Central and Northern Mexico

Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World

James W. Dow

y goal is to view the symbolic world of the 19th century. However, the hacienda system did M Sierra Otomí. I will look at the most pub- not reach into the mountains to the east where lic symbols in their religion and then examine the the sierra branch of this group lives. Figure 1 native concepts that lie behind them. These inter- shows the location of the Sierra Ñähñu in 1990.1 pretations were developed during more than 30 There were approximately 49,300 speakers of years studying and writing about their culture. Ñähñu there in 2001. The Sierra Otomí are a cultural group of The Sierra Ñähñu population is located in the Mesoamerican Indians who live in the mountains states of Hidalgo (28,300) and in adjacent regions to the northeast of Mexico City. Although not of- of the states of Puebla (5,900) and Veracruz ten stated, the difficulty that Euro-Mexicans have (15,100).2 Although the Indians are the largest eth- with the Otomí language has inhibited the under- nic group in some municipios, the municipio gov- standing of the group. This situation is now be- ernments are usually controlled by smaller Span- ing corrected by a more intense effort to study ish-speaking elites.3 Profits to be made from trade, the language and culture (e.g., Bernard and Sali- cattle ranching, and coffee production have at- nas Pedraza 1989, Lastra 2001). As an illustration tracted such elites into the sierra. The Indians are of the problems created by the language one can the poorest segment of this multi-ethnic society. cite the issue of pronouncing the correct name of Municipio government usually represents the in- the linguistic group. The proper name is “Ñähñu.” terests of a town-dwelling mestizo elite. In the International Phonetic Alphabet Ñähñu is In the 16th century, Augustinian monks written as nanu and is derived from “na” mean- brought the Holy Catholic Church to the area and ing “word” or “speech” and nu meaning “nose.” attempted to evangelize the Indians. The Augus- Thus Ñähñu means “nasal word” or “the nasal tinian chronicler Esteban García (1918) reported language.” European language speakers have dif- that the Sierra Ñähñu were still worshiping their ficulty recognizing and pronouncing the voiceless own idols in the 17th century after considerable palatal nasal n in this word. It is pronounced by effort by the Augustinians to convert them. When putting the tongue to the roof of the mouth and I first went to study the area in 1967, the Catho- expelling air without sounding the vocal chords. lic Church in Tutotepec was still unable to attract The Ñähñu people have a very old culture that the Indian population. The Catholics had of- predates the Aztecs. Most of the speakers of fended the Ñähñu by deprecating some of their Ñähñu live in the highlands. The culture there most sacred idols. Even today Catholic ideas and was changed most radically by the Spanish be- customs are only part of the native religion. Al- cause it was a region of haciendas during the co- though the Augustinian monks left in the 18th lonial period. The haciendas lasted through the century, leaving behind many buildings, only a

Douglas Sharon, ed., Mesas & Cosmologies in Middle America. San Diego Museum Papers 42, 2003. 25 26 James W. Dow

Figure 1. The area occupied by the Sierra Ñähñu partial impression of Roman Catholicism re- municipio. But the Bishop never—and the priest mained. Today, because it is the religion of the seldom—visits the other communities in the powerful classes and, hence, the most politically municipio, the pueblos and rancherías. However, the correct religion, Catholicism in the region is more pueblos do have churches left over from the evan- visible to outsiders. This makes it an excellent gelizing work of the Augustinians. For example, entry point for our view of Sierra Ñähñu religion. the pueblo of San Pablo El Grande in the municipio Each municipio has a parish church with a resi- of Tenango de Doria, Hidalgo, has an old church, dent priest. The church is located in the capital the origins of which seem to be in the 17th cen- town (cabecera) of the municipio. Sometimes the tury. During the annual fiesta of Saint Paul (San Bishop will visit the parish church to baptize in- Pablo) the doorway of the church is festooned with fants and in general show support by the priestly leaves and flower images. An image of Saint Paul hierarchy. People, especially the townsfolk, appre- is kept inside and is paraded around the village ciate his presence because it lends status to their with other images in the evenings of the fiesta Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World 27 days. There is a cross associated with this church, image. However, the prestige created by the con- but it is not inside. It is outside the church and is spicuous public spending of mayordomos some- decorated with a large flower design made of times overshadows that of the padrinos in larger palm leaves (see Figure 2) during fiestas. Crosses communities. The San Pablo church has three im- are important symbols for the Sierra Ñähñu, but ages on the main altar: the Virgin of Guadalupe, they always are covered with flowers and foliage Saint Paul (San Pablo), and Saint Peter (San Pedro). during rituals, so much so, that they look more Two Christ (Cristo) images in niches on opposite like the pre-Columbian foliated cross than the walls flank the main altar. Christian cross. The cross with its flower decora- In 1990, the village elders appointed only tions actually symbolizes Jesus and God Sun to- three mayordomos, one each for the images on the gether. Every holy building, church and oratory main altar. They promised to make the offerings (oratorio), has a cross associated with it. A small and to hold feasts to honor their saints. The ritu- private oratorio may have its cross inside on the als for the Cristos were supported by public con- wall opposite the altar, but a larger oratorio or tributions, not by a single mayordomo. This situa- church will display its cross more prominently, tion illustrates a change in religion that is taking outside and in front, on its own altar. So stands place throughout the Sierra Ñähñu area. Men are the cross of the San Pablo church. no longer willing to bear all the expenses of spon- soring a pueblo image as a mayordomo. In the past, each image had several ranked mayordomos, and men vied to be allowed to accept this honor of sponsorship. But the economy has changed and along with it the religion. Wages are coming into the communities from migrants who go as far away as the United States to earn money. At home, this largess can be well invested in houses or land, so the urge to capture prestige by spon- soring a public image has diminished. San Pablo has solved this problem by opening up mayordomo sponsorship to ambitious young men who have earned enough excess wealth that they can afford to spend some of it on public displays. In previous years, mayordomoships only went to the older and respected conservative members of the community. In the background, however, today the older men watch over the fiesta to make sure that the village saints are well treated, hence, the community sup- port for rituals for the two Cristos who would oth- erwise be neglected. In other Sierra Ñähñu pueblos, the changing economy and the pressure to spend all one’s wealth on religious fiestas has encour- aged the growth of Protestant sects that have re- duced expenditures on fiestas (Dow 2001). Mobile altars on which the three saints are car- Figure 2. The Cross and Sun-Flower in front of the San Pablo ried stand at the back of the church. They are church. decorated with flower fans and stalks of corn. The Appointed officials, mayordomos, care for the fiesta takes place each year when the corn is just images that belong to the pueblo as a whole. Ev- beginning to ripen and when the fresh ears (elotes) ery image also has a padrino (godfather), but if the can be eaten. It is a festive time. In the evening, image is owned by a family, no mayordomo is nec- the images are taken from the church on their essary, because the owners and the padrino share mobile altars to enjoy the fireworks outside with the leadership of the fiesta. I have been told that the people. They are lit by candlelight on the hill the padrino is the most important steward of an next to the plaza and wait with their supporters 28 James W. Dow to see the fireworks ordered by the mayordomos. grow. Animals would not move. Sierra Ñähñu A tower of fireworks (castillo) bursts with an as- shamans are experts who study and understand cending fumarole of sparks, smoke, and noise to this other dimension, the dimension of zaki. reach a crowning pinwheel that sails off into the Shamans study the hidden nature of zaki and night sky. are respected for their work, which may involve This public view of religion appears some- visionary contact with unseen beings. Not all that what Catholic; however, when one looks at what happens in the world of zaki is good. Sorcerers people believe and practice in their homes, some- are the incompetent fools who try to manipulate thing different emerges. One sees an animistic these forces for selfish ends. Shamans say that view of the world that is closely attuned to na- sorcerers outnumber good folk. I have not met ture. For example, away from the church in San any sorcerers, but they are not likely to reveal Pablo another scene takes place. Men sit in front themselves. One must seek out sorcerers secretly, of a oratory all day, drinking, chatting, and me- because if other members of the community ticulously making flower offerings to be laid in found one doing this there would be serious re- front of the images in the church. It is a particu- percussions. They are not an easy group to study. larly auspicious place for men to gather, for in- I know that sorcery exists because I have found side the oratory are other images belonging to an sorcery figures by the Tenango graveyard. Figure old family in the pueblo. 3 shows one of these figures. It has been burned Oratories are small buildings built very care- and the eye and feet have been mutilated. The fully to be the homes of religious images. Of all intent here was to destroy the zaki of the person cultural features beyond language, this is the one by attracting it and mutilating it near the grave- that most closely links the Sierra Ñähñu to their yard where the souls of those who have died a Ñähñu brethren in the rest of the highlands. Oth- bad death would attack it. erwise, the current religion of the Sierra Ñähñu Shamans have to fight these evil forces. Don bears a closer resemblance to the religions of the Antonio is a shaman who works in the municipio Tepehua and Nahua than it does to the religion of of Tenango de Doria (Dow 1986). The following the highland Ñähñu, who have assimilated more items for the fight can be found on his altar. of the post-colonial Spanish-speaking culture. (1) Paper figures representing the zaki of a pa- A well-off Sierra Ñähñu family will build an tient (see Figure 4). Around the edges of the hu- oratory to house its most precious images. They man figure are the figures of the patient’s animal may be of Catholic saints, but they may also be companions, his rogi. images of non-Catholic beings. These other pre- (2) Plant and flower offerings. cious images are called antiguas or ancients, an (3) Long candles to illuminate the evening of- appropriate name because some of them are pre- fering to the gods. Columbian in origin. These antiguas have their (4) Votive candles for the altar. own myths of power. Shamans are able to iden- (5) The shaman’s wands covered with ribbons tify them and pass on their names. The Catholic and paper figures. These attract the zaki of tute- priest in Tutotepec in the 1960s failed to recog- lary beings that help the shaman in his visions. nize people’s belief in these images thus causing (6) A chest containing antiguas, two of which many people to become angry with him and the are the special teachers of the shaman. Catholic Church in general. In the Indian lan- (7) A censer used to activate the figures and guage, all the beings whose images are kept in offerings and to divine solutions for problems. oratories and churches are known as zidãhmu, “re- A shaman, too has his or her oratory. Here, he spected great lords.” The images are the points or she conducts healing rituals on a daily basis in space to which the life force of the beings are and, from time to time, rituals for the adoration called by ritual. of the traditional deities, the non-Catholic ones. The concept of life force (zaki) is probably the Before a ritual of adoration, called a costumbre, the most important idea in Sierra Ñähñu religion. shaman will divine how many offerings are re- Zaki is an animating force that brings all living quired. Many unseen beings participate as well. things to life. Without zaki the world would be a Don Antonio puts it this way: dead place. Nothing would change. The sun When you make a costumbre there in your would not move in the sky. Plants would not land, and as you remember your friends, call Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World 29

Figure 4. A Figure of the zaki of a Patient with Animal Protectors.

lected those who are good. I call only upon them and not on bad friends. So, all will come to the costumbre, and all will share with me [Dow 1986:73]. The ritual of adoration is just one of the many traditional rituals. The Sierra Ñähñu are noted for their use of paper figures in these rituals (Sandstrom and Sandstrom 1986). The paper figures represent the zaki of the beings that are addressed. The sha- man gains some power over the beings by ma- nipulating the figures. Let us take a particular case, the healing of a sick patient. The patient can be healed magically at a distance, but usually he or she comes to the oratory of the shaman. He or Figure 3. A Sorcery Figure. she sits in the oratory for a while to personally pray to the shaman’s zidãhmu, whose images are them to the meal with the censer. Put incense on the altar. Then, the shaman comes in for a con- in the embers four times, and the spirits of sultation not just with the patient˜ but with other your friends will arrive. Even though they’re unseen beings. Don Antonio puts it this way: sleeping and far away, they’ll come. The A shaman never has to ask someone else spirit of someone does not sleep. They’ll not about a illness. The little virgin (an antigua delay in arriving. Just think of them and called Delfina) I have here tells me every- they’ll come. My friends number 60. I’ve se- thing about an illness. No matter what time 30 James W. Dow

of day it is, she informs me that patients will the smoke of the censer and sprinkled with the be coming. She gives me the information as blood of a sacrificial chicken before they begin if it were a dream. When I look like I’m rest- their work. ing or catnapping, she’s telling me how to do There are many other evil beings that can com- one thing or another. So everything is de- mand the evil winds such as Lightning Bolt and tailed. So always remember there is nothing The Devil. Traditional bark paper is used for the to worry about. There in your consciousness worst beings. The tradition of making bark pa- everything will be left [Dow 1986:55]. per has continued among the Sierra Ñähñu in or- Inside a chest on the altar, Don Antonio has der to supply shamans with the material they an image of Delfina, one of his two most impor- need to cut figures of evil beings. Plain writing tant antiguas. The image has a tiny porcelain fe- paper and tinseled paper are used for the zaki of male face, which seems to have come from an the good beings. The Sierra Ñähñu of San Pablito antique doll. A patient may be allowed to hold have also started a business selling the paper to this image with the hope of receiving some of the outsiders through handicraft markets. Outsiders healing power of this miraculous tutelary being. evaluate the paper in a reverse fashion. They be- After the consultation, a paper figure repre- lieve the handmade bark paper, closely resem- senting the zaki of the patient may be left on the bling pre-Columbian paper, to be the most valu- altar to receive the protection of the beings that able. Yet these beliefs in evil beings provide a ra- arrive there. If the patient has been attacked by tionale and a means for psychologically escaping evil winds (dahi), a cleaning (hokwi) is required. some of the hardships of life, a very valuable cul- The shaman cuts figures of the evil winds from tural trait in itself. If shamans did not have the tissue paper and lays them out on a bed of tissue bark paper, they would not be able to do their paper and newspaper. If the sickness is particu- good work. larly bad, the shaman may see that the evil winds An animistic view of the world underlies all have been commanded by a higher evil being the rituals and symbolism of the Sierra Ñähñu who was bribed by a sorcerer. In this case, an ap- religion. Everything that has zaki is a being, and peal also needs to be made to this being. A hokwi beings are ranked by the power of their zaki. The that makes an additional appeal to higher evil most powerful being of all is Maka Hyãdi (God beings is called the “large” hokwi. Otherwise it is Sun) who transmits his powerful zaki to all liv- just the “regular” hokwi. ing beings below him. On the top of a nearby sa- Santa Catarina is one of these beings. I was cred mountain, Maka Hyãdi is worshiped at a never able to determine where its name came shrine of crosses. Maka Hyãdi and Jesus are re- from. It is a male monster that is aided by evil garded as the same, and the foliated cross is his companion animals. In a large hokwi involving symbol. Thus Christianity has entered the religion Santa Catarina, the figures of the evil animal com- at the top. However it is the historical Maka Hyãdi panions are then tied to the figure of Santa who governs the cosmology not the historical Catarina. The “altar” on which these figures are Jesus. This religion is very ecological, for accord- placed is the dirt floor of the house. They would ing to modern science, the sun is the primary never be placed on the raised altar, for that is for source of energy for all life on earth. Another life- good beings. They are surrounded by candles and giving god is Maka Sumpe Dehe (Goddess Lady threads with magical powers that prevent the zaki Water). Again, Sierra Ñähñu cosmology recognizes from escaping the encirclement. They are offered the fundamental sources of life in the biosphere. money, rum, and cigarettes to attract the zaki into Animals have a lesser zaki than humans with the circle. After the offerings have been made, the one exception, the animal companions called rogi. bundle is wrapped and passed over the patient, These are thought to be real animals with super- other persons present, the house, and its furnish- natural protective power to help other beings, ings. Because the zaki of these beings are danger- especially humans, to whom they belong. They ous, the bundle is thrown away after the patients are born at the same time as their human com- and house have been swept clean with it. I was panions and they protect them throughout their able to photograph the figures before the cer- lives. emony began, because they had not started to at- Thus, the religion relates people to nature. It tract zaki at that time. They have to be bathed in evolved from centuries of living close to nature Sierra Otomí Religious Symbolism: Mankind Responding to the Natural World 31 in a subsistence-based agricultural economy. Al- of most sierra municipios is smaller than an Ameri- though it is a profound expression of the relation- can county. ship between humans and the natural world, it 4. Seeds contain the zaki of plants. The paper would be a mistake to equate it with modernistic figures representing the zaki of plants are called Euro-American environmental concepts. It does “seeds.” not contain an ethic of technological conservation James Dow or sustainability. It is a religious rather than tech- Oakland University nical solution. It sees humans as part of a web of Rochester, Michigan life with moral imperatives that are different from [email protected] those being generated by scientific biological ecol- ogy. It tries to solve ecological problems through References Cited ritual rather than through technological change. Bernard, H. Russell, and Jesús Salinas Pedraza The Sierra Ñähñu rituals do have some mate- 1989 Native Ethnography: A Mexican Indian Describes rial consequences that help to regulate the human His Culture. Newbury Park, California: Sage Pub- environmental ecosystem such as those discov- lications. ered by Rappaport in New Guinea (Rappaport Dow, James W. 1967). For example, only the best seeds are se- 1986 The Shaman’s Touch: Otomí Indian Symbolic Heal- lected to present to Maka Hyãdi in the spring fer- ing. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. tility ritual.4 Thus ritual supports good plant 2001 Demographic Factors Affecting Protestant breeding. However, it has failed to control human Conversions in Three Mexican Villages. In: James population. The area is now overpopulated rela- W. Dow and Alan R. Sandstrom, eds., Holy Saints and Fiery Preachers: The Anthropology of Protestant- tive to the agricultural resources and conse- ism in Mexico and Central America, pp. 73-86. quently suffers from high rates of poverty. So al- Westport, Connecticut: Praeger. though we as humans build these spiritual links García, Esteban to nature and to ourselves, modern science still 1918 Crónica de la Provincia Agustineana del Santísimo has something to tell us about our actions and our Nombre de Jesús de México. Libro Quinto. Madrid: fate. G. Lopez de Horno. End Notes Lastra, Yolanda 2001 Unidad y diversidad de la lengua: Relatos otomíes. 1. This map was produced by the author with Mexico City: Instituto de Investigaciones Antropo- the help of the bilingual school teachers who live lógicas, UNAM. and work in the region. Rappaport, Roy A. 2. Note that the speakers do not include chil- 1967 Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People. New Haven: Yale University dren less than five years of age, so the actual Press. Ñähñu population is larger. Sandstrom, Alan R., and Pamela E. Sandstrom 3. In these states, the executive power of the 1986 Traditional Papermaking and Paper Cult Figures state is divided into municipios, each of which is of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. governed by a president (presidente). The territory