove, Michael R. (2006). “Indigenous People and pengakuan hak-hak terhadap sumber daya telah Environmental Politics”. Dalam Annual Review dilakukan tetapi masyarakat Sami tetap harus of Anthropology, (2006) Vol. 35 pp. 191-208. menunggu proses identifikasi yang dilakukan Sumber http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064921 oleh negara. Dalam proses ini masih banyak Escobar, Arturo, (1998). “Whose Knowledge, Whose persoalan-persoalan yang harus diselesaikan nature? Biodiversity, Conservation, and the terkait dengan sudut pandang negara mengenai Political Ecology of Social Movements” dalam sistem pengelolaannya.. Pada perjanjian tersebut, Journal of Political Ecology, Vol.5 1998 53-82. tidak dimunculkan kekhususan hak yang Hames, Raymond. (2007). “The Ecologically Noble dimiliki oleh orang Sami ketika disandingkan Savage Debate” . dalam Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 36 (2007)pp. 177-190. dengan orang non-sami terkait akses dan Sumber : http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064951 kepemilikan lahan di Finnmark. Penerapan Howell, Signe. (2010). “Norwegian Academic pengelolaan sumber daya melalui Finnmark Act Anthropologists in Public Spaces”. Dalam juga memunculkan kegelisahan dalam tataran Current Anthropology, Vol. 51, No. S2, Engaged lokal. Penduduk di Finnmark realitanya tidak Anthropology: Diversity and Dilemmas hanya masyarakat Sami, tetapi juga masyarakat (October 2010), pp. S269-S277. sumber : http:// non-Sami. Sejak lama kawasan Finnmark www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/652907 diakses: dianggap sebagai sumber daya miliki bersama 28-09-2016 atau commons oleh penduduknya sehingga siapa Kitti, Jouni. (1996). “The Sami Past and Present”. saja memiliki akses untuk memanfaatkan sumber Dalam Anthropological Journal on European Cultures, Vol. 5, No. 2, Mare Balticum:Societies daya tersebut untuk kebutuhan hidup. Ketika in Transition (I) (1996), pp. 65-81. Sumber: Finnmark Act dirancang untuk memberikan http://www.jstor.org/stable/43234805 diakses otonomi pengelolaan sumber daya kepada etnis 04-10-2016 05:54 Sami, maka kemungkinan akan muncul persoalan Kuokkanen, Rauna. (2000). “Towards An “Indigenous di masa depan tentang ekslusi kepada pihak Paradigm” From A Sami Perspective”. Dalam lain, terutama masyarakat non-Sami yang juga The Canadian Journal of Native Studies XX, merupakan penduduk Finnmark. 2 (2000): 411-436. Kuper, Adam. (2003). “The Return of the Native”. Dalam Current Anthropology, Vol. 44, No. PUSTAKA ACUAN 3 (June 2003), pp. 389-402. Sumber :http:// www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/368120 diakses: Andersen, Svein S, Atle Midttun dan Svein Andersen. 15-08-2016 (1985). “Conflict and Local Mobilization: Kymlicka, Will. (2002) (1995) (terj). Kewargaan The Alta Hydropower Project”. Dalam Acta Multikultural, Jakarta: LP3ES Sociologica, Vol. 28, No. 4 (1985), pp. 317-335. Sumber : http://www.jstor.org/stable/4194584 Muus, Nathan. (2010). “Who are the Sami?”. Dalam Vesterheim, Vol. 8, No. 1 2010. Arnadottir, Guorun Ros. (2014). Who Is Sami? A Case Study on the Implementation of Indigenous Nash, June C (ed). (2005). Social Movement: An Rights in Sweden. Tesis Nationalism Studies Anthropological Reader. USA : Blackwell Program, Central European University. Tidak Nuttal, Mark. 1998. Protecting The Artic: Indigenous diterbitkan. People dan Cultural Survival. Bedford: Broderstad, Else Grete. (2011). “The Promises and Routledge. Challenges of Indigenous Self-Determination: Paine, Robert. (1987). “Trails of Sami Self- The Sami case”. Dalam International Journal, Consciousness”. Dalam Anthropologica, Vol. 66, No. 4, The Arctic is hot, part II (Autumn Vol. 29, No. 2, Trans-National Problems and 2011), pp. 893- 907. Sumber : http://www. Northern Native Peoples (1987), pp. 169-188. jstor.org/stable/23104400 Accessed: 09-07- Sumber : http://www.jstor.org/stable/25605229 2015 07:06. Accessed: 08-07-2015 05:10

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136 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 AGAMA KHONGHUCU DAN BUDDHA DALAM LINTASAN SEJARAH KOREA

KONFUCIANISM AND BUDHISM IN THE HISTORY OF KOREA

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro* dan Cahyo Pamungkas** *Politeknik Negeri Jakarta, Kampus UI Email: [email protected] **Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 21-08-2017 Direvisi: 14-09-2017 Disetujui: 30-10-2017

ABSTRACT

South Korean society has a plural society with its different religious background. Khonghucu (Confucianism) and Buddhism have grown in the country for the last several centuries. Khonghucu teaches philosophy and thingking about politics and culture which form identity and ethic of Korean society. Likewise, Buddhism has a role in establishing basic identity and culture of Korean society. Other religions such as Catholic, Islam, Protestant, and shamanism are also followed by Korean. This article tries to respond the question about religious environment among Korean society, especially the question for the ground of Confucianism and Buddhism in Korean history. This article is resulted from a desk literature research which also aims at describing the current development of Confucianism and Buddhism and their role in forming culture as well as identity of Korean people.

Keywords: Confucianism, Buddhism, shamanism, Xu she scripture, and mass culture.

ABSTRAK

Masyarakat Korea Selatan merupakan masyarakat yang heterogen dari sisi agama. Agama Khonghucu dan Agama Buddha telah berkembang di Korea sejak berabad lampau. Agama Khonghucu sangat mengandung unsur-unsur filsafat pemikiran, politik, dan kebudayaan yang berakar dan berpengaruh ke dalam pembentukan etikadan identitas bangsa Korea. Agama Buddha juga berperan dalam pembentukan dasar-dasar identitas dan kebudayaan Korea. Selain Agama Kristen, Islam dan Katholik, agama setempat atau shamanisme juga tetap dipeluk sebagian masyarakat Korea Selatan. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan bagaimanakah situasi kehidupan beragama di Korea Selatan dan bagaimanakah kedudukan Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam sejarah perjalanan bangsa Korea. Tulisan yang dihasilkan dari penelitian literatur ini ini juga dimaksudkan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimanakah kondisi Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha di Korea pada masa kini dan bagaimana perannya dalam membentuk kebudayaan dan identitas nasional Bangsa Korea.

Kata kunci: Agama Khonghucu, Agama Buddha, shamanisme, teks-teks Xu she, dan budaya massa.

PENDAHULUAN lokal, dimasukkan sebagai salah satu kategori Korea Selatan adalah sebuah negara yang agama. Pemerintah Korea Selatan berdasarkan plural dari sisi agama, yang terdiri dari Kristen, Undang-Undang Dasarnya melindungi perbedaan Buddha, Khonghucu, dan Islam. Pada tingkatan dalam agama di antara penduduknya. Setiap tertentu, shamanisme, suatu sistem kepercayaan orang bebas memeluk agamanya sesuai dengan

137 pilihan dan keyakinannya sendiri. Peran agama terus menerus berkembang menyebar di kalangan dalam pembangunan sosial kebudayaan Korea penduduk kelas menengah ke bawah di seluruh Selatan merupakan hal yang unik, karena pelosok Korea. Sementara, Protestantisme beberapa tradisi keagamaan dipahami oleh orang dibawa ke korea pada akhir abad ke-19 oleh Korea sebagai kekayaan kebudayaan sebab tidak zending dari Amerika Serikat dan menyebar menganjurkan ritual ibadah. dengan cepat melalui penyediaan sekolah dan Menurut statistik tahun 2005, 53 persen rumah sakit. Bahkan, sekarang ini Protestan penduduk Korea Selatan memiliki agama di Korea memiliki dan mengelola banyak dan pada tahun 2008 terdapat 510 organisasi sekolah mulai dari sekolah dasar sampai dengan keagamaan di negara ini. Di antara empat perguruan tinggi dan rumah-rumah sakit. agama tersebut, Agama Buddha dan Agama Agama-agama orang Korea, Cheondogyo, Khonghucu merupakan agama yang lebih Won Buddhisme dan Daejongyo meskipun berpengaruh daripada agama-agama yang lain terdesak oleh agama-agama Abrahamic, masih dalam kehidupan sehari-hari orang Korea. Hal ini dianut oleh sebagian orang Korea. Cheondogyo sejalan dengan warisan budaya yang separuhnya mendasarkan pada ajaran belajar dari Timut di Korea Selatan terkait dengan dua agama ini. di abad ke-19, yakni mempertahankan bahwa manusia adalah surga, berpengaruh terhadap proses modernisasi di Korea. Daejongyo muncul pada awal abad ke-20 untuk menyembah Dangun, pendiri negara Korea pertama, juga berpengaruh terhadap orang Korea dan mendorong pembentukan nasionalisme Korea. Pada tahun 1955, muncul masyarakat Islam Korea dan imam pertama yang diikuti oleh pembentukan Federasi Muslim Korea pada tahun 1967. Sekarang ini, telah ada sekitar 60 masjid dan 100.000 orang Korea yang memeluk agama Islam. Shamanisme Bagan 2.1 Pemeluk agama di Korea1 masih berpengaruh dalam kehidupan sehari- hari orang Korea yang menghubungkan dunia Uniknya, secara ringkas dapat digambarkan spiritual dengan kehidupan yang akan datang, bahwa Khonghucu lebih dipahami oleh sebagian misalnya meramal nasib dan keberuntungan. masyarakat Korea sebagai sebuah ajaran etika Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjawab daripada sebuah agama. Ajarannya menekankan pertanyaan bagaimanakah situasi kehidupan pada pentingnya loyalitas, kesalehan, dan beragama di Korea Selatan dan bagaimanakah berbagai kebajikan lainnya. Padahal, pemeluk kedudukan Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha agama ini memiliki dan sangat menghargai dalam sejarah perjalanan bangsa Korea. Tulisan suatu kepercayaan bahwa ruh nenek moyang ini juga dimaksudkan untuk mendeskripsikan dapat mempengaruhi kehidupan anak cucunya. bagaimanakah kondisi Agama Khonghucu dan Karenanya mereka membangun kuburan nenek Buddha di Korea pada masa kini dan bagaimana moyang seindah mungkin di tempat yang paling perannya dalam membentuk kebudayaan dan tinggi seperti perbukitan. identitas nasional Bangsa Korea. Agama Katholik diajarkan di Korea dari China melalui utusan-utusan Kerajaan AJARAN AGAMA KHONGHUCU Jaseon yang mengunjungi Beijing dan para SEJARAHNYA DI KOREA misionaris Barat mengikuti mereka ke Korea. Menurut ajaran Agama Khonghucu, Pemeluk agama Katholik pada masa dinas Jaseon orang tua adalah superior, oleh sebab itu mengalami banyak represi, namun agama ini penghormatan seara mutlak harus diberikan 1 http://www.korea.net/AboutKorea/Korean-Life/Religion kepada mereka. Namun sebaliknya, orang tua (Diakses 5 Juni 2015).

138 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 diharapkan untuk memperlakukan generasi muda Nabi Khongtzu berpendapat bahwa di dalam dengan kasih sayang. Mereka diijinkan untuk dan melalui tata kehidupan bermasyarakat, bertindak keras kepada anak-anak, tetapi tidak perdamaian dan harmoni dapat dicapai jika setiap diijinkan untuk bertindak kasar. Suami atau ayah orang mengetahui tempatnya yang sesuai dalam memiliki kedudukan yang utama dalam sebuah masyarakat dan melaksanakan tugas-tugasnya keluarga. Dalam lingkup yang lebih besar, suami sesuai dengan kedudukannya sebagaimana dalam atau ayah haruslah tunduk pada orang yang semboyan” biarkan penguasa menjadi penguasa, memperkerjakannya atau dalam sistem politik kawula menjadi kawula, ayah menjadi ayah, dan adalah pemimpin nasionalnya seperti raja atau anak menjadi anak.” Berikut adalah lima ajaran kaisar. Semua anggota masyarakat diharuskan moral kedisiplinan untuk mengatur hubungan untuk menghormati dan mematuhi penguasa antarmanusia sebagai berikut: (i) keadilan dan yang memerintah mereka. Sebaliknya, penguasa kebenaran seharusnya mendasari relasi antara juga memiliki kewajiban untuk bertanggung pemerintah dan rakyat, (ii) seharusnya ada jawab terhadap rakyatnya, melindungi mereka hubungan yang baik antara anak dan bapak, (iii) dan menjamin kesejahteraannya. Penguasa juga pemisahan fungsi antara suami dan istri, (iv) harus menjadi suri tauladan dalam perilaku orang muda seharusnya menghormati yang lebih atau perbuatan bagi rakyat yang dipimpinnya, tua, (v) ketulusan dan kepercayaan seharusnya sehingga jika seorang penguasa memerintah ada dalam hubungan antarteman.2 dengan bijaksana, rakyatnya akan mematuhinya. Agama Khonghucu merupakan sistem Raja atau penguasa juga harus mematuhi hukum kepercayaan paling penting di Korea karena Tuhan, jika raja gagal melaksanakan kewajiban- telah memberi landasan etika bagi orang kewajibannya, kekacauan alamiah dan ekonomi Korea pada umumnya. Studi Helgesen, Arben, akan muncul hingga rakyat akan menggulingkan dan Chen mengenai kehidupan orang Korea penguasa tersebut. menunjukkan bahwa etika Agama Khonghucu Agama Khonghucu menekankan pada sangat berpengaruh. Geir Helgesen (1998) beberapa konsep dasar seperti benevolence, mengatakan bahwa dalam perkembangan righteousness, propriety, wisdom dan sincerity. individu di Korea, teman-teman sekolah dan Menurut Nabi Khongtzu, usia membawa keluarga berperan lebih besar, lebih bersifat kebijaksanaan, semakin tua usia seseorang personal dan kurang pengaruh struktural. Hal ini semakin terhormat tempatnya dalam ibadah sesuai dengan pemikiran Nabi Khongtzu yang penghormatan terhadap nenek moyang. Orang- mengajarkan ikatan antarindividu sebagai alat orang seharusnya selalu melihat masa lalu dan mengembangkan emosi individu. Pemikiran ini jalan nenek moyangnya sebagai contoh untuk dapat dilihat dalam isu-isu kontemporer seperti memecahkan persoalan-persoalan yang muncul pemisahan peran pemerintah dari masalah- pada masa sekarang. Pendapat Nabi Khongtzu masalah privat yang dihadapi oleh masyarakat. adalah “dengan melihat kembali yang lampau, Perilaku komunalisme dalam setiap aspek diatur kita dapat mempelajari hal yang baru.” oleh aturan-aturan ethno-linguistik tradisional Agama Khonghucu menyediakan yang secara langsung dikaitkan dengan istilah kode perilaku antarindividu secara detail semua perilaku yang membawa kebaikan (virtue). dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Namun, dalam Russel Arben (1997) menyebutkan bahwa salah kebudayaan, ajaran ini dapat dilihat sebagai satu warisan Agama Khonghucu di Korea adalah doktrin praktis sosial dan politik. Jika ditelusuri masyarakat seharusnya diperintah oleh kontrol lebih jauh Kung Fu Tse (Nabi Khongtzu) berasal moral yang bersifat interpersonal dan rasa dari China pada masa 500 BC, seorang guru yang malu setiap individual (sense of shame in every mengajarkan murid-muridnnya sistem keteraturan individual), daripada seperangkat hukum formal. selama periode China mengalami perang saudara. Meskipun Korea masih memberlakukan hukuman Satu dari ajaran Kong Fu Tse yang paling penting mati, tingkat pembunuhan dan kriminalitas relatif adalah adanya tata keteraturan semua benda di alam semesta termasuk masyarakat manusia. 2 http://www.asia-pacific-connections.com/confucianism.html (Diakses 5 Juni 2015)

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 139 rendah karena sistem kehidupan masyarakat minat dan perhatian yang lebih besar dari berakar pada sistem kontrol komunitarian, bukan masyarakat terhadap simbol-simbol Agama pada ketakuan terhadap tindakan hukum. Khonghucu, seperti merehab kembali kuburan- kuburan dan batu-batu penanda ingatan. Pada Joseph Chen (2002) mengamati masa kini upacara pemakaman di Korea Selatan masyarakat Korea menyangkut posisi individu adalah perpaduan antara Agama Khonghucu dan dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat dan persyaratan Kristen. Contoh lainnya adalah penghormatan yang harus dimiliki oleh seseorang untuk terhadap guru dan orang yang lebih tua juga sadar terhadap lingkungan disekitarnya. Hasil merupakan bagian dari ajaran Nabi Khongtzu. pengamatannya adalah bahwa masyarakat Korea memiliki ciri khas komunalisme secara Ada sedikit perbedaan antara Agama alamiah yang tidak berarti anti-individual. Khonghucu Jepang dengan Agama Khonghucu Meskipun setiap orang memiliki kebebasan Korea. Moralitas dalam Agama Khonghucu untuk bertindak dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, Korea yang diajarkan terkait dengan struktur ada beberapa otoritas yang harus dihormati untuk keluarga dan semua klan yang memiliki hubungan mempertahankan harmoni antara personal dan darah. Sedangkan moralitas Agama Khonghucu masyarakat. Struktur asal dari masayarakat Korea Jepang meletakkan keluarga sebagai seluruh adalah institusi keluarga, yang mensosialisasikan warga dan klan meskipun tidak ada hubungan dan menginternalisasikan nilai-nilai dan aturan darah. Selain itu, nilai-nilai fundamental Agama kedudukan seseorang dalam keluarga dan Khonghucu Korea lebih mengakui heterogenitas masyarakat, terutama penghormatan terhadap dan toleransi terhadap perbedaan. Sebaliknya orang yang lebih tua dan rasa berintegritas. Agama Khonghucu Jepang lebih cenderung Pendidikan diajarkan sebagai instrumen untuk pada entitas yang homogen dan kurang terbuka membuktikan kemampuan seseorang terhadap terhadap bangsa lain. Korea Selatan lebih keluarga dan seluruh bangsa. Perilaku yang terbuka karena situasi geografisnya sebagai membawa manfaat sangat diajarkan di Korea dan daerah semenanjung yang memungkinkan untuk diwujudkan dalam kewajiban seseorang terhadap berinteraksi dengan bangsa lain dari China, keluarga dan masyarakat, yang nampak jelas Rusia, maupun dunia Barat. dalam perilaku masyarakat pedesaan. Namun begitu, nilai-nilai Agama Levi (2013) mengatakan dewasa ini Khonghucu Jepang dan Korea memiliki beberapa kebanyakan orang Korea merasa kecewa dengan persamaan karena baik masyarakat Jepang nilai-nilai Barat, terutama individualisme dan maupun Korea dibentuk oleh falsafah dan liberalisme, dan kembali ke akar kebudayaan ajaran Agama Khonghucu. Misalnya semua mereka yakni Agama Khonghucu. Relasi antara bentuk konflik terbuka sebaiknya dihindari. Agama Khonghucu dan modernitas di Korea Menurut Torbjorn Loden, harmoni, yang bersifat rumit karena Agama Khonghucu lebih ditekankan dalam Agama Khonghucu, dapat memusatkan perhatiannya pada elemen-elemen dijadikan sebagai falsafah yang memandu sejarah masa lalu daripada masa depan. Oleh peradaban Jepang dan Korea dalam keluarga karena itu, untuk memahami masyarakat Korea dan relasi-relasi bisnis. Anak-anak di Jepang kontemporer, kita harus memahami prinsip- dan Korea juga diajarkan untuk bertindak dalam prinsip dasar atau filsafat yang digunakan dalam harmoni dengan lingkungan di sekitarnya. kehidupan sehari-hari orang Korea, yang tidak Kedua bangsa menekankan pada kesopanan dan lain adalah Agama Khonghucu. Kebanyakan bekerja bersama untuk tujuan universal daripada unsur-unsur ajaran neo-Agama Khonghucu individual. Konsep pendidikan dalam peradaban masih eksis dalam kehidupan sehari-hari dan Korea dan Jepang didominasi oleh prinsip-prinsip urusan pemerintahan seperti kesetiaan terhadap fundamental pendidikan Agama Khonghucu dan organisasi dan kontrak kerja jangka panjang. kebanyakan teks Agama Khonghucu merujuk Namun, ajaran ini sudah tidak nampak dalam pada bidang pendidikan. Pendidik misalnya tidak kurikulum sekolah di Korea Selatan setelah hanya hadir sebagai guru, tetapi juga mewakili Perang Dunia II. Baru pada tahun 2000, muncul masyarakat dan pemerintah. Oleh karena itu,

140 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 gelar pendidik/guru kepala menjadi sangat umum besar di Korea yakni Silla, Koryo dan Yi (Yang di Korea maupun Jepang. dan Henderson 1959).3 Pada masa Dinasti Yi (1392-1910), berdiri sekolah-sekolah Agama Selanjutnya menurut Albert Pilot, baik Khonghucu oleh organisasi-organisasi penganut masyarakat Korea dan Jepang memiliki tingkat Agama Khonghucu di Korea. Sistem pemikiran, kolektivitas yang relatif tinggi. Dalam kedua masayarakat, dan politik Agama Khonghucu masyarakat ini, setiap orang yang lahir terserap telah berada dalam lintasan sejarah Korea dan dalam sebuah entitas kolektif baik keluarga pengaruhnya masih dapat dilihat hingga pada ataupun kelompok, sehingga loyalitas dan masa sekarang (Yang, 1958). orientasi terhadap kelompok atau keluarga mendapatkan tempat yang utama karena Agama Khonghucu yang tumbuh di China kelompok atau keluarga memberikan suatu menyebar ke negara lain setelah ajaran-ajaran identitas sosial. Hal ini dapat dilihat bahwa Nabi Khongtzu ditulis oleh murid-murid Kong belakangan kebanyakan orang Korea Selatan Fu Tse (Nabi Khongtzu) seperti Mencius dan berafiliasi terhadap gereja yang memberikan Sunzi. Masyarakat Korea selalu sensitif terhadap mereka identitas dan sebuah jalan menuju perkembangan Agama Khonghucu China dan spiritualitas. Pada konteks Jepang, keterikatan pada saat yang sama mereka mengembangkan lebih pada perusahaan atau tempat-tempat kerja. pandangan mereka sendiri yang jarang diteliti Kepala perusahaan ditempatkan kedudukannya seperti di China dan Jepang. Agama Khonghucu seperti seorang ayah. Terkait dengan persoalan Korea mengikuti siklus lahir, berkembang, ekonomi, nilai-nilai Agama Khonghucu mengenai konflik, penuaan dan lahir kembali selama kurang kepentingan umum dan kerja keras hampir sama lebih 2000 tahun. Oleh karena itu, pemahaman baik di Korea dan Jepang. Pada saat menghadapi terhadap konteks sejarah Korea penting untuk krisis ekonomi, baik Jepang maupun Korea cepat memahami perkembangan Agama Khonghucu pulih karena kepemimpinan yang ditandai dengan dalam lintasan sejarah negara ini. kolaborasi antara elit politik dan bisnis mampu Agama Khonghucu diterima di Korea memobilisasi dukungan dari masyarakat untuk pada saat yang sama dengan perkembangan mengatasi persoalan. Buddhisme. Orang Korea berusaha untuk Selama berabad-abad di Korea, Agama mempelajari huruf-huruf China dan sekaligus Khonghucu lebih dimaknai sebagai sistem lima buku klasik Agama Khonghucu: Buku pendidikan, upacara, dan tata cara pemerintahan Perubahan, Buku Ritual, Buku Nyanyian, Buku sipil. Konsep mengenai keharmonisan sosial dan Dokumen dan Kronikel Musim Semi dan Gugur. pesan-pesan moral memungkinkan kehidupan Pada masa Raja Sosurim, di Koguryo (371-384) intelektual di Asia Timur pada masa lampau dan memeluk agama Buddha, beliau juga pada saat memainkan peranan yang menentukan dalam yang sama mendirikan sebuah universitas yang pembentukan budaya Korea pada masa kini. berhaluan Agama Khonghucu pada tahun 372. Di Korea, Agama Khonghucu diterima dengan Raja sesudahnya, Kwanggaet (391-413) yang hangat dan sangat ketat, sehingga orang China memperluas wilayah Kerajaan Koguryo, mulai memandang bahwa pemeluk Agama Khonghucu mengabadikan tulisan-tulisan dalam huruf China Korea lebih saleh dibandingkan orang China yang menunjukkan pengaruh Agama Khonghucu sendiri. Korea dijuluki sebagai negara etika dari terhadap kepemimpinan dan etika. timur yang mengacu pada pelaksanaan ritual Pada masa Kerajaan Silla, tiga pemikiran Agama Khonghucu yang dilaksanakan secara agama: Agama Khonghucu, Buddhisme, dan detail. Ajaran-ajaran Agama Khonghucu di Taoisme berkembang dengan lambat. Penguasa- Korea Selatan, dikenal sebagai neo-Khonghucu, penguasa Kerajaan Silla yang pertama sampai menjadi lebih ketat karena digunakan dalam abad ke-5 memeluk shamanisme dan menolak lembaga-lembaga pemerintah.

Penyebaran Agama Khonghucu ke Korea 3 http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPa tidak bisa dilepaskan dari sejarah kerajaan ge=online&aid=7113844 (Diakses 5 Juni 2015) http://journals. cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&a id=7113844 (Diakses 5 Juni 2015)

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 141 pemikiran baru seperti Buddha yang kemudian merupakan kelanjutan dari perkembangan Agama ditindas, namun kemudian berkembang sangat Khonghucu pada masa sebelumnya. cepat dan menjadi kekuatan yang menyatukan Jika Buddhisme menekankan pada Korea oleh Dinasti Silla pada tahun 668. Pada pelatihan spiritual dan pencerahan, berkeinginan tahun 682, Raja Silla mendirikan Akademi untuk menolak semua keinginan dan hal-hal yang Khonghucu Kerajaan dengan ujian negara terkait dengannya, sebaliknya Agama Khonghucu yang pertama diselenggarakan pada tahun 788. memusatkan pada dunia dengan kehendak untuk Untuk mendapatkan teks Khonghucu dalam memiliki dan berdampak terhadap masyarakat Bahasa China, para sarjana Agama Khonghucu luas. Para rohaniwan Khonghucu mempelajari melakukan perjalanan ke China untuk belajar bagaimana untuk bertanggung jawab dalam dan kembali ke Korea untuk mengajarkan pemerintahan dan masalah-masalah sosial. Pada agama ini. Masa antara 668 dan 998 disebut masa ini, rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu mulai sebagai Kerajaan Silla bersatu yang ditandai terganggu dengan penetrasi biksu-biksu Agama dengan perkembangan Agama Khonghucu, Buddha dalam kekuasaan dan kehidupan yang Buddha, dan Taoisme. Sekolah dari ketiga agama korup. Para rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu tidak tersebut saling terbuka satu sama lain dan tidak hanya menginginkan menjadi penasihat politik, dipengaruhi oleh ortodoksi keagamaan. tetapi juga mendesain masyarakat dengan cara Salah satu contoh pertukaran pemikiran yang mendasar. tersebut adalah “gerakan bunga-bunga muda” Perkembangan gagasan Agama Khonghucu sebuah organisasi di Kerajaan Silla yang pada masa Dinasti Koryo dapat dibagi ke dalam mempersiapkan elit untuk melaksanakan tugas- dua periode, yakni 918-1046 berkaitan dengan tugas kenegaraan. Karakteristik dari pendidikan kerja Ch’oe Sung-no dan Ch’oe Chung, dan 1047- elit tersebut adalah mengajarkan ketiga agama 1259 yang berhubungan dengan perkembangan dan membawanya ke dalam keharmonisan. Pada Neo-Khonghucu. Rohaniwan CH’oe Chung masa itu diceritakan adanya seorang rohaniwan dikenal sebagai tokoh Agama Khonghucu Korea Agama Khonghucu yang bernama Choe yang yang mengorganisisasi sistem model akademik dikenal sebagai seorang Buddha yang cerdik dan untuk memperluas pendidikan dan meningkatkan pendeta Tao yang menyendiri. Pendeta ini juga pembelajaran yang ekselen. Pada periode yang menunjukkan pentingnya teks dan pendekatan kedua muncul beberapa rohaniwan Agama Zen Buddhisme yang menjaga jarak dari teks Khonghucu yang mempublikasikan buku- dalam mencari spiritualitas, sehingga mampu buku penting ajaran ini sehingga menjadikan menjembatani dialog antara Buddha, Tao, dan Agama Khonghucu semakin tertanam dalam Khonghucu. lembaga-lembaga politik di Korea. Misalnya Masa selanjutnya adalah pada masa Rohaniwan Kim Pu-Sik menerbitkan kronikel Kerajaan Koryo, didirikan oleh T’aejo (918-943) Tiga Kerajaan yang menginspirasi para sarjana berlangsung sampai tahun 1392. Figur-figur untuk membangun kesadaran nasional sebagai simbolik pada masa ini adalah rohaniwan yang Bangsa Korea. Rohaniwan U Tak menerbitkan tidak menikah. Saat itu pula, lithang maupun buku Perubahan sebagai sumber refleksi teologis tempat suci menyebar ke seluruh pelosok Korea orang Korea. Rohaniwan yang lain Yi Kyu-bo yang dibangun sebagai tempat upacara maupun (1168-1241) mengarang buku Puisi yang mampu mempelajari teks-teks suci Agama Khonghucu. menjelaskan pemikiran-pemikiran rohaniwan Saat itu pula, seni-seni berlatar belakang Cg’oe Ch’i-Won dan buku ini membantu orang Buddhisme dalam bentuk lukisan dan naskah Korea untuk merefleksikan identitas mereka di yang dicetak seperti Kitab Tripitaka, sehingga tengah invasi Kerajaan Mongol. seakan-akan Agama Khonghucu Korea tidak Semua aktivitas sarjana-sarjana ini nampak lagi keberadaannya. Namun demikian, membantu masyarakat Korea untuk mengalami pada masa tersebut berkembanglah Agama perkembangan negara mereka baik secara Khonghucu baru (neo Konfusianisme) yang

142 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 internal dan internasional. Penderitaan petani Chong Mong-ju tidak digunakan oleh Raja dari dan masyarakat kelas bawah lainnya, korupsi dinasti baru. Perkembangan Neo-Khonghucu agamawan Buddha yang lari dari tanggung jawab Korea terutama dalam domain pemikiran sosial dan mengeksploitasi perbudakan, bencana dimungkinkan oleh pematangan gagasan ini politik serangan Mongol membuat orang Korea pada abad ke 13 dan 14 dan didukung oleh memikirkan kembali model masyarakat mereka. kreativitas pengembangan ajaran ini pada abad Ketika gagasan Neo-Khonghucu mencapai ke-15 di bawah Raja Sejong (1418-1450). Pada Korea pada abad ke-13, orang Korea sudah masa permulaan Dinasti Yi ditandai dengan siap untuk menerima nilai-nilai dalam keluarga, pembentukan lembaga-lembaga keagamaan etika, komitmen sosial, reformasi drastis, dan Agama Khonghucu, implementasi ritual-ritual transformasi lembaga dan ekonomi. Akibat baru untuk memandu kehidupan sehari-hari, ritual kekalahan Korea dari Bangsa Mongol pada keluarga menurut Zhu Xi, ritual kematian dan 1267, Raja Ch’ungyol memperbaiki hubungan pendirian sekolah-sekolah Agama Khonghucu. dengan pemimpin-pemimpin China yang baru. Pada masa tersebut, pemeluk Buddha mengalami Dalam perjalanan ke China pada tahun 1289, penyiksaan dan melarikan diri ke pegunungan, raja membawa rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu pemeluk shamanisme juga mengalami nasib An Hyang, yang dikenal sebagai orang Korea yang sama. Perkembangan Agama Khonghucu pertama yang menemukan teks terkenal China di China maupun Jepang tidak pernah mencapai Neo-Khonghucu karangan Zhu Xi. Pengganti tahap ini, dilembagakan secara politik dengan Raja Ch’ungyol, Ch’ ungson (1308-1312) nama Agama Khonghucu. membentuk pusat penelitian Manwondang di Ibu Masa Pemerintahan Raja Sejong (1418- Kota China dan membawa serta menerjemahkan 1450) adalah masa yang paling produktif 4.000 volume buku ke Korea. Gagasan-gagasan dalam kesusastraan dan ilmu pengetahuan Agama Khonghucu pada masa tersebut telah karena raja dikelilingi oleh para intelektual melahirkan sebuah dinamisme baru, suatu dan penasihat keagamaan yang cakap, disebut akademi kerajaan yang dibentuk pada akhir abad sebagai balai kebajikan (hall of worthies). ke-14. Beberapa rohaniwan Neo-Khonghucu Raja juga mendukung penelitian dalam bidang melangkah lebih jauh tidak hanya mengkritik astronomi, kesehatan, dan teknologi seperti perilaku koruptif dan manipulatif para biksu penemuan logam metal pada tahun 1420 untuk Buddha tetapi juga mempelajari doktrin-doktrin kerja-kerja pencetakan. Raja ini dikenang karena agama Buddha, sehingga mereka dapat menjaga telah memberikan orang Korea alfabet baru, the hubungan baik dengan pemeluk Buddha. hangul, dan mengijinkan semua warga untuk Pada tahun 1388, sebuah kudeta dilakukan dididik. Sayangnya pada akhir abad ke-15 Jenderal Yi Song-gye, menggulingkan Dinasti di Korea dan awal abad ke-16, ditandai oleh Koryo dan membentuk dinasti baru Yi dengan persaingan politik karena ambisi yang jauh dari bantuan beberapa rohaniwan Neo-Khonghucu nilai-nilai ideal Agama Khonghucu. Pada masa seperti Chong To-jon dan Kwon-kun. Rohaniwan ini Raja Yonsan’ gun melakukan penahanan Chong mengambil posisi yang sangat kritis terhadap para rohaniwan Khonghucu dengan melawan doktrin Buddha dan menginginkkan alasan politik yang menyebabkan instabilitas untuk membentuk model lembaga-lembaga politik. Baru pada tahun 1519, seorang rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu dan menolak monarki Khonghucu Cho Kwang-jo mencoba membawa yang terlalu sentralistis. Sedangkan Rohaniwan kembali etika dalam politik di Korea. Kwong-Kun lebih intelektual dan lebih moderat Dinasti Choson yang muncul menggantikan terhadap Buddhisme. Untuk melawan pengaruh Dinasti Yi pada abad ke 16, membawa babak baru doktrin Buddhisme, rohaniwan Kwon mendirikan dalam perkembangan Neo-Khonghucu. Pada Metafisik Agama Khonghucu, misalnya surga masa tersebut muncul rohaniwan Khonghucu dan manusia, dan kombinasi antara jiwa dan alam yang dikenal di luar Korea, yakni Yi Hwang semesta. Beberapa rohaniwan Neo-Khonghucu T’oegye (1501-1570) and Yi I Yulgok (1536- yang masih loyal kepada Raja Koryo seperti 1584). T’Oegye adalah rohaniwan Korea

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 143 pertama yang menguasai literatur China klasik Jatuhnya Dinasti Ming di China pada dan juga keseluruhan tradisi Neo-Khonghucu tahun 1644 memiliki konsekuensi yang buruk terutama teks-teks Zhu Xi. Meskipun dia terhadap bangsa Korea. Kebanyakan orang Korea memegang posisis resmi dalam pemerintahan, dia tidak mengakui Kaisar Qing karena mereka menganggap pekerjaannya sebagai waktu yang masih memuji Dinasti Ming. Namun demikian, sia-sia dan mengalami trauma perjuangan politik mengisolasi diri membuat mereka merindukan terutama kehilangan saudaranya yang berada untuk menyaksikan pencapaian China dalam dalam pengasingan. Selama tinggal di China, periode ini dan juga penemuan ilmu pengetahuan, rohaniwan T’oegye kembali ke Korea pada tahun teknologi, dan gagasan yang muncul dari dunia 1549 dan membentuk akademi baru Tosansowon Barat. Namun, sebelum jatuhnya Dinasti Ming, di Andong. Salah satu mahakaryanya adalah beberapa rohaniwan Korea seperti Yi Su-gwang menulis kembali isu metafisik dan etika untuk (1563-1627) telah membuat kontak dengan orang menanamkan dan mengkoreksi jiwa dan hati asing dan Rohaniwan lainnya, Chong Tu-won, dan aspek-aspek praktis kehidupan sehari-hari. kembali dari China dengan mengenalkan teleskop Sementara, Rohaniwan Yulgok yang menempati dan sebuah peta dunia pada tahun 1631. Pada posisi menteri dalam negeri, ekonomi, pendidikan masa itu muncul ketegangan di antara pemeluk dan militer, adalah seorang rohaniwan sederhana Agama Khonghucu Korea yaitu mereka yang dan bekerja dalam jabatan-jabatan publik. Pada menginginkan pada tradisi Agama Khonghucu masa mudanya, setelah kematian ibunya, ia Ortodoks dan mereka yang menginginkan sempat mempelajari dan hidup sebagai biksu penafsiran baru terutama pertimbanganperubahan Buddha selama setahun. Kemudian kembali dan kehidupan praktis. Ketegangan kedua ke ajaran Agama Khonghucu namun terbuka kelompok ini berkembang menjadi persoalan dengan pemikiran Taoisme dan Buddha serta yang tidak dapat diselesaikan pada abad ke-19 Wang Yang-ming. Warisan rohaniwan ini adalah dan permulaan abad ke-20. Sementara, pada mengharmoniskan nilai-nilai ideal dalam satu saat yang sama Korea, dihadapkan pada tekanan tangan yakni kebenaran, keikhlasan, dan etika politikdan militer dari utara, imperialisme Rusia, dan pada tangan lain adalah kehendak untuk dan dari timur, imperialisme Jepang. melakukan reformasi dan transformasi baik Pada masa Dinasti Choson, muncul pada level individu dan masyarakat. Rohaniwan gerakan pembaharuan dalam masyarakat Korea, Yulgok juga melakukan reformasi terhadap yang dilhami oleh gagasan pencerahan di Barat. pendidikan, penyelesaian masalah sosial seperti Rohaniwan Yu Hyong-won (1622-1673) dan Yi perbudakan dan adopsi, reformasi kehidupan Ik (1682-1764) memasukan gagasan mengenai masyarakat dan militer. perlunya reformasi sosial dan politik untuk Pada masa Dinasti Choson tahap kedua, mendukung pencerahan dan modernisasi di sebagian sarjana Khonghucu Korea mengikuti Korea. Kemudian Rohaniwan Tasan (1762- langkah-langkah T’oegye dan Yulgok tetapi 1836) mengkombinasikan kedalaman ajaran tidak selalu mengadopsi visi dan pengetahuan Agama Khonghucu Klasik, penggunaan ilmu yang sama. Mereka membangun sekolah- pengetahuan Barat dan pemikiran agama sekolah yang memusatkan studinya pada aspek Katholik. Gerakan ini disebut dengan gerakan filosofis. Berbeda dengan Neo-Khonghucu Sirhak, yang mencakup banyak bidang, ditujukan Jepang yang mengkritik beberapa pandangan untuk merubah masyarakat terutama dari Khonghucu China dan kembali kepada pemikiran kalangan bawah. orisinal asli, Neo-Khonghucu Korea bersandar Gerakan tersebut menandai masa paling pada Ortodoksi. Teks-teks Zhu Xi dipuji oleh gemilang dari sejarah Agama Khonghucu Korea, Rohaniwan T’Oegye dan menjadi referensi utama. sehingga banyak dipublikasikan oleh sarjana Bahkan Rohaniwan Song Si-yol (160701689) Khonghucu China dan Jepang. Kajian-kajian hampir menyembah Zhu XI dan berkelahi dengan mengenai Agama Khonghucu di Korea masih rohaniwan Yu Hyu (1717-180) yang melarang membicarakan kunjungan para rohaniwan pandangan Ortodoksi dalam Agama Khonghucu.

144 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 Khonghucu Korea seperti Park Che-ga dan Park namun mereka dituduh gila oleh Pemerintah. Chi-won pada abad ke-18 ke China dimana Pada akhir abad ke-19, jarang ditemukan sarjana mereka menulis catatan harian untuk orang Korea Khonghucu seperti Tasan yang matang dalam mengenai penemuan-penemuan teknologi baru menghadapi ide-ide Barat dan berhasil dalam orang China. Mereka juga masih mengenang dialog serta berkontribusi terhadap modernisasi Kim Chong-hui (1786-1856) yang berteman baik Korea. Demikian juga, para misionaris Katholik dengan para ahli analisis teks, epigraphy dan seni Perancis yang datang pertama kali ke Korea tidak serta surat menyurat dengan para sarjana China mempelajari kebudayaan Khonghucu dan tidak setelah dia kembali ke Korea. Pada abad ke-19, bertukar gagasan dengan sarjana Khonghucu Raja Chongjo dari Dinasti Choson yang sudah sehingga menimbulkan banyak kesalahpahaman. mulai terbuka terhadap pemikiran-pemikiran Runtuhnya Dinasti Choson yang ditandai baru dan reformasi sosial tiba-tiba ditemukan dengan aneksasi Korea oleh Jepang pada tahun meninggal dunia pada tahun 1800. Pihak-pihak 1910 merupakan masa yang paling kelam dalam yang menentang reformasi pemikiran keagamaan Sejarah Korea. Pemerintah kolonial Jepang kemudian melakukan balas dendam dengan berusaha untuk menghilangkan Bahasa Korea, melakukan persekusi terhadap penganut agama memaksa orang Korea menggunakan Bahasa Katholik dan pendukung ide-ide reformasi, Jepang dan melakukan praktik Shintoisme. sampai akhir abad ke-19. Sarjana Khonghucu Seorang profesor Jepang, Takahashi Ko, di seperti Tasan melarikan diri ke China selama 18 Keijo Imperial University Seoul pada tahun 1926 tahun pada masa penumpasan gerakan reformasi mempresentasikan filosofi orang Korea secara karena dianggap sebagai musuh negara. negatif dan membuat orang Korea menganggap Kedatangan ide-ide Barat dan agama tradisi mereka sendiri sebagai barbarian, tidak Katholik, meskipun menginsipirasi elit, telah ilmiah, dan tidak rasional. Imajinasi negatif yang mendatangkan perlawanan dan permusuhan dikonstruksi Jepang masih tertanamkan di hati dari para penguasa Neo-Khonghucu. Hal ini orang Korea dan menganggap mereka inferior berbeda dengan Restorasi Meiji yang terjadi di terhadap Filosofi Barat. Dalam linguistik dan Jepang dimana Kaisar Meiji didukung oleh para literatur, para ahli Korea selama pendudukan penguasa agama. Penyerangan terhadap penganut Jepang sampai sesudah kemerdekaan tahun Katholik dan perang sporadis dengan tentara 1945 melakukan kerja yang luar biasa untuk Amerika dan Perancis yang mencapai Korea melakukan penelitian dan mencari jalan untuk menimbulkan suasana ketakutan dan kecurigaan. melindungi terhadap apa yang disebut sebagai Bahkan, beberapa sarjana Khonghucu seperti Yi orang dan budaya Korea. Kerja-kerja seperti Hang-no (1792-1868) bereaksi dengan penolakan demikian menjadi sangat sulit bagi sarjana terhadap orang-orang Barat yang barbarian dan Khonghucu maupun Buddha karena filsafat memuji kebudayaan China yang adi-luhung. Barat menjadi semakin berpengaruh dalam dunia Rohaniwan Yi juga menolak menggunakan intelektual. Trend ini belum dapat dibalik kembali barang-barang dari Barat dan mengembangkan seperti sebelum tahun 1910. Departemen- kekuatan perlawanan terhadap penetrasi Barat. departemen filsafat di universitas di Korea mengajarkan filsafat Barat secara mendasar dan Namun demikian, respon terhadap mempublikasikan pemikiran-pemikiran filosof penetrasi pemikiran dan agama dari Eropa Barat seperti Heidegger, Habermas, Foucault, ditanggapi secara berbeda. Sebagian orang Korea atau Derrida. memeluk agama Katholik dan menjadi martir. Sebagian yang lain menolak agama orang asing Pasca Perang Dunia II, nasib Agama yang merusak peradaban Korea. Para intelektual Khonghucu di Korea lebih baik daripada yang seperti Tasan Ch’oe Che-u (1824-1864), yang terjadi di China. Rejim Komunis di China, Mao dapat membaca teks Khonghucu Klasik dan Tse Tung, menolak sepenuhnya ajaran Agama memiliki pengetahuan terhadap agama Katholik Khonghucu karena dianggap sebagai warisan dari mengembangkan pendekatannya sendiri dalam kaum feodal yang harus dihilangkan dari China. hubungan antara Khonghucu dan Katholik, Namun, Korea memilih untuk mempertahankan

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 145 ajaran-ajaran Khonghucu. Penelitian-penelitian Leland Ackerson (1997) memberi kritikan ilmiah terhadap agama ini baru dimulai pada akhir atas pengaruh Agama Khonghucu terhadap tahun 1960. Generasi muda sarjana Khonghucu kebudayaan Korea. Pertama, ajaran ini menjadi Korea merupakan lulusan dari Songgyun’ gwan basis dari seksisme. Dalam konteks masyarakat dan mempublikasikan serta mengajar nilai-nilai China, perempuan tidak diberikan kekuasaan Khonghucu. politik dan hal ini berpengaruh terhadap status perempuan sampai saat ini. Akan tetapi seksisme Pada masa kini, ajaran-ajaran Agama yang terjadi di Korea berakar dari masa Dinasti Khonghucu Korea perlu untuk devaluasi kembali Chosun yang berlangsung hampir selama 500 dalam konteks global. Agama Khonghucu pada tahun. Dinasti ini mengambil Agama Khonghucu masa lalu tidak membangun suatu agama yang secara ekstrim melebihi dari ajaran aslinya. hirarkis dan tidak mengembangkan sebuah teologi, Misalnya perempuan bahkan tidak diijinkan namun menjaga nilai-nilai dan spiritualitas tinggi. meninggalkan rumah mereka. Selanjutnya, pada Hal ini menarik kebanyakan orang Korea yang masa dinasti Chosun, kebanyakan orang tidak tidak menyukai lembaga-lembaga agama yang memperhatikan prinsip-prinsi Khonghucu yakni ketat dan konflik antarpemeluk agama. Agama hormat dan bertanggung jawab. Berkaitan dengan Khonghucu selalu menekankan pada harmoni, otoritarianisme, benar bahwa penguasa Asia perdamaian, dan menjaga relasi dengan orang seringkali menggunakan ajaran Nabi Kongtzu lain. Sikap yang demikian memungkinkan Tasan sebagai alat untuk melegitimasi kekuasannya. untuk berdiskusi dengan biksu Buddha, berbagi Ajaran Agama Khonghucu menyebutkan secara filsafat dan puisi. berulang-ulang bahwa jika seorang penguasa Agama Khonghucu memiliki sense yang melupakan kebutuhan rakyatnya dan hanya mendalam terhadap alam dan lingkungan, mengejar keuntungan pribadinya, maka dia tidak serta melihat manusia sebagai bagian yang dapat lagi memiliki hak untuk berkuasa. menyatu dengan keseluruhan alam semesta. Juga Masalah utama dari sistem pendidikan muncul kesadaran di kalangan Filosof Korea di Korea berasal dari tingkat mengingat yang untuk memiliki ajaran pragmatisme Korea dan berlebihan dimana para pelajar dipaksa untuk mengembalikan kembali a philosophical turn melakukannya dan sistem pengujian yang seperti yang terjadi pada munculnya gerakan menekankan bahwa kebanyakan orang Barat shirak, reformasi. Sekarang ini, meskipun orang dianggap kasar dan tidak produktif. Sistem Korea kelihatan terbaratkan dalam pengertian ingatan memang berasal dari ajaran Nabi ter-Amerika-nisasi dalam banyak hal, orang Khongtzu, terutama mengingat syair yang Korea secara internal mencari jati diri mereka dinyanyikan (ode) yang terdiri dari 200 sampai sendiri sebagaimana diilustrasikan oleh tema dengan 300 puisi di masa itu. Namun, Nabi konferensi akademik Seoul, “Identitas Korea Khongtzu berpandangan bahwa kemampuan pada milenium baru.” Di bawah permukaan, untuk menafsirkan apa yang telah dipelajari dan jiwa sebagai orang Asia tetap tersembunyi. menciptakan gagasan-gagasan baru lebih penting Dalam merespon modernisasi, sejumlah studi daripada ingatan. Gagasannya tidak seharusnya dilakukan oleh pemikir Korea, misalnya evaluasi dihubungkan dengan sistem pendidikan yang terhadap pendidikan diri, pengendalian emosi, dibangun dalam negara industri yang berkembang kemuliaan kebenaran, kebersihan hari, kekuatan dengan cepat dimana tujuan sistem pendidikan dan ketulusan kehendak. Hasilnya nilai-nilai untuk memberikan kesempatan pada pelajar tersebut akan berkontribusi sebagai kekuatan untuk bersekolah setinggi mungkin. Demikian penyeimbang terhadap modernisasi yang juga sistem pengujian yang distandarisasikan berlangsung sangat cepat, kecenderungan dianggap progresif pada masa Nabi Khongtzu terhadap materialisme dan berkembangnya karena sistem tersebut menjauhkan kekuasaan kebudayaan yang superfisial.4 elit dan mendistribusikannya kepada orang-orang atas dasar kemampuannya. Oleh karena itu, dalam 4 http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Korean_ teori, paling tidak, setiap orang dapat memperoleh Confucianism (Diakses 6 Juni 2015)

146 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 kekuasaan tanpa mempertimbangkan status di sana oleh Fujiwara Seika, yang merupakan sosialnya, dengan syarat lulus dari ujian tersebut. tokoh penting pada masa Tokugawa. Pada masa Beberapa aspek dari ajaran Nabi Khongtzu dinasti ini, seperti halnya dengan agama Buddha, masih berpengaruh terhadap budaya orang para sarjana Khonghucu juga terlibat dalam Korea pada masa kini. Misalnya nilai-nilai politik praktis dan pada akhirnya mengalami Agama Khonghucu dalam bekerja keras, pembersihan. Pada masa akhir Dinasti Jaseon, semangat mengejar pendidikan, serta mendorong pembersihan berhenti tetapi Agama Khonghucu pertumbuhan ekonomi setelah Perang Dunia II.5 sudah sepenuhnya menyebar dan bergeser dari gerakan reformasi menjadi ortodoksi. Hal ini Doud (2012) menjelaskan bahwa Agama dapat dipahami mengingat pada waktu Korea Khonghucu mengalami banyak tantangan menghadapi tekanan politik dan militer dari seperti halnya dengan Bangsa Korea yang negara-negara Barat dan Jepang, kelas intelektual melampui sejarah modernisasi, kolonialiasi mereka menolak reformasi dan mencoba untuk Jepang, Perang Dunia II, dan lain-lain. Namun, lebih menggunakan ajaran yang ortodoks. ajaran ini tetap berakar secara mendalam dalam budaya orang Korea, melintasi perbedaan Pada periode ini, sejumlah sarjana menjadi agama. Baik orang Korea beragama Kristen atau frustasi dan mencoba untuk menghidupkan Buddha selalu merujuk pada ajaran Khonghucu. kembali etika Khonghucu dan mempelajari dari Tradisi perkawinan dan pemakaman juga masih luar. Hal ini disebut sebagai gerakan silhak atau mengikuti ajaran-ajaran ini. Upacara-upacara mempelajari sambil berpraktek. Gerakan ini Khonghucu juga masih diselenggarakan selama mencoba untuk kembali ke prinsip-prinsip dasar acara-acara publik pada momen-momen tertentu. Agama Khonghucu dan bertujuan memperbaiki kondisi sosial dan politik. Salah satu nama Masih menurut Doud (2012), seperti sarjana yang terkenal adalah Tasan, yang halnya dengan China dan Jepang pada masa menolak seluruh ajaran guru-guru Khonghucu lalu, Agama Buddha pernah menjadi agama sesudah Nabi Khongtzu meninggal. Karena negara. Namun, sebagaimana telah disebutkan Dinasti Jaseon, Agama Khonghucu menjadi oleh Prof Yao dalam bukunya An Introduction semakin konservatif dan ortodoks, hal ini to Confucianism, para biksu Buddha menjadi sebagai reaksi dari tekanan dari negara-negara koruptif karena mereka semakin terlibat ke dalam Barat yang semakin meningkat. Sebagai respon politik. Sementara, Agama Khonghucu di Korea, terhadap tekanan politik, sebagian sarjana Agama China, dan Jepang mengalami kebangkitan Khonghucu membentuk gerakan donghak yang dengan gerakan Neo-Khonghucu yang menyerap berarti pelajaran dari timur, dimulai oleh Choe beberapa elemen dari agama Buddha, misalnya Je-u, yang menyebutkan bahwa tujuan Agama yang menekankan pada praktis, pentingnya jiwa, Khonghucu adalah penanaman diri sendiri dan dan eksplorasi kosmologi, dan mendapatkan jalan ke surga tidak jauh dari manusia, dengan dukungan dari Pemerintah. Hal ini terjadi di cara memperbaiki sifat dasar seseorang, maka Korea pada akhir Dinati Koryo, bahkan semakin mereka menjadi dekat dengan surga. Choe mendalam di bawah Dinasti Jaseon. Sebagai mencoba untuk memperbaiki masyarakat dan akibatnya, agama Buddha menjadi agama yang mengembalikan stabilitas dan mengambil ajaran- kedua dan mengalami tekanan selama beberapa ajaran Nabi Khongtzu ke dalam musik, sehingga abad yang sekarang belum sepenuhnya kembali. para petani yang buta huruf dapat mempelajari Pada masa Dinasti Jaseon, tepatnya abad Agama Khonghucu dengan mudah. ke-17 salah seorang sarjana Khonghucu, Gang Namun, pada masa Donghak dipimpin Han, ditahan sebagai tahanan perang ketika oleh Son Byeong-hui (1861-1922), gerakan Pasukan Jepang di bawah Jenderal Toyotomi ini menjadi gerakan agama baru yang dikenal Hideyoshi menyerang Korea. Gang Han dibawa dengan Cheondogyo atau Cheondoism yang ke Jepang dan dijadikan guru Agama Khonghucu masih dipraktikkan sampai sekarang baik di Korea Utara maupun Selatan. Pada realitasnya, 5 http://pusanweb.com/Exit/Jun97/CONFUSED.htm (Diakses 6 Juni 2015) pengikut gerakan ini terbatas sekali karena

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 147 ajaran-ajaran Nabi Khongtzu diterjemahkan penggunaan teknologi serta menyediakan dalam konteks Kekristenan, misalnya surga di ideologi untuk menjaga kelangsungan kerajaan. Agama Khonghucu diterjemahkan surga dalam Selama periode Kerajaan Silla, agama Buddha istilah Kristen. Sekarang ini, aliran Cheondogyoo memainkan peran utama dalam pembangunan menolak ide hidup sesudah kematian dan budaya yang salah satunya menghasilkan memusatkan pada pembangunan dunia yang pendirian situs sejarah Candi Ulguksa dan ideal melalui penanaman diri, kode etik, dan Sokguran Grotto. Kemajuan lainnya adalah saling menghormati. Pada masa kini Cheondogyo penemuan percetakan dengan menggunakan menjadi agama minoritas di Korea Selatan dan kayu untuk membuat yang kemudian diikuti seringkali diidentifikasi sebagai agama asli orang dengan penggunaan logam untuk mencetak sutra Korea. Ajaran Cheondogyo sebenarnya hampir Buddha. sama dengan Shinto dalam kebudayaan Jepang, Tujuh puluh delapan tahun sebelum namun kedua agama tersebut tidak memilik ditemukannya mesin cetak di Eropa oleh hal yang sama, akan tetapi keduanya berakar Guettenberg, teks (kertas) telah dicetak pada mendalam dalam budaya tertentu.6 tahun 1377 M. Sutra Buddha adalah ajaran-ajaran Buddha Gaotama untuk pembangunan spiritual SEJARAH BUDHA DI KOREA sebagaimana petunjuk-petunjuk untuk mencapai Dharma, termasuk lagu-lagu, mantra, ukiran, Berbeda dengan Agama Khonghucu, dan tulisan. Pada masa Kerajaan Silla bersatu, agama Buddha telah berkembang di China pada ajaran Seon (Zen di Jepang, Chen di China) ahun 372 M. Buddhisme datang ke Korea ketika dikenalkan dari China dan para pemeluknya ketiga kerajaan Silla, Bakjae, dan Goguryo saling mendirikan Sangha Seon yang memberikan memperebutkan kontrol terhadap semenanjung kontribusi pada pengembangan Filsafat Buddha Korea. Buddhisme merupakan agama resmi yang pada akhirnya memberikan landasan pada masa dinasti Goguryeo, Silla dan Bakjae psikologis Agama Buddha pada masa dinasti selama periode tiga kerajaan (57 SM – 668 M) Goryo (918-1392). dan Kerajaan Silla (668-935) menggunakan agama Buddha sebagai kekuatan psikologis Menurut buku karanga Buswell, Tracing untuk menyatukan semenanjung Korea. Se- Back The Radiance, Buddhisme di Korea Woong Koo7menyebutkan bahwa pada saat dipusatkan pada asek-aspek ritual seperti Buddhisme datang ke Korea, Taoisme dan Agama penyembahan Maitreya Bodhisattva dan studi Khonghucu klasik sudah dianut oleh sebagian Mahayana klasik dari India. Kerajaan Goguryo masyarakat Korea tetapi pengaruh kedua sistem yang paling dekat dengan China, mengadopsinya kepercayaan tersebut terhadap kehidupan politik menjadi agama negara pada tahun 372 ketika masih sangat terbatas. Agama Buddha kemudian Kaisar Fu Jian dari Dinasti Qin mengirinkan digunakan oleh penguasa karena memiliki fungsi seorang biksu, Shundao untk bertemu Raja politik menyatukan semua kelompok-kelompok Sosurim. Kerajaan Bakjae mengadopsinya pada suku dan memasukkan kelompok-kelompok taun 384 M ketika biksu Buddha Marananta kepercayaan yang sudah ada sebelumnya ke dari China diterima Raja Asin Bakjae. Baru dalam kekuasaan bangsawan. Kerajaan Silla menggunakan agama Buddha pada Agama Buddha berkaitan erat dengan abad ke-6 M karena pelawanan oleh kelompok peradaban dan penggunaan tekologi dari China. bangsawan dan politik isolasi terhadap China. Ketiga kerajaan tersebut mengadopsi Agama Buddhisme menyebar dan memiliki Buddha untuk menjadikan negara mereka pengaruh terhadap masyarakat Korea yang lebih modern baik dalam peradaban maupun terbelah menjadi tiga kerajaan, karena biksu- biksu Buddha Korea memiliki hubungan yang 6 http://jkllr.net/2012/06/28/a-brief-history-of-confucianism- erat dengan China dan para biksu tersebut in-korea/ (Diakses 6 Juni 2015) membantu mempercepat berkembangnya ketiga 7 http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/introduction_of_buddhism_ kerajaan tersebut di semenanjung Korea baik to_korea_an_overview (Diakses 6 Juni 2015).

148 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 secara politik, budaya, dan ekonomi. Misalnya Berlandaskan ajaran Cheontae ini muncul Buku Sutra Benevolent Kings sagat dihargai. sekolah Seon yang memunculkan sangha terbesar Begitu pula, tatanan monarki kerajaan-kerajaan di Korea yakni Jogye, dilahirkan oleh biksu Jinul di Korea diorganisasi dan dikendalikan oleh pada abad ke-11 M. negara dengan peran penting para biksu Buddha Kerajaan Goryeo, seperti dengan Kerajaan untuk melindungi negara. Silla Bersatu juga mengadopsi Agama Buddha Ketika kerajaan Silla menyatukan sebagai agama resmi negara dan menggunakannya semenanjung Korea pada abad ke-7, Agama sebagai faktor pemersatu bangsa Korea, sekaligus Buddha berkembang lebih pesat dan tidak hanya memberikan landasan bagi pembangunan menjadi instrumen politik negara. Buddhisme identitas nasional dan kebudayaan ke depan. telah diterima pada saat itu oleh seluruh lapisan Penguasa Goryeo mengikuti ajaran-ajaran biksu masyarakat dan para biksu Korea banyak Buddha Doseon (827-989) dan membangun melakukan perjalanan menghadap Dinasti Tang vihara-vihara Buddha serta menyebarkan di China. Pada masa itu terapat dua sekolah Dharma. Pada masa Goryeo, Kitab Tripitaka yang menyebarkan Agama Buddha. Pertama dalam Bahasa Korea diukir ke dalam lebih dari sekolah Flower Garland yang didasarkan atas 80,000 woodblocks sebagai perlindungan dari Sekolah China Hua-Yan dengan Flower Garland invasi dan kekuatan-kekuatan asing. Agama Sutra sebagai teks utama. Prinsip ajarannya Buddha melahirkan festival nasional seperti adalah ketergantungan antarbenda di dunia, satu P’algwanhoe dan Yeondeunghoe (Lotus Lentern mengandung semua dan semua mengandung Festival). satu. Kedua, sekolah Pure Land yang dipusatkan Pada masa tersebut, jumlah sangha-sangha pada Pure Land of Amitabha Buddha. Sekolah dalam agama Buddha berkembang pesat. Akan ini banyak mendapatkan pengikut di kalangan tetapi, peningkatan pengaruh ekonomi dan politik masyarakat biasa. para biksu Buddha menyebabkan ketidaksukaan Ketika Kerajaan Silla bersatu jatuh pada dari masyarakat umum yang tidak dipedulikan abad ke-10, Dinasti Kerajaan Goryeo secara oleh penguasa Goryo. Sebagai akibatnya, pada politik lebih cenderung mengadopsi Agama masa dinasti politik Jaseon, agama Buddha Khonghucu sebagaimana dilakukan oleh Dinasti memasuki periode represi politik (1392-1910). Sung di China. Agama ini berkembang pesat dan Meskipun para biksu Buddha termarjinalkan menjadi agama resmi negara pada masa Dinasti pada masa Jaseon, namun beberapa bangsawan Goryeo (918-1392). Namun demikian, pada tetap memeluk agama Buddha secara privat. Para masa tersebut, para pemeluk Agama Khonghucu rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu berperan dalam dan Buddha hampir mencapai keseimbangan mengelola pemerintahan. Segala bentuk represi dalam jumlah. Agama Khonghucu mengajarkan terhadap agama Buddha berakibat positif, yakni kebudayaan dan politik pemerintahan di Korea, mendekatkan agama Buddha kepada masyarakat sedangkan Buddhisme mengajarkan kedamaian umum, sehingga memiliki ikatan yang kuat jiwa dan hari kemudian (after life). Pada abad dan menjadikan vihara sebagai pusat-pusat ke-11 dalam Dinasti Goryeo, kitab-kitab suci berkembangnya praktek-praktek Seon. Baru Agama Buddha sudah terukir dalam blok-blok sesudah Perang Dunia II, Buddhisme Korea kayu yang kemudian dihancurkan pada saat berkembang dalam bentuk Seon Korea dimana Kerajaan Mongol menyerang Goryeo. Pada masa Sangha Jogye menjadi dominan.8 Goryeo, Buddhisme dilanda perpecahan antara Jatuhnya Kerajaan Goryeo pada tahun sekolah-sekolah Buddha yang berlandaskan teks 1392 dan munculnya Dinasti Jaseon menandakan saja dengan sekolah-sekolah pemikiran. Ada pudarnya pengaruh Agama Buddha. Pada asalnya, juga Sekolah Tian-tai dari China yang berakar di Agama Khonghucu memusatkan ajarannya pada Korea, Cheontae, yakni mencoba menyediakan hal-hal yang bersifat sekuler, politik dan sosial, kerangka kerja Buddhisme yang mencakup baik sekolah teks maupun pemikiran dengan 8 http://www.koreanbuddhism.net/bbs/content.php?co_id=110 Buku Lotus Sutra sebagai sentral pemikiran. (Diakses 7 Juni 2015).

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 149 namun ajaran Neo-Khonghucu yang berkembang Namun demikian, agama-agama di Korea di China lebih filosofis dan menjadi pesaing bagi dan sebagian Buddhisme Korea secara umum ajaran Buddha. Ketika Dinasti Jaseon menjadi memiliki rasa nasionalis yang tinggi dan ikut semakin represif terhadap biksu dan pemeluk berpartisipasi melawan penjajahan Jepang. agama Buddha, Buddhisme dilihat sebagai Jepang menggunakan simbol naisen ittai yakni kepercayaan milik perempuan (woman faith) the interior (Jepang) dan Korea adalah satu tubuh. dan inferior dibandingkan dengan ajaran-ajara Sekolah-sekolah dipaksa untuk menggunakan Agama Khonghucu. Bahasa Jepang sebagai pengantar dan organisasi- organisasi keagamaan diorganisir seperti Shinto. Dinasti Chosun (1392-1910) yang Pada tahun 1935, Jenderal Ugaki, Gubernur mengganti agama resmi negara menjadi Agama militer Jepang di Korea memaksa semua pelajar Khonghucu, banyak menyingkirkan biksu dan pejabat pemerintah Korea menghadiri Buddha pada masa tersebut dari kekuasaan. upacara Shinto sehingga mengakibatkan protes Gerakan pembersihan bermula pada tahun 1388 yang keras dari kelompok-kelompok Kristiani ketika Jenderal Yi Seongye (1380-1400) dengan dan Buddhisme.9 dukungan gerakan Neo-Khonghucu melakukan kudeta militer dan mendirikan Dinasti Choson. Kolonialisasi Jepang juga berdampak Pada masa awal dinasti ini, jumlah vihara terhadap perkembangan agama Buddha di Korea. Buddha dikurangi, keanggotaan dalam organisasi Pada masa pendudukan Jepang (1910-1945), biksu Buddha, sangha, mulai dikurangi, para semua larangan terhadap zzaktivitas para biksu biksu dipaksa tinggal di pegunungan dan Buddha dicabut oleh Pemerintah. Bahkan, dilarang bercampur dengan masyarakat dan biksu Buddha Jepang meminta pemerintahnya, memasuki kota. Tindakan represif terhadap agar para biksu Buddha Korea diijinkan untuk para biksu Buddha ini berhenti pada abad ke-16 mengajarkan agamanya di kota-kota, yang ketika para biksu Buddha berpartisipasi dalam sebelumnya telah dilarang selama hampir 500 melawan serangan Jepang pada tahun 1592-1598. tahun. Pada masa ini, Buddhisme Korea memiliki Pemimpin umat Buddha pada waktu itu, Seosan pesaing dalam melakukan pembabaran dharma, hyujeong (1520-1604) mengorganisir para yaitu dari Won Buddhisme dan missionaris biksu menjadi unit gerilya melawan Jepang dan Kristen yang telah berkembang pesat pada berhasil, sehingga represi teradap agama Buddha masa pendudukan Jepang. Para biksu Buddha dihentikan. Namun demikian, para biksu Buddha Jepang menyebarkan ajarannya terkait dengan tetap menahan diri untuk mengembangkan diijinkannya perkawinan antara biksu dan ajarannya sampai Dinasti Choson berakhir pada biksuni. tahun 1910. Sesudah Perang Dunia II, konflik Kolonialiasi Jepang terhadap Korea kekerasan muncul antara para biksu Buddha berbeda dengan kolonialisasi terhadap negara yang telah menikah, disebut Buddha Jepang, Asia lainnya, karena Korea adalah tetangga dengan para biksu yang mempertahankan paling dekat Jepang, Korea telah mengalami selibat, Buddha Korea. Seiring dengan kuatnya modernisasinya sendiri dan memiliki pengalaman sentimen anti-Jepang, biksu Buddha Korea lebih untuk mengusir penjajah. Kontrol Jepang mendapatkan dukungan, yang pada akhirnya terhadap Korea lebih berat daripada terhadap dapat menguasai vihara-vihara Buddha di seluruh negara Asia lainnya. Pemerintah Jepang pada Korea. Namun cara-cara yang digunakan para dasarnya tidak menyukai Buddhisme Jepang biksu Buddha Korea menimbulkan kerusuhan sejak 1800 dan melakukan represi terhadap dan perkelahian hampir di setiap vihara. Hal ajaran Buddha dengan Hukum Nikujiku Saitai ini menjadikan masyarakat umum lebih banyak yang memaksa biksu Buddha untuk menikah dan bersimpati terhadap pengajaran agama Kristiani makan daging. Hal ini melanggar tradisi selibat dan diet di kalangan biksu. Kebijakan serupa juga 9 http://jkllr.net/2011/10/26/a-brief-history-of-koreanbuddhism/ (Diakses 7 Juni 2015) diterapkan di Korea.

150 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 daripada ajaran Agama Buddha. Pada tahun massa yang lebih luas untuk membangun vihara- 1950-an, Presdiden Syngman Rhee mendukung vihara Buddha yang baru. kampanye pembersihan para biksu Buddha Pada periode antara 1950 dan 1960, Jepang karena dianggap sebagai kolaborator biksu-biksu dari sekolah Seon mengorganisasi Pemerintah Kolonial Jepang di Korea. Namun, kembali lembaga-lembaga tradisional Buddha presiden sesudahnya, Park Chung Hee (1961- yang direpresi selama penjajahan Jepang. 1979) mencoba untuk memediasi konflik di Proses ini mengarah pada pembentukan Sangha antara dua kelompok Buddha dengan membentuk Jogye yang berasal dari aliran Jogye kuno dari organiasi nasional pan-Buddhisme. Seangkan Kerajaan Goryeo. Sangha ini sekarang paling pada tahun 1980an, Presiden Chun Doo-Hwan banyak mengelola vihara-vihara di seluruh Korea mendirim pasukan tentara untuk menyerang Selatan. Kelompok lain, Sangha Taego, terbentuk vihara-vihara dan menangkap serta menyiksa pada tahun 1970 yang merupakan cabang dari ratusan biksu yang diduga melakukan kritik Sangha Jogye dan sangha terbesar nomor dua terhadap Pemerintah Korea. di Korea Selatan. Perbedaan dari kedua sangha Pada saat yang sama, Kristen semakin ini adalah pernikahan biksu Buddha diijinkan berkembang di Korea sehingga banyak di Sangha Taego, tetapi tidak diperbolehkan di memunculkan ketegangan dengan pemeluk Sangha Jogye. Sangha yang lain adalah Chongtae Agama Buddha, misalnya dalam bentuk dan gerakan-gerakan aliran Vajrayana namun pembakaran vihara dan serangan terhadap karya- lebih kecil dari Sangha Jogye dan Taego. Kedua karya seni Buddha. Mahasiswa pada universitas- sangha Buddha ini muncul sebagaimana pada universitas Buddha seringkali dibujuk untuk umumnya orang Korea menemukan kembali memeluk agama Kristen. Umat Buddha yang masa lalunya. menghadiri perayaan Waisak kadang-kadang Hubungan antara Buddhisme dan agama- diganggu oleh oknum-oknum umat Kristen di agama lokal di Korea seingkali menjadi perhatian luar arena perayaan. Ketegangan-ketegangan para pengkaji studi agama. Buddhisme tidak antara kedua kelompok umat beragama ini dapat sepenuhnya menghapus agama-agama lokal menurun pada akhir 1990-an dan pada awal yang sudah ada sebelumnya, akan tetapi hanya 2000. Namun muncul kembali dengan terpilihnya memasukkan elemen-elemen ketuhanan dalam Presiden Lee Myong-bak, seorang Kristen yang agama lokal ke dalam sistem dan memberikan taat yang dikelilingi oleh para menteri dan legitimasi sebagai pelindung dan penyembah penasihat dari kalangan Kristen yang taat juga. Buddha. Agama lokal juga tidak memusuhi Isu yang sering dilaporkan oleh media pada tahun agama Buddha, mereka mengundang Buddha 2008 adalah Pemerintah Lee sering menutup atau (the enlightened one) ke dalam ritual-ritual dan memindahkan vihara tanpa meminta konsultasi memperlakukannya seperti entitas transendental dengan para biksu Buddha. yang memiliki kekuasaan untuk kebaikan umat Sekarang ini, jumlah pemeluk agama manusia. Koeksistensi yang harmonis antara Buddha secara statistik mencapai 40 persen Agama Buddha dan agama lokal ini disebut dan merupakan yang terbesar di Korea Selatan. sebagai Shamanisme. Dengan demikian, kita Sebagian besar menetap di provinsi-provinsi dapat menyaksikan di Korea, ketika berkunjung Selatan Korea.10 Hogart (1998) mengatakan ke sebuah vihara Buddha dapat dijumpai beberapa bahwa untuk merespon perkembangan agama dewa dalam agama lokal (dewa pegunungan dan Kristen yang cukup pesat di Korea, para biksu bintang-bintang). Sebaliknya, ketika berkunjung Buddha mulai berusaha untuk memodernkan ke rumah Shaman, di dalamnya terdapat lukisan praktik-praktik keagamaannya dengan publikasi dan patung Buddha dan Bodhisattva. 11 media, penggunaan perlengkapan modern di Charles Muller (1996) menyebutkan vihara-vihara Buddha dan mendorong partisipasi bahwa Buddhisme Korea pada masa kini

10 http://www.korea4expats.com/article-Korean-buddhism.html 11 http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/introduction_of_buddhism_ (Diakses 7 Juni 2015). to_korea_an_overview (Diakses 6 Juni 2015).

Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro dan Cahyo Pamungkas | Agama Khonghucu dan Buddha dalam ... | 151 merupakan agama yang penganutnya cukup dengan Asia Tengah, Siberia, dan Skandinavia besar yaknis ekitar 40% dan berperan dalam Utara. mengajarkan etika kepada bangsa Korea. Praktik- Oleh karena Shamanisme termasuk praktik tradisional Seon dilakukan oleh sejumlah dalam budaya massa kebanyakan, ia tidak besar vihara-vihara di pegunungan di Korea pernah sepenuhnya hilang dari Semenanjung Selatan. Hal ini dalam beberapa dekade terakhir korea. Sesudah masa evaluasi kembali identitas menarik para praksioner dari negara-negara Barat budaya Korea pada pertengahan abad ke-20, untuk belajar Seon-Buhisme di Korea.12 disepakati oleh para budayawan Korea bahwa Sebelum Buddhisme datang ke Korea, Shamanisme membentuk strattum paling awal praktik keagamaan penduduk di semenanjung dalam kebudayaan Korea. Dewasa ini, ritual-ritual Korea pada umumnya adalah shamanisme, yang Shamanisme merupakan bagian dari kehidupan berpengaruh terhadap kehidupan masyarakat sehari-hari baik pada masyarakat pedesaan Korea sampai pada masa sekarang. Inti dari ajaran maupun perkotaan. Misalnya, kerja-kerja shamanisme adalah menganggap bahwa semua konstruksi gedung pencakar langit diresmikan makluh hidup dan kekuatan-kekuatan alam serta dengan ritual-ritual shamanisme. Demikian juga objek-objek yang tidak hidup semuanya memiliki kebanyakan artis-artis kontemporer berasal dari spirit yang harus ditenangkan. Bahkan, orang- keluarga pemeluk Shamanisme. 14 orang Buddha Korea yang berpendidikan tinggi dan saleh tetap memiliki kepercayaan yang kuat terhadap ruh dan secara teratur mengunjungi PENUTUP rumah-rumah shaman untuk ritual perlindungan. Berdasarkan paparan di muka dapat Sejak Shamanisme tidak dilihat secara moral disimpulkan beberapa hal sebagai berikut. berlawanana dengan Buddhisme, dua agama Pertama, masyarakat Korea merupakan tersebut cenderung bercampur memproduksi masyarakat yang heterogen dari sisi agama, sebuah bentuk agama Buddha yang kas Korea. terdiri atas Kristen, Katholik, Buddha, Agama Ketika seorang biksu Buddha, dari China, Khonghucu, dan agama-agama lokal. Kedua, datang ke semenanjung Korea pada tahun 372 Agama Khonghucu merupakan sistem M mengenalkan teks-teks dan rupang-rupang kepercayaan yang mengandung unsur-unsur Buddha, mereka mengenalkan ajaran karma dan filsafat pemikiran, politik, dan kebudayaan yang pencarian kebahagiaan. Ajaran-ajaran tersebut berakar dalam sejarah Korea dan berpengaruh kemudian diasimilasikan dengan ajaran-ajaran ke dalam pembentukan etika dan identitas Shamanisme.13 bangsa Korea. Ketiga, Buddhisme juga berperan Shamanisme Korea terdiri atas ritual- dalam pembentukan dasar-dasar identitas dan ritual gaib yang dilakukan baik secara komunal kebudayaan Korea serta berakar dalam sejarah maupun individual. Dalam ritual-ritual tersebut, sebagaimana Agama Khonghucu. Di samping fokusnya adalah pengalaman individu pemeluk agama-agama tersebut, juga berkembang Shaman (mudang) dan kemampuan Shaman Shamanisme. untuk memanggil dunia roh yang ditempati oleh Agama-agama tersebut tumbuh dan berbagai tuhan-tuhan dalam agama Shaman. berkembang sejalan dengan pembangunan Selama lima ribu tahun, Shamanisme di Korea ekonomi yang ditandai dengan industrialisasi. telah berlangsung. Kebanyakan orang Korea Berkembangnya kebudayaan Barat dan berpendapat bahwa tradisi Shamanisme berakar meningkatnya pemeluk Kekristenan tidak dari Asia Tengah dan terkait dengan sabuk menjadikan kepercayaan mereka terhadap Agama Shamanisme Utara yang menghubungkan Korea Khonghucu menjadi menurun karena Agama Khonghucu juga telah mengakar dalam budaya massa. Konflik dan ketegangan antara Buddha 12 http://www.acmuller.net/kor-bud/koreanbuddhism-overview. dan Kristiani yang muncul sesudah tahun 2000 html (Diakses 7 Juni 2015).

13 http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/buddhism/ 14 http://www.xip.fi/atd/korea/korean-shamanism-the-origins- subdivisions/koreanzen.shtml (Diakses 8 Juni 2015) of-indigenous-culture.html (Diakses 8 Juni 2015).

152 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 dilihat sebagai ketakutan terhadap hilangnya Hogarth, H. K. K. (1998). Rationality, practicality identitas kebudayaan orang Korea. and Modernity: Buddhism, Shamanism and Christianity in Contemporary Korean Agama dalam pengertian Barat dan Timur Society. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic sering dikatakan berbeda. Misalnya Agama di Society Korea Branch, 73, 41-53. Barat dimaknai sebagai seperangkat nilai yang Korean Confucianism. (2015). Asia-Pacific melekat pada komunitas tertentu dengan sejumlah Connection, http://www.asia-pacific- ritual dan simbol-simbol. Sedangkan di dunia connections.com/confucianism.html (Diakses Timur, agama lebih dipahami sebagai kekayaan 5 Juni 2015). spiritualitas yang melekat pada masyarakat Korean Confucianism. (2015). New secara kulturla. Dari pengalaman Korea, sejarah World Encyclopedia, http://www. newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Korean_ Konfusinaisme dan Budha menunjukkan bahwa Confucianism (Diakses 6 Juni 2015). agama dimaknai sebagai spiritualitas yang Korean Shamanism, the Origins of Indigeneous mampu memberikan perlindungan dan menjawab Culture. 2015. Asian Traditional Theatre and tantangan pada masa krisis. Melebihi makna Dance. http://www.xip.fi/atd/korea/korean- spiritualitas atau ritual, agama akan dipatuhi shamanism-the-origins-of-indigenous-culture. jika memberikan solusi kepada umatnya melalu html (Diakses 8 Juni 2015). praksis-praksis sosial untuk membebaskan diri Korean Zen Buddhism. 2002. British Broadcasting dari krisis sosial. Cooperation. http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/ religions/buddhism/subdivisions/koreanzen. shtml (Diakses 8 Juni 2015). PUSTAKA ACUAN Koo, Se-Wong. (2015). Introduction of Budhism to Ackerson, L. (1997). Confucianism and its Impact of Korea; An overview. Published by Standford Korean Culture: A Short Discussion. Pusanweb| Program for International and Cross Cultural Busan (Pusan) Korea Classifieds Forums, Education. http://spice.fsi.stanford.edu/docs/ Guides, & Media. http://pusanweb. com/Exit/ introduction_of_buddhism_to_korea_an_ Jun97/CONFUSED. Htm. overview (Diakses 6 Juni 2015). A Brief Hisotory of Confucianism in Korea. (2011). Levi, Nicholas. (2013). The Impact of Confucianism Essays in Iddleness. http://jkllr.net/2012/06/28/ in South Korea and Japan. ACTA ASIATICA a-brief-history-of-confucianism-in-korea/ VARSOVIENSIA, No. 26: 7-16 (Diakses 6 Juni 2015). Muller, Charles. (1996). Korean Buddhism: A Short A Brief History of Korean Budhism. (2011). Essays Overview. http://www.acmuller.net/kor-bud/ in Iddleness. http://jkllr.net/2011/10/26/a-brief- koreanbuddhism-overview.html (Diakses 7 history-of-korean-buddhism/ (Diakses 7 Juni Juni 2015). 2015). Religion. 2015. Korean.net Gateway to Korea http:// Chan, Joseph. (2002). Moral Autonomy, Civil www.korea.net/AboutKorea/Korean-Life/ Liberties and Confucianism. Philosophy East Religion (Diakses 5 Juni 2015). and West, Vol. 52, No. 3, pp. 281–310. Yang, K. P., & Henderson, G. (1959). An Outline Fox, Russell Arben. (1997). Confucian and History of Korean Confucianism: Part II: The Communitarian Responses to Liberal Schools of Yi Confucianism. The Journal of Democracy, “The Review of Politics” Asian Studies, 18(02), 259-276. History of Korean Budhism. (2015). Jogye Order of Korean Budhism. http://www.koreanbuddhism. net/bbs/content.php?co_id=110 (Diakses 7 Juni 2015). History of Budhism in Korea. (2015). Korea4expat. com http://www.korea4expats.com/article- Korean-buddhism.html (Diakses 7 Juni 2015). Helgesen, Geir. (1998). Democracy and Authority in Korea. London: Curzon, London.

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RESEARCH SUMMARY

CRISIS, GROWTH AND CHANGES IN SUB SAHARA AFRICA: EVIDENCE FROM KENYA

Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna and Saiful Hakam Research Center for Regional Resources – Indonesian Institute of Sciences Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

Diterima: 08-07-2017 Direvisi: 20-09-2017 Disetujui: 17-10-2017

ABSTRAK

Sejak 2008, perekonomian dunia telah dibayangi oleh tekanan krisis keuangan global. Dengan hubungan global yang relatif kuat, sulit bagi Kenya untuk sepenuhnya keluar dari krisis tersebut. Kenya juga mengalami krisis pangan, krisis politik pasca pemilu dan krisis keamanan. Namun, ekonomi Kenya, sejak awal tahun 2000an, terus bertumbuh tanpa banyak terpengaruh oleh krisis. Dengan pendekatan sejarah dan ekonomi, penelitian ini berangkat dari keingintahuan yang sederhana tentang bagaimana perkembangan ekonomi Kenya selama krisis. Studi ini meneliti tiga sektor yang bertahan hidup dan berkembang selama masa krisis, yaitu sektor pertanian (teh, kopi dan bunga potong), infrastruktur, dan teknologi keuangan. Selain itu, studi ini juga menggambarkan peningkatan peran China dalam perekonomian Kenya, ketika negara-negara donor lainnya berada dalam krisis.

Kata kunci: Krisis, sektor pertanian, pembangunan infrastruktur, teknologi keuangan, China

ABSTRACT

Since 2008, the world economy has been overshadowed by a heavy pressure from the global financial crisis. With a relatively strong global relationship, it is difficult for Kenya to fully escape the global financial crisis. Kenya has also gone through a food crisis, the post-election political crisis and the security crisis. In fact, the Kenyan economy, since the early 2000s, continues to grow without much affected by the crises. With history and economics approach, this study departs from a simple curiosity, to know how Kenya’s economic development is during the crises. This study examines three sectors that survive and thrive during times of crisis, namely agricultural sector (tea, coffee and cut flowers), infrastructure, and financial technology. In addition, this study also describes the increasing role of China in the Kenyan economy, when other donor countries are in crisis.

Keywords: Crisis, agricultural sector, infrastructure development, financial technology, China

INTRODUCTION In the past decade, Kenya has gone through December 27, 2007. Violence broke out in coastal serious crises. First, the country experienced a areas such as in Mombasa, Nairobi, and extended political crisis following the 2007 presidential in some other regions, particularly in the Rift elections. There was huge unrest in Kenya after Valley. Around 1400 people were reported killed the incumbent, President Mwai Kibaki, was and more than 600 thousand people have been declared the winner in the presidential election on displaced (Brownsell, 2013).

155 Second, after the political crisis decreased grew quite high compared to other countries in economic growth rate in 2008, Kenya had to Sub-Saharan Africa region. face global financial crisis that began to hit the Despites these crises, interestingly, the United States (US) and Europe. With a very Kenyan economy continues to grow without close relationship between European countries much affected by the crises since the early 2000s. and African countries in several ways such as With historical and economic approach, this trade flows, foreign aid, and flow of people study departs from a simple curiosity, to know (migration), it is difficult to ignore the impacts how Kenya’s economic development is during of global financial crisis on the dynamics of the crises. This study examines three sectors that society in the Sub-Saharan Africa. For Kenya survive and thrive during times of crisis, namely that have a fairly open economy (international agricultural sector (tea, coffee and cut flowers), trade and financial depth level is relatively high infrastructure, and financial technology. In in Sub-Sahara Africa), and their dependence on addition, this study also describes the increasing remittances from diaspora abroad, the global role of China in the Kenyan economy, when other financial crisis is quite alarming. donor countries are in crisis. Third, Kenya experienced a severe drought Analysis in this paper is based on primary in 2011, which resulted in food shortages and secondary data. It uses secondary data (McKenzie & Kermeliotis, 2011). As a country obtained from the official documents of the that relies heavily on agriculture with very Kenyan government, such as development low irrigation systems, Kenya depends on the planning, budget and debt documents. We also use intensity of rainfall in their agricultural activity. statistics and periodical publications and online This is especially true in the main areas that are publications of international organizations such as dry and have limited infrastructure development. the World Bank, the African Development Bank Drought is a potential to decrease Kenyan (AfDB), the United Nations and International economy, which is 40 percent comes from Monetary Fund, which heavily involved in agricultural sector. the economic and development in Kenya. In Fourth, terror attacks launched by Al- addition, articles from newspapers, magazines, Shabaab militants in the West-Gate Shopping and academic journals that analyze and or related Mall in 2013 showed that there is a security to the crisis in the countries of the eastern region crisis in Kenya. The attack that killed more than of Sub-Saharan Africa are important sources for 60 people is one terror incident among several this study. The collection of primary data through others in the country that borders with Somalia, observations and interviews were conducted in which is the base of Al-Shabaab group (see New Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, in April 2017. York City Police Department, 2013). The terrorist Interviews were conducted with lecturers from incident badly hit the tourism sector which is the University of Nairobi, the World Bank, the an important backbone for the economy. Kenya IMF, the African Development Bank, British is famous for the great wildebeest migration in Embassy, local communities, and also with July each year. Security conditions had led many Indonesian diplomats and embassy staffs in countries to issue travel warning, which decrease Nairobi. the number of foreign tourists to Kenya.

Interestingly, even though the country KENYA: BRIEF OVERVIEW had to face several crises, Kenya›s economy continues to grow confidently. The country›s After independence in 1963, Kenya economy is still growing an average of 5 to 6 was led by Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta, percent annually since 2003. The gross domestic who became president after the former British product (GDP) of the country has only decreased colony became a republic in 1964. In the early in 2008 when the political crisis is sweeping independence period, many assets such as the country. After that, the Kenyan economy land controlled by the European were taken over. Unfortunately, some of the assets were

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1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Figure 1.1. GDP per capita (Constant 2010USD) Source: Word Bank (2017) transferred to Kenyatta’s own group, particularly the average economic (GDP) growth in Kenya ethnic Kikuyu, even though the assets were reached 6.9 percent annually, except in 1970 belong to other ethnic groups before the colonial and 1975 when the country suffered a severe era. As a result, many other ethnic groups were drought. Unfortunately, the economic growth not satisfied, such as those living in the area did not continue since Daniel Arap Moi became around the beach. The country, that officially uses president, because Jomo Kenyatta died in 1978. English language and Swahili, is a country with Figure 1.1 shows that per capita GDP was many ethnic groups, such as Kikuyu (20%), Luo stagnated, and even decreasing during Daniel (14%), Luhya (13%), Kalenjing (11%), Kamba Arap Moi time in power (1978-2002). During (11%), Kisii (6%), Mijikenda (5%), Somali this period, the GDP only grew by an average of (2%), Turkana (2%), Maasai (1%), and others 3 percent per year, and GDP per capita fell from (14%), including Indian and Arabic (Mynott, USD898 in 1980 to USD823 in 2002. During the 2008). Since the beginning of independence, reign of Moi, favoritism continued but shifted to Kikuyu has a benefited position, by controlling Moi’s support base, especially in the Rift Valley assets and positions in government, as well as (Miguel, 2004, 337). This has caused ongoing the target of government programs. Favoritism ethnic tensions in the country. by the government at the time have resulted in Kenya›s economic revival occurred after inequality between ethnic groups, which is one the elections in 2002, which declared Mwai of the roots of political problems recurring from Kibaki as the winner, beating Uhurru Kenyatta, time to time, especially when general elections the son of former president Jomo Kenyatta that (Miguel, 2004). was supported by Daniel Moi. From 2003 to Figure 1.1 shows that Kenya’s economy 2015, GDP grew by more than 5 percent annually. can be divided into three periods, namely post- Only in 2008 the economy stagnated with a independence boom (1963-1978), stagnation growth rate reached only 0.2 percent because of (1978-2002), and economic revival (2002-2016). the post-election political crisis. The high growth Kenya’s economy grew significantly in post- rate is mainly due to the rise of agricultural independence period, when Jomo Kenyatta led the country (1963-1978). In that period,

Ahmad Helmy Fuady, et al | Research Summary Crisis, Growth and Changes in sub Sahara ... | 157 commodities prices, such as tea and coffee that security conditions. Kenya is a country located are major contributors to Kenya’s exports. in the Eastern Africa region and directly borders with Tanzania, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda, Despite a relatively high economic growth, Somalia, and the Indian Ocean. With more than unemployment rate is increasing in the period. half of Somalia is now controlled by Al-Shabaab The unemployment rate rose from 8.1 percent group, and a number of refugees from that in 1999 to around 12 percent in 2009, although country entered Kenya, security in the country it decreased again to 10 percent in 2016 (World is now become vulnerable. Kenya has been hit Bank, 2017). The unemployment rate for youth by terrorism, and one biggest casualty is the one (15-24 years) indicates a more severe situation. at the West Gate Shopping mall. Since 2005, the youth unemployment rate reaches more than 20 percent, and continued to increase, up to 23.8 percent in 2009 (World GROWING IN CRISIS Bank, 2017). This indicates that the economic This section presents main findings about revival since 2002 has not been supported by a three sectors that survive and thrive during times strong production base, but because of changes of crisis, namely agricultural sector (tea, coffee in international prices. and cut flowers), infrastructure, and financial The service and agricultural sectors technology. It also describes the increasing role continued to be main contributors to Kenya’s of China in the Kenyan economy. economy from independence until the beginning of 2016. According to the World Bank (2017), in 2016, the agricultural sector accounted for more Coffee, tea and CutfFlowers than 35 percent of Kenya›s GDP, while the service The development of Kenya’s three export sector accounts for more than 45 percent. The commodities, coffee, tea and cut flowers contribution of the agricultural sector is not too proved to have mainly contributed to Kenya’s surprising (World Bank, 2017). Approximately, economy. The three commodities have their from 45 million Kenya’s population in 2016, own trajectories, starting from coffee, then tea about 74 percent live in rural areas with the main and cut flowers. The decline in Kenya coffee occupation as a farmer. The great contribution exports in the late 1980s had been replaced by of agricultural sector is mainly supported by the export of black tea and cut flower. These three the three main export commodities, namely tea, commodities have become a source of revenue coffee and cut flowers. Meanwhile, with limited for Kenya. These three export commodities are agricultural infrastructure, particularly irrigation, cultivated mostly by small farmers (60%), and food commodities are still highly dependent on 40% by large and medium enterprises. weather conditions, and drought is main threat. In light of the internal and external crises The large contribution of service sectors that occurred during the 1930-2013 period, was mainly supported by tourism, especially coffee commodities appear to be more sensitive safari business, which is a primary sector in to international market price and climate crisis Kenya to earn foreign currencies. Kenya is very than the global crisis, except during the 1930s popular with its Kilimanjaro mountain and safari, economic depression and the 1980s world especially with the big five animals, namely economic recession. A very long drought in the lion, rhino, leopard, elephants and buffalo, 2001/2002 has had an impact on the drastic drop as well as giraffe, hippo and zebra. In times in commodity exports. However, compared to of great wildebeest migration, every hotel and coffee and tea commodities under the period of inn definitely full with tourists who want to see study, coffee exports fluctuated sharply compared attractions, such as how a herd of buffalos had to to tea and cut flowers. Even these latter two cross a river with crocodiles waiting in the water. commodities have dominated the world market. Although a primary sector, the tourism sector The global financial crisis in 2008 in is highly vulnerable to the global economy and the United States and its impact on the export

158 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 of Kenya’s leading commodities is not so financial crisis. After the 2007 post-election crisis, significant. In addition to exporting these three the government of Kenya launched the Vision commodities to European countries, the Kenyan 2030 aspires to be a middle income countries. government has been looking for new consumer To achieve the vision, the government of Kenya countries, such as Egypt, Pakistan, Middle East is prioritizing infrastructures as an enabler factor countries, even Korea and Japan. for development. It is believed that infrastructure development could reduce infrastructure deficits, FinancialyTechnology strengthen growth, increase quality of life, reduce regional inequality, and provide legitimacy for a The global financial crisis has changed government performance. the landscape of how financial system works. Since 2009, the ability of government to While foreign banks scaled back their activities build infrastructure across the country is noticeable, in some Sub-Sahara African countries, it’s should particularly in energy and transportation sectors. be opportunities for local banks to increase In the global financial crisis, the infrastructure their presence. But, at the same time, non-bank development is considered as a key factor to institution also sees the opportunity to expand maintain economic growth as suggested by financial services to rural poor which majority Keynesian economists. An active government still unbanked. In Kenya, mobile phones-based spending on infrastructure is expected to increase technology, M-Pesa which launched in March aggregate demand in the economy. While there 2007 by local giant mobile operator, Safaricom, was a limited source of finance from domestic started a revolution in the payment system. The resources and traditional donors, increasing role cash payment system evolved from commodity of China in global economy has significantly money to fiat money, while cashless payment helped Kenya to close the financial needs. The system changed from paper based to electronic shifting global economic power from the Western based (electronic money, electronic wallet, countries to Asian countries provides alternative mobile money). With these developments, sources of finances. the role of the payment system is becoming increasingly important in the economy. However, there are challenges ahead for Kenya offers successful story of expanding Kenya to develop its infrastructure projects. financial inclusion through digital financial The government of Kenya needs to be careful services based on mobile phones for emerging with the rapid increase of external finance. Total market and developing countries. The demand public and publicly guaranteed debt is now close of financial services was high due to the lack of to 50 percent of GDP, which is dangerous for the other competitive money transfer services and the economy. The experience of Spain shows that need to reduce dependency on cash for security uncalculated massive infrastructure development reasons. Several factors help explain the success has led to a serious economic crisis. of mobile money payment in Kenya. The four main factors are development of adequate ICT The Rise of China infrastructure, the need for access to financial As also in other parts of Africa, the services, the regulatory approach to mobile role of China is prominent in the increasing money services in Kenya and strong brand infrastructure development since 2009. In 2005, image of mobile phone operators (in this case is China’s bilateral aid to Kenya was only Ksh2.4 Safaricom). bn, or only about 1.58 percent of total bilateral aid received by Kenya. According to The National Infrastructuret Development Treasury RoK (2013, 2016), in 2009, China After a period of stagnation from 1980 to contributed more than Ksh 11.8 bn (6.36 percent 2000, the economy of Kenya is now reviving. The of total bilateral aid). Since then, contribution economy grew consistently more than 5 percent of bilateral aid from China to Kenya increased annually since 2004, even during the 2009 global

Ahmad Helmy Fuady, et al | Research Summary Crisis, Growth and Changes in sub Sahara ... | 159 significantly, to 15.05 percent (Ksh 36.6 bn) in agricultural commodity prices has helped in 2012 and 56.63 percent (Ksh 252 bn) in 2015. maintaining the value of Kenyan exports. From China has shifted the position of its trajectories, the development of Kenya’s traditional bilateral creditor for Kenya such three main export commodities proved to be an as Japan, France and Germany. From 2005 to important contribution to Kenya’s economy. The 2010, Japan, France and Germany were three development of one commodity with another main bilateral creditors for Kenya. Moreover, commodity changed, evidenced by the decrease in 2015, bilateral aid from China only second to in the quantity and trade of coffee replaced by tea. multilateral aid from International Development At the time of export tea prices fall, cut flowers Association (IDA). It already bypassed all other become an alternative economic population. multilateral donors, such as African Development Viewed from the internal and external Bank/Fund (ADB/ADF), European Economic crises that occurred during the period studied Commission/European Investment Bank (EEC/ (1930-2013), the trajectory of the development of EIB) and International Monetary Bank (IMF). the three export commodities show that the world The increasing role of China in Kenya confirms economic crisis, such as the depression, the oil our finding in 2016 that the global financial crisis crisis and the global financial crisis did not affect has shifted geographical economic power, from commodity prices, thus not directly affecting the the US, the EU and Japan. export value of Kenya. Even the crisis of one Data from Debt Management Department commodity was overcome by the development RoK (2015) shows that along with the Standard of other commodities such as between coffee and Gauge Railways projects that costs more than USD tea in the 1930s, and tea and cut flowers in 2012. 3.6bn, the Nairobi-Thika superhighway projects Along with the global financial crisis, is among the largest bilateral finance fromChina Kenya is developing M-Pesa, a mobile-based (USD 100m). Other infrastructure projects listed electronic money. The rapid development of financed by China are rural telecommunication M-Pesa in the country is supported by an increase projects, geothermal production wells drilling, in ICT infrastructure, built heavily in the country. and power distribution system modernization. In addition to demonstrating the transformation of financial technology, the widespread use of CONCLUSION M-Pesa has also increased financial inclusion in the country. It also supports the creative If crisis is interpreted as a critical period destruction that occurred during the crisis. or a difficult time, then the crisis is not strange to the Kenyan population. The country in eastern Another interesting point from Kenya is Africa has experienced various crises since its massive infrastructure development since 2009, independence in 1963, in terms of economic, when many donor countries are experiencing political, social and security crises. Interestingly, an economic crisis. In addition to domestic as Kenya faces an ongoing crisis since the post- demand for long-lasting infrastructure deficits, election crisis of 2007, the food crisis, terrorism Kenyan policy makers believe that infrastructure and the global financial crisis, the country’s development will help to boost economic growth, economic growth continues to grow, although it to improve living standards and to reduce has not been able to significantly reduce poverty inequality across regions, and to legitimize and unemployment. government performance. The ability to sustain this high rate of In addition, China’s increasing role in the economic growth is fueled by an increase in global economy has helped to boost infrastructure agricultural commodity exports, which is a development in Kenya. Foreign aid from major contributor to Kenya’s economy. Looking China is very helpful in realizing infrastructure at the trajectory of three major agricultural development, such as in the transportation and commodities, tea, cut flowers and coffee, energy sector, in Kenya. However, China’s this study shows how the effect of increasing rapidly growing aid since 2009, which became

160 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 the largest bilateral aid since 2015, has also bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_ raised concerns, both in its paying ability and the correspondent/7172038.stm accompanying social issues. New York City Police Department. (2013). Analysis of Al-Shabaab’s Attack at the Westgate Mall in Nairobi, Kenya. New York. Retrieved REFERENCES from https://assets.documentcloud.org/ documents/894158/westgate-report-for-shield- Brownsell, J. (2013). Kenya: What went wrong website.pdf in 2007? Retrieved November 10, 2017, from http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/ The National Treasury RoK. (2013). Annual Public features/2013/03/201333123153703492.html Debt Report 2012-2013. Nairobi. Debt Management Department RoK. (2015). The National Treasury RoK. (2016). Annual Public Summary Statement of Public Debt as at Debt Management Report 2015/2016. Nairobi. the End June 2015. Nairobi. Retrieved from World Bank. (2017). World Development Indicator. www.treasury.go.ke/publications/pdmo/ category/41-external-public-debt-register. html?download=697:public-debt-register-as- at-end-june-2015 McKenzie, D., & Kermeliotis, T. (2011). “Silent crisis” as food prices fuel hunger in Kenya. Retrieved October 11, 2017, from http://edition. cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/08/11/kenya. food.prices/index.html Miguel, E. (2004). Tribe or Nation? Nation Building and Public Goods in Kenya versus Tanzania. World Politics, 56(3), 327–362. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25054263 Mynott, A. (2008). Ethnic Tensions Dividing Kenya. Retrieved October 11, 2017, from http://news.

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TINJAUAN BUKU CHINA BELT ROAD INITIATIVE: PEMBANGUNAN INFRASTRUKTUR DAN PERLUASAN HEGEMONI EKONOMI TIONGKOK DI DUNIA

Wang Yiwei. 2016. The Belt and Road Initiative: What Will China Offer The World In Its Rise. New World Press: Beijing. 214 Page.

Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - LIPI Email: [email protected]

Diterima: 04-07-2017 Direvisi: 18-08-2017 Disetujui: 15-09-2017

“If you want to get rich, build roads; if you want to get rich quickly, build highways, if you want to get rich immediately, build internet networks.” Wang Yiwei (2017, Global Times).

Buku ini mengulas perkembangan China Belt dan Direktur Pusat Studi Eropa di Universitas Road Initiative (China BRI, Inisiatif Sabuk Renmin Beijing, dan salah satu pakar dalam Jalan Tiongkok) sejak digulirkan pada tahun bidang hubungan internasional Eropa-China di 2013 sekaligus merespon beragam diskusi Tiongkok. dan permasalahan yang muncul dari inisiatif Secara umum buku ini terbagi menjadi tersebut. Misalnya saja tentang dialog ekonomi empat gagasan utama yang mengintisarikan politik manfaat pembangunan infrastruktur suatu abstraksi tentang China BRI. Pertama, Tiongkok di sepanjang pesisir Laut Cina Selatan, memperkenalkan sejarah kemunculan inisiatif dampaknya bagi perdagangan di ASEAN, China BRI—yang sebelumnya menggunakan problematika hubungan internasional antara istilah One Belt One Road, dan sejauh mana negara, dan lain-lain. Selain itu, buku ini juga dorongan ekonomi dan politik nasional maupun sedikit mengulas praktik implementasi China internasional mendasari pembentukan inisiatif Belt Road Initiative tentang pertukaran ide/ ini. Bagian pertama ini menyoroti lima jenis gagasan, barang, modal, dan kesempatan pasar hubungan persatuan antara Tiongkok dengan yang cukup kompleks di kawasan yang dilalui. Eurasia yang baru, yaitu: pengembangan Pergerakan pembangunan infrastruktur, logistik, infrastruktur fisik baru; perdagangan dan dan investasi Tiongkok dalam program Belt and investasi; standarisasi sistem moneter; dan Road Initiative disampaikan dalam buku ini yang membangun kesadaran umum tentang kesatuan mendorong terciptanya hubungan-hubungan politik dengan meningkatkan intensitas hubungan (persinggungan) baik aktor maupun institusi antar antar warga (bisnis, program pertukaran, negara. Jejaring kerjasama (maupun konflik) pariwisata). Penulis buku ini tampaknya hendak dari China Belt Road Initiative ini terbentuk menempatkan Inisiatif Sabuk Jalan Tiongkok dari hubungan-hubungan sosial-ekonomi-politik tersebut ke dalam perspektif sejarah yang lebih antar pemerintah/masyarakat Tiongkok dengan modern agar tampak lebih menarik, tidak hanya negara lain. Buku ini ditulis oleh Wang Yiwei, menggambarkan pentingnya sejarah Jalan Sutra seorang profesor dari School of International yang lama, namun juga merinci hubungannya Studies, Direktur Institut Urusan Internasional dengan fase pengembangan ekonomi Tiongkok

163 saat ini—yang lebih mengedepankan proses integrasi global dan konsep bagaimana cara reformasi ekonomi terbuka dan juga mengglobal. melakukan kerja sama praktis menjadi dasar Penjelasan bagian ini juga menyoroti signifikansi China BRI. Untuk mewujudkan program China historis-geopolitik dari pembentukan One Belt BRI, pemerintah Tiongkok akan membantu One Road, terutama di bidang atau masalah membangun infrastruktur dan jaringan politik- pembangunan kekuatan maritim bersanding/ ekonominya di negara-negara Asia Tengah berhadapan dengan pembangunan infrastruktur dan Asia Tenggara melalui para aktor maupun antar benua (kontinen), menggambarkan paralel institusi lokal yang saling bekerja sama agar gagasan antara China Belt Road Initiative dan semakin terintegrasi ke arah politik dan ekonomi America Marshall Plan yang berbeda namun dengan Tiongkok. Dalam konteks pendekatan bertujuan sama serta respon negara-negara lain pragmatik, penulis buku ini membuat saran tentang pengembangan Sabuk Jalan Tiongkok bagaimana penerapan China BRI ini dapat baru. diukur (misalnya implementasi infrastruktur, pengurangan bea masuk, peningkatan bantuan Di Bagian Dua, buku ini menyajikan dan investasi, kerjasama ilmiah, dan lain- penjelasan mengenai manfaat China BRI lain). Sebagai penutup, penulis menyimpulkan yang memberi peluang bagi negara-negara di bahwa China BRI adalah gagasan yang boleh kawasan Asia, Eropa dan negara di dunia lainnya dimiliki oleh publik yang menguntungkan bagi atas implementasi dari pembangunan yang semua negara dan warga dunia. Selanjutnya, digagas dalam China BRI. Bagian dua buku ini prakarsa tersebut merupakan dasar yang baik memberikan masukan kepada pembaca terhadap sebagai kebangkitan kawasan Eurasia, yang fakta bahwa bila negara-negara bangsa lainnya menurut penulis, dapat menghubungan berbagai bersatu dengan China, mereka bisa mendapatkan kepentingan Tiongkok , negara-negara Asia dan kembali peran globalnya, misalnya Eropa dapat juga Eropa. kembali muncul sebagai kekuatan baru yang hilang setelah Perang Dunia II. Negara-negara Apa yang membuat buku Wang Yiwei Asia Selatan juga dapat terkoneksi global dengan ini menarik, pertama, bahwa informasi dan Tiongkok daratan maupun dengan kawasan lain. saran yang dikemukakan sangat mencerminkan pendapat dan gagasan kepemimpinan komite Pada bagian konseptual ketiga, penulis Partai Komunis Tiongkok. Dalam buku ini mengungkapkan tentang bahaya yang dihadapi posisi pemerintah Tiongkok ditunjukkan dengan dari penerapan China BRI. Penulis memberikan melampirkan dokumen resmi pemerintah contoh gambaran tentang isu keamanan terorisme yang berjudul Visi dan Usulan Tindakan yang dan bencana alam, bencana ekonomi (misalnya Digariskan pada Jalan Sabuk Ekonomi Jalan terjadinya risiko inflasi keuangan dunia), Bersama dan Jalan Raya Maritim Abad 21. risiko munculnya hukum internasional tentang Dokumen ini dikeluarkan bersama oleh Komite hubungan antar berbagai kawasan akibat China Pembangunan dan Reformasi Nasional China, BRI. Pada bab ini penulis menganggap besarnya Kementerian Luar Negeri dan Kementerian tantangan geopolitik yang diajukan oleh China Perdagangan. Sehingga dapat dikatakan BRI adalah yang terbesar. Keberadaan China BRI bahwa buku ini adalah representasi gagasan bisa juga mempertajam teori “ancaman China” pemerintah Tiongkok terkait dengan China bagi negara-negara yang berkompetensi dengan BRI. Pemerintah Tiongkok dalam China BRI Tiongkok, misalnya, Rusia di Asia Tengah, India hendak menunjukkan dan mewujudkan semangat di Samudra Hindia, Amerika Serikat di Laut Cina keterbukaan Tiongkok, keinginan untuk masuk Selatan, serta sejumlah negara Eropa yang tidak dalam pusaran perrkembangan globalisasi yang nyaman dengan perluasan pengaruh Tiongkok inklusif sekaligus menandai transformasi sosial- di Eropa. Namun, penulis optimis: menurutnya ekonomi-politik Tiongkok dan menjadi partisipan masalah bisa diatasi dengan kolaborasi negara. bagi promotor globalisasi. Pada bagian terakhir, penulis mengembangkan suatu teori, yaitu teori

164 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 Terlibat dalam pusaran globalisasi modern diri ke dunia luar, ke tempat di mana dunia terbuka dikarenakan tren kekuatan sosial, ekonomi, bagi China. Selain itu, melalui konektivitas di dan politik mulai kurang didominasi oleh antara Eropa, Afrika, dan Asia, prakarsa ini akan Amerika Serikat. Perkembangan dunia saat menghidupkan kembali peradaban pedalaman ini telah bergerak menuju model desa global dan laut, membantu negara-negara berkembang namun masih menyisakan persoalan dunia yang melepaskan kemiskinan, dan meningkatkan terdikotomi antara negara maju dan negara kemunculan negara-negara berkembang yang berkembang, antara pusat dan pinggiran kota. terus berlanjut dan berhasil, sehingga dapat Membaca fenomena ini penulis buku hendak memperbaiki logika tradisional globalisasi. menghubungkan kebijakan pemerintah Tiongkok Inilah gagasan dari pemerintah Tiongkok untuk melanjutkan hubungan yang kini terhenti yang dianalisis melalui kacamata hubungan karena menurunnya dominasi Amerika dengan internasional yang cukup menarik. membagun hubungan baru antara Tiongkok Hal menarik kedua adalah, buku ini dengan Eropa, Afrika dan Asia. Prakarsa China cukup komprehensif, dan mencakup berbagai BRI akan membantu menjembatani kesenjangan isu. Kemunculan gagasan China BRI ini dengan membantu negara-negara berkembang berusaha menjembatani sejarah masa lalu melepaskan kemiskinan, sambil mempromosikan tentang kemasyuran Jalur Sutra Cina dengan kemunculan negara-negara berkembang yang menempatkan konteksnya melihat ke masa terus berlanjut dan berhasil dengan cara yang depan, yaitu tantangan perdagangan global dan akan memperbaiki kekurangan dengan logika konektiftas manusia antar kawasan dan bangsa. globalisasi tradisional. Pada bagian pendahuluan penulis berusaha Penulis berpendapat bahwa menjawab pertanyaan mendasar seperti: mengapa ketidakberlanjutan globalisasi yang didominasi diberi nama ini? Apa kesamaan antara Jalan AS dan kemunculan inisiatif “Belt and Road” Sutra yang baru dan yang lama? Apa tujuan yang yang diajukan oleh Tiongkok adalah sebuah telah dilakukan pemerintah China? Kapan China solusi untuk mempersempit kesenjangan anatara akan menyelesaikan inisiatif ini? Pertanyaan kawasan miskin dan kaya, negara miskin dan ini di jelaskan secara filosofis, Orang Cina kaya. Tiongkok dengan cerdas telah memulai sering mengatakan: “Jika Anda ingin menjadi arah globalisasi sejati dan inklusif yang akan kaya, bangunlah jalan; Jika Anda ingin cepat menjadi tema utama abad ke-21 mendatang. kaya, bangun jalan raya, jika Anda ingin cepat Penulis mengklaim bahwa buku ini sebagai karya kaya, bangun jaringan internet”. Di Cina, Jalan pertama di Tiongkok yang menganalisa inisiatif tidak umum dipahami sebagai jalan fisik, tapi “Belt and Road” dari perspektif hubungan itu lebih berarti “cara”. Dalam karakter Cina internasional. Penulis buku menjelaskan buku ini “Daolu”, yang berarti “arah atau jalan”, “Lu” memberikan perspektif hubungan internasional adalah metode untuk mewujudkan “Dao”. Apa tentang inisiatif membangun jalur sabuk ekonomi arti sebenarnya dari “Dao”? Menurut bab 42 dari dan alur maritim serta pengaruhnya terhadap “Tao Te Ching” yang merupakan ajaran klasik hubungan Tiongkok dengan kondisi global. kuno di Tiongkok, “Dao” menghasilkan satu, satu kekuatan. Secara konseptual dan praktik, menghasilkan dua, dua menghasilkan tiga, dan China BRI telah membuka sebuah babak baru kemudian tiga menghasilkan dunia kita. Pada saat dalam sejarah keterbukaan Tiongkok secara ini, masyarakat menghadapi nasib yang sama, keseluruhan. Berfokus pada konektivitas di perlu “jalan” untuk perbaikan nasib. Oleh karena bidang komunikasi kebijakan, konektivitas itu, China BRI adalah upaya membangun jalan infrastruktur, perdagangan tanpa hambatan, (jaringan) yang terbuka untuk semua pemain dan peredaran keuangan dan pemahaman antar merangkul semua orang, tidak hanya bersifat masyarakat, inisiatif tersebut menandai eksklusif. transformasi fundamental China dari sekedar menjadi pembentuk globalisasi, dan situasinya berubah dari satu tempat dimana China membuka

Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto | Tinjauan Buku Belt Road Initiative: A Chinese Infrastructure ... | 165 Buku ini sangat menarik untuk membantu berkorelasi dengan negara-negara di kawasan memberikan penjelasan China BRI ke khalayak (terutama kawasan Asia Timur dan Asia Barat (Eropa) khususnya, misalnya banyak Tenggara)? Keempat, sejauh ini belum banyak dari pelaku ekonomi mulai tertarik menggeser diketahui seperti apakah jejaring kerjasama perhatian pada keuntungan yang ditawarkan negara/masyarakat dalam kebijakan China Belt dari gagasan China BRI ini, namun di sisi yang Road Initiative yang membentuk relasi-relasi berbeda masyarakat Eropa pada umumnya belum aktor dan institusi antar negara. Beberapa point begitu menyadari akan apa yang ditawarkan pertanyaan penting ini kurang banyak ditelaah dan implikasi yang akan terjadi. Buku ini dan dijelaskan oleh penulis dalam penjelasan hendak menunjukan kontribusi China BRI buku ini. terhadap jenis koeksistensi dan pembangunan Dapat dipahami kekurangan buku ini berkelanjutan yang baru, dan merupakan karena ditulis 3 tahun berselang sejak digulirkan alternatif dari globalisasi gaya lama Barat. Presiden Xi Jinping tahun 2013 di Kazakthan Inisiatif ini beroperasi di sektor ekonomi, dan Indonesia. Dalam kurun waktu tersebut tentu politik, budaya, sosial dan ekologi, yang berbasis saja menyisakan berbagai sudut pandang yang pada pembangunan infrastruktur fisik maupun kurang banyak di bahas dalam buku ini. Buku komunikasi yang kuat. Buku ini ingin melawan ini sangat ber-perspektif Beijing dan mewakili prasangka Barat tentang Tiongkok sebagai suara pemerintah Tiongkok tentang China BRI. negara komunis tertutup sekaligus menawarkan Selain itu, buku ini minim ‘intepretatif’ dari prakarsa pembangunan dunia masa depan yang segi pembacaan terhadap isu-isu (kasus) yang saling menguntungkan. Sebagai contoh, penulis terkait dengan inisiatif jalur sutra baru diluar mencontohkan kepada bangsa Eropa yang skeptis Tiongkok. Padahal buku ini ditulis oleh professor bahwa jalan sutra baru dapat mendamaikan ahli dalam kajian wilayah, khususnya Tiongkok Eropa dengan Rusia dan menjadikannya sebagai dengan Eropa. kekuatan Eurasia dan Atlantik. Pada saat yang sama, penulis juga memberikan contoh Amerika Sebagai suatu contoh perbandingan, ada Serikat bahwa negara tersebut akan tetap menjadi buku lain yang di tulis oleh Lim Tai Wei dan kekuatan maritim terbesar di dunia melalui kawan-kawan berjudul China’s One Belt One pengembangan infrastruktur laut di kawasan Road Initiative yang diterbitkan oleh Imperial Asia Tenggara dengan penguasaan wilayah dan College Press tahun 2016. Buku ini memberikan teknologi yang telah dikembangkan sejak perang penafsiran berbeda tentang narasi China BRI dunia 2 selesai. tidak melulu soal manfaat, relasi sosial, atau integrasi global. Misalnya membahas China Selain dua hal menarik di atas, ada BRI dilihat dari kacamata pemberitaan media kritik penting yang tampaknya perlu untuk kontemporer. Bagian ini mengulas berbagai isu ditambahkan dalam memahami China BRI yang positif dan negatif dari prakarsa China BRI di tidak sempat dibahas dalam buku karangan Wang media masa (mengambil contoh di Singapura). Yiwei, pertama, kiranya perlu penjelasan dan Selain itu, buku perbandingan ini mengulas pemahaman berbeda diluar perspektif Tiongkok bagaimana peneliti dari luar Tiongkok daratan atau dari peneliti lain. Ini fungsinya sebagai menceritakan narasi tentang peristiwa sejarah perbandingan. Misalnya, sejauh mana dan seperti yang berkaitan dengan Jalan Sutra kuno dan apakah gagasan konektifitas dari China BRI ini pembukaan jalur maritim baru. Beberapa muncul sebagai permasalahan global dan dengan penulis dalam buku ini memberikan penafsiran siapa akan dikaitkan? Kedua, sejauh mana tentang agenda kebijakan Tiongkok saat ini dampak yang ditimbulkan dari pembangunan dan bagaimana pemerintah Tiongkok berusaha infrrastruktur yang menjadi andalan dalam melegitimasi kegiatan ekonomi ini melalui jalur pelaksanaan China BRI di wilayah lain (semisal pertukaran politik (diplomasi) dan ekonomi. di Eropa dan Asia Tenggara)? Ketiga, persoalan- Dalam hal studi kelembagaan, buku ini juga persoalan apa saja yang tercipta dan berkaitan mengulas peran Asian Infrastructure Investment dengan isu-isu sosial-ekonomi-politik yang

166 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 Bank (AIIB) yang berusaha terlibat secara lebih dan Tiongkok menciptakan program Belt Road intens dalam China BRI, mengulas isu-isu yang (silk road dan maritime road) adalah sebuah dihadapi AIIB dalam upayanya membentuk contoh sejauh mana pembangunan infrastruktur platform investasi perbankan untuk pembiayaan berskala terbesar akan tercipta dalam periode pembangunan yang bersifat multilateral. sejarah global. Bagian lain dari buku karangan Lim dan Buku yang ditulis Wang Yiwei tidak kawan-kawan juga mengulas kasus empiris dan menyoroti dampak lebih lanjut atau analisis lebih kritis, misalnya program Euro-China High Speed dalam dari inisiatif sabuk jalan ini. Walaupun Rail (HSR) dan HSR Central Asia-China yang dalam bagian akhir bukunya menyebutkan tidak berjalan mulus pada saat ini dikarenakan tentang teori integrasi global, namun hanya volume penumpang tidak cukup banyak sebatas dalam perspektif hubungan internasional. memberikan keuntungan sejak dibukanya jalur Ketiadaan analisis semacam ini, membuat kereta api cepat tersebut. Bagian ini membahas buku Wang secara sekilas akan dilihat sebagai rute darat dari China BRI dan melihat sejarah propaganda atau akan menjadi buku saku perkembangan HSR di Tiongkok hingga saat ini tentang China BRI. Padahal bila penulis cukup beserta perkembangan teknologi rel kereta api cerdik memberikan penjelasan teoritis/analitis berkecepatan tinggi yang mereka punyai. Salah secara umum dari praktik China BRI akan satu bentuk kritik terhadap HSR ini adalah masih jauh lebih menarik. Sebagaimana dikatakan adanya persoalan perhitungan teknis kurang tepat oleh Khanna inisiatif sabuk jalan yang banyak dan material yang ekonomis yang menurunkan membangun infrastruktur akan membentuk kadar kemampuan teknologi kereta cepat yang suatu connectography. Sebuah gambaran menjadi tidak tepat guna. Selain persoalan itu, tentang keterhubungan antar wilayah. Tidak beberapa bagian di buku perbandingan ini juga ada lagi perbedaan ideologi dan politik dalam menganalisis soal relasi sosial dan ekonomi berhubungan, yang ada hanyalah koneksitas terkait China BRI, misalnya menyoroti tantangan ekonomi yang makin mengglobal melalui kota- ekonomi, birokrasi dan persoalan geo-politik kota besar dan federasi atau kumpulan-kumpulan yang mungkin dihadapi atau diproyeksikan oleh kepentingan ekonomi melalui pembangunan proyek ini akan sangat menentukan keberhasilan jaringan-jaringan fisik seperti kabel, pipa, rel dari proyek dalam China BRI. kereta api, serta jaringan rantai suplai bisnis dan industri. Inisiatif “Belt and Road” merupakan inisiatif yang sangat penting dari sudut pandang Jaringan dan infrastruktur yang terbangun yang positivis, yaitu untuk membawa dunia tersebut menjadi jalan baru yang oleh Khanna bersama memfasilitasi ke arah globalisasi disebut sebagai ‘Global Renaissance’ (dunia baru) yang adil. Artinya membuka konektivitas (baik yang mengikuti tiga pola, yaitu Connectivity, sosial, ekonomi, maupun politik) di area di Devolution, dan Tug of War, yang singkatnya mana pembangunan infrastruktur, khususnya adalah sebagai berikut: 1) Konektivitas merangsek jalan, saling terbangun. Hal ini senada dengan ke kota-kota besar sebagai zona ekonomi khusus argumentasi yang dikemukakan oleh Parag (special economic zones – SEZs) di seluruh Khanna penulis buku “Connectography: dunia yang terkoneksi melalui jalan kereta api, Mapping the Future of Global Civilization,” pipa, kabel internet, dan simbol-simbol lain yang menyatakan bahwa konektivitas dan dari jaringan global peradaban; 2) Devolusi pembangunan infrastruktur akan mampu negara menuju agregasi propinsi bahkan kota, membuat dunia lebih damai, makmur, dan serta kompetisi segala sesuatu berbasis global berkelanjutan. Khanna lebih lanjut menyatakan supply chain yang mengarah pada aktivitas bahwa infrastruktur yang akan dibangun oleh ekonomi-bisnis-industri lintas batas negara; 3) penduduk dunia dalam 40 tahun ke depan Kompetisi geopolitis berevolusi dari perang akan melebihi total infrastruktur yang telah berdasar teritori menjadi konektivitas, berbasis dibangun dalam 400 tahun terakhir. “Revolusi rantai suplay global, pasar energi, produksi Interkonektivitas Global” katanya sudah mulai, industrial, keuangan, teknologi, knowledge,

Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto | Tinjauan Buku Belt Road Initiative: A Chinese Infrastructure ... | 167 dan talenta. Ketiganya, kemudian berorientasi memberikan peluang kerjasama potensi investasi pada Megacities yang akan melahirkan The Tiongkok berupa sumber pendanaan sumber New Economic Geography dan SEZs di dunia dana asing (FDI), pembiayaan infrastruktur, sebagai The New Nodes (Mulawarman, 2017). produksi barang secara global, rantai pasar yang lebih efisien, dan transfer teknologi. Untuk itu, Dari abstraksi yang di sampaikan dalam dari hasil kerjasama negara-negara yang yang buku Wang dan dua buku perbandingan di atas, berhubungan dengan China BRI dapat dilihat setidaknya dapat di petik suatu kesimpulan bahwa sejauh mana reformulasi kerjasama ekonomi dan urgensi pembangunan infrastruktur adalah untuk politik mampu meningkatkan pola perdagangan, mendukung daya saing sektor riil, memberikan investasi, dan hubungan sosial yang lebih penguatan pada iklim investasi dan dunia usaha. berkualitas. Di sektor pembangunan infrastruktur Penguatan daya saing sektor riil, perlu dukungan maritim, maka diperlukan pula kajian holistik kelancaran distribusi produk domestik dari/ke terkait konektivitas maritim di Asia Tenggara berbagai wilayah. Kelancaran jaringan distribusi dalam konteks one belt one road mulai dari dan lalu lintas antarwilayah akan mengurangi kelembagaan/tata kelola, logistik performance, tekanan disparitas harga, mendukung tercapainya potensi bisnis, sumber energi, SDM, dampak skala ekonomi, dan meningkatkan efisiensi sosial ekonomi hingga keragaman hayati. Kajian produksi. Dalam kerangka ini, percepatan ini semua pada akhirnya mengekerucut pada penyelesaian konektivitas internasional adalah bagaimana ide tentang konektifitas melalui gagasan cemerlang yang muncul dari ide China pembangunan infrastruktur ini dapat menjelaskan BRI. Secara garis besar, berbagai program hal lain, semisal, pola jejaring sosial-ekonomi- dalam China BRI menerapkan dua paradigma politik Eurasia-Tiongkok dan membangkitkan utama yaitu percepatan pertumbuhan ekonomi daya saing suatu negara terhadap negara lain. suatu negara (kawasan) dengan pengembangan infrastruktur melalui pendanaan bersama antara sumber negara dan swasta, dan perluasan PUSTAKA ACUAN pertumbuhan ekonomi dengan mengacu pada Khanna, P. (2016). Connectography: Mapping the integrasi pasar secara internasional dan produksi future of global civilization (First edition.). yang masih terfragmentasi akibat rendahnya New York: Random House. konektivitas inter-koridor, intra-koridor dan antar Lim, T.W.; Chan, H.H.; Tseng, K.H.; Lim,W.X. koridor di dalam wilayah ekonomi Tiongkok (2016). China’s One Belt One Road Initiative. dengan sistem ekonomi di wilayah internasional. Imperial College Press: London, UK. China BRI dengan usulan programnya hendak Mulawarman, A.D. (2017). Siapa Berkuasa, Upper melakukan upaya pembangunan infrastruktur atau Underworld? https://ajidedim.wordpress. dalam program perluasan ekonomi Tiongkok (dan com/2017/02/04/siapa-berkuasa-upper-atau- underworld/ diakses 30/01/2018 22:03. pengaruh sosial-politik yang akan juga mereka bawa) dengan menfokuskan pada perluasan area yang nantinya akan menghubungkan pusat-pusat ekonomi dunia. Sebuah program yang sangat ambisius dari pemerintah Tiongkok, namun sangat menjanjikan beragam keuntungan yang dapat diraih. Selanjutnya dalam konteks hubungan antara negara/bangsa akibat pembangunan dalam China BRI menyisakan berbagai kesempatan untuk pembahasan lebih lanjut. Salah satunya, dalam hubungan antar negara, bisa memberikan penjelasan tentang potensi China BRI akan

168 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.2, 2017 TENTANG PARA PENULIS

Nazli Aziz adalah Wakil Dekan dan dosen senior di School of Social and Economic Development, Universitas Malaysia Terengganu (UMT). Bisa dihubungi di [email protected]

Gilang Maulana Majid adalah mahasiswa magister LN jurusan Southeast Asian Studies di Universität Frankfurt am Main. Bisa dihubungi di [email protected]

Indriana Kartini adalah peneliti pada Pusat Penelitian Politik - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi di [email protected]

Manggala Ismanto adalah dosen pada Fakultas Ilmu Budaya – Universitas Brawijaya. Bisa dihubungi di [email protected]

Zainal Abidin Eko Putro adalah pegawai di Politeknik Negeri Jakarta, dan Cahyo Pamungkas adalah peneliti bidang Asia Pasifik pada Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi di [email protected] dan [email protected]

Ahmad Helmy Fuady, Erwiza, Muzzar Kresna, dan Saiful Hakam adalah peneliti bidang Afrika pada Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi di [email protected]

Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto adalah peneliti bidang Asia Pasifik pada Pusat Penelitian Sumber Daya Regional - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia. Bisa dihubungi di [email protected]

Tentang Penulis | 169 INDEKS

Nazli Aziz 89, 169 Zaenal Abidin Eko Putro 137, 169 Parlemen Malaysia 89 Cahyo Pamungkas 137, 169 Hansard 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97, 98 Agama Khonghucu 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, Anggota parlemen 89 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152 Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat 89 Budha 153 Pengentasan kemiskinan 89 Shamanisme 137, 141, 143, 152 Malaysia 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 112, 118, 169 Teks Xu she 137 Budaya massa 137, 152 Gilang Maulana Majid 101, 169 Korea Selatan 137, 138, 140, 141, 148, 151, 152 Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia 101 Jerman 101, 112 Ahmad Helmy Fuady 155, 169 Push-pull factor 101, 103, 108 Erwiza 155, 169 Pendidikan tinggi 101 Muzzar Kresna 155, 169 haji 101, 112 Saiful Hakam 155, 169 Krisis 141, 153, 155 Indriana Kartini 115, 169 Sektor pertanian 155 Uni Eropa 115 Pembangunan infrastruktur 155, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168 Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) 115, 116 Teknologi keuangan 155 Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) 115 China 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, Aceh 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 158, Indonesia 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 108, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 120, 121, 123, 127, Kenya 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161 137, 166, 169

Paulus Rudolf Yuniarto 163, 169 Manggala Ismanto 125, 169 China 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, Gerakan Masyarakat Adat 125 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 155, 156, 158, Sami 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168 135, 136 Belt Road Initiative 163, 164, 166 Identitas 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 134, 137, 138, 141, 142, 149, 152, 153 Otonomi 125, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135 Pengelolaan sumber daya alam 125 Norwegia 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135

170 | Jurnal Kajian Wilayah, Vol. 8 No.1, 2017