114 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970

occasion of this June meeting, was actually presented before the French chapter of the International Association of Writers for the Defence of Culture in November 1935. See Baxendall, 40. 4 59. 'The International Writers' Congress', The Indian P.E.N., 3 (17 Nov. 1935), 7. 60. Zaheer is incorrect about Madame Wadia's ethnic background and her marital status; Sophia Camacho Wadia was Colombian by birth, married to a Parsi, Bahman The All-India Progressive Writers' Pestonji Wadia (1881-1958), an important, very wealthy Indian theosophist; biographical data about her usually stress that she was of 'French heritage', which Association: The Indian Phase in many circles of the time possessed a more refined social and intellectual cachet than simply being Latin American. [A] memorable occasion in the 61. A comprehensive coverage of this meeting was written by Derek Kahn in LeftReview history of Indian literature 2 (1936-37), 481-90. His report also included the full text of Andre Malraux's -Premchand speech, 'Our Cultural Heritage' 491-96. Kahn wrote a less detailed report for The Daily Worker (London ed.) (25 June 1936), 3. This 1936 London meeting should not be confused with what is generally considered the 'second' Congress of the International Association of Writers for the Defence of Culture. THE PRELIMINARY SETTING: INDIA, 1935-1936 This second Congress of the International Association of Writers for the Defence of Culture was held in Madrid in July 1937; but because of the incipient Spanish Tw o major events confronted Sajjad Zaheer when he returned to civil war and the attack on Madrid, some writers could not reach there. However, India in late 1935: one militated against his efforts for the All-India an impressive delegation from Latin America appeared, including Peruvian poet Cesar Vallejo (1892-1938), Chilean poets Pablo Neruda (1904-1973) Progressive Writers' Association; the second abetted them. In Chapter and Vicente Huidobro (1893-1948), Mexican poet Octavio Paz (1914-1998), 3 it was noted that a linguistic controversy had long been developing Cuban poet-journalist Nicolas Guillen (1902-1989), and Cuban novelist Alejo between Hindi and Urdu writers. This controversy had emerged over Carpentier (1909-1980). Some sessions were moved to Valencia, and most others several centuries, due to the particular complex relationships which were then held in Paris. Because this was an open meeting, and due to the events existed between Muslim rulers and their Hindu subjects, between Hindu surrounding the locale where it was to be held, this congress received considerable press coverage. This was the final meeting of the group before the start of World rulers and their Muslim subjects, between the British and the Muslims, War II. For reports, see Malcolm Cowley, The New Masses (10 Aug. 1937), 16, and the British and the Hindus, and, finally, between Hindus and and The Bulletin (Aug. 1937), 1; Edgell Rickword, LeftReview, 3 (1937), 381-3, Muslims. The question of language was just one aspect of a much larger including an abridgment of speeches by, among others, the Spanish poets Jose conflict between these two communities in the political, economic, Bergamin (1895-1983), who served as president of the congress, and Jorge Guillen (1893-1984), Julien Benda, English novelist Ralph Bates (1899-2000), and Dutch and social spheres. This conflict had ramifications in languages and novelist Jef Last (1898-1972). The speech by Russian journalist Mikhail Koltsov in literatures. Simply stated, the Hindi-Urdu controversy is based on (1898-1942) was printed in The New Masses (21 July 1937), 14-5. Notes on this the following question: Which language-Hindi or Urdu-would meeting by English poet Stephen Spender (1909-1995) appeared in New Writing, best serve as the national language in a free and independent India? 1 ed. J. Lehmann, 4 (Autumn 1937), 245-51. The London edition of The Daily Clearly, this question is tied into questions of Indian nationalism, Worker (21 July 1937), 7 also reported on this meeting. For an article concerning this meeting, see Robert S. Thornberry, 'Writers Ta ke Sides, Stalinists Take Control: religious revivalism in both the Hindu and Muslim communities, and The Second International Congress forthe Defense of Culture', The Historian, 62:3 into political and economic considerations. Because of the growth of (Mar. 2000), 589-605. Hindu nationalism, many Hindus felt that in a multilingual nation 62. See Andre Gide, Back from the USSR and Afterthoughts, A Sequel to Back from the such as India, an Indian, rather than a foreign language such as English, USSR, tr. D. Bussy (London: M Secker & Warburg, 1937 and 1938, respectively). 116 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 117 would be needed as the rashtrabhasa, or 'national language'. They not to have a clear idea of what he meant by it or another popular contended that the language which was spoken and understood by the hyphenated term, 'Hindi-Hindustani'. largest number of people should have this prestigious position. Such a Whatever the arguments for or against this question, one fact was language was spoken in the northern and central parts of India, as well as quite clear to Sajjad Zaheer when he returned to India, and probably in other areas, and was variously called 'Hindi', 'Urdu', or 'Hindustani', even earlier while he was in Europe: he would not get the cooperation the terms sometimes used interchangeably, the distinction among of Hindi writers in his undertaking. them being rather vague in their spoken form. Other attempts-some When Zaheer returned to India, the polite, letter-writing relationship simplistic, some sincere-were made to define this language (or these between Premchand and him, which had existed while the latter was languages): that written in Persio-Arabic script was Urdu; that written in Europe, developed into a warm, personal association. Zaheer was in Devanagari script was Hindi. Another formula sought to divide the named to the advisory board of Hans, which was now published by two according to the classic language fromwhich it borrowed its literary, Hans Limited, 'as the mouthpiece of all the provincial literatures philosophical, and religious-in short, its intellectual-vocabulary. of the country' to foster a national literature. 3 In their exchange of According to this formula, the language that borrowed from Persian letters, Premchand alludes in several places to his efforts to engender and Arabic was Urdu; the one that borrowed from Sanskrit was Hindi. cooperation between Hindi and Urdu writers. In a letter dated 15 March Another attempt at definition-aninsidious one, in fact-was also used 1936, from Benares, Premchand speaks of the Hindustani Sabha, the to clarify the point: Urdu was associated with Muslims; Hindi with Hindustani Council, an organization which sought to create a simple, Hindus. Actually this was not the case, for some Hindus wrote in Urdu comprehensible language (Hindustani) with as few difficult words of and some Muslims wrote in Hindi. Sanskrit, Persian, or Arabic as possible: However, because of communal strife in other areas, politicians and religious leaders in particular popularized this distinction, false and We have formed the Hindustani Sabha at Delhi so that writers of Urdu inaccurate though it was. This is not to say that there were no leaders and Hindi might exchange their ideas through it. The damage which has who clearly understood the issues involved or who offered reasonable been done by politicians has to be overcome by writers. If the right kind of writers somehow come forth, then the hatred [between Hindi and solutions to the problem. Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, whose first Urdu writers] can be minimized . ... Anyway, the sabha has come into language was Urdu, suggests that part of the blame for the rift over the existence and if misunderstandings between Hindi and Urdu poets are two languages belongs to the writers, who 'deliberately seek to write minimized, then this effort will not have been unsuccessful.4 for themselves', using recondite vocabulary and tortuous styles. 2 He himself favoured the term 'Hindustani', and to the question 'What is In another letter dated 19 March 1936, written from Benares, Hindustani'? he answered: 'Vaguely we say that this word includes both Premchand states: 'The aim of the Delhi [i.e. Hindustani] Sabha is to Hindi and Urdu, as spoken and as written in the two scripts, and we keep alive the movement for unity and a common language' (29). endeavour to strike a golden mean between the two, and call this idea It has been noted that Premchand felt that Hindi writers were 'pressed of ours Hindustani' (521-2). with feelings of inferiority'; he elaborated this point in the same letter of The operative word here is 'vaguely', for the term 'Hindustani' had 10 May 1936: 'They [Hindi writers] might understand that this [PWA] not had a precise definition in its usage during this period, not even by movement is a kind of trap laid down by Urdu writers. Perhaps they Gandhi who, as will later be seen, gave currency to the term but seemed THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 119 118 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 have not as yet understood the meaning of this movement. They will which has been extending the techniques of production and creating remain in the dark until things are explained to them at a meeting' (32). literature degenerates into a group with vested interests, it then uses In spite of efforts to win the cooperation and participation of Hindi literature as a means of supporting its own power base and status and writers in the AIPWA, both Premchand and Zaheer failed, initially at as a mode of amusement. The aims of literature and of life are one and least, for only two major Hindi writers-Premchand and Jainendra the same, says Husain: Kumar*-attended the first AIPWA meeting in Lucknow. While [W]hile remaining high above the limiting boundaries of time and space, the Hindi-Urdu controversy put a strain on Zaheer's organizational literature should reflect its [own] environment so that, being acquainted efforts, publication in July 1935 of the landmark essay 'Adah aur with the beauties and faults of its environment, literature moves up the Zindagi' (Literature and Life) by the twenty-three-year-old Akhtar ladder of progress . ... The aim of literature should be the expression of Husain Raipuri* in Urdu, the highly respected literary journal edited those emotions which sees the world on the road of progress; that is, by Maulana Abdul Haq,* could certainly be said to have prepared the it should castigate those emotions which do not allow the world to go necessary theoretical groundwork for this organization. forward and then should choose that mode of expression which can be understood by the most people possible; for, in any case, the aim of life 'ADAB AUR ZINDAGI' (LITERATURE AND LIFE) is the greatest possible good for the most people. (21)

Akhtar Husain Raipuri's essay is an expansion and elaboration of an Husain then applies his theory to the Indian context. Until recently, he earlier essay in Hindi entitled 'Sahitya aur Kranti' (Literature and argues, literature in India had been the monopoly of two classes: ascetics/ Revolution), which appeared in the Hindi monthly Vishvamitra (Friend mystics, and the poets of the nobility. The former group he dismisses in of the Universe; Calcutta) in April 1933. 5 Because of its unique historical order to focus on the latter, which, according to him, had managed to position in the development of the Progressive Movement, and because it warp literature because of the demands made upon writers by their elitist was highly instrumental in bringing about a basic tone and a theoretical audiences. He indicates three major faults of ancient Indian literature: framework for Urdu literature of the period, it will be examined closely. (1) the topics of literature were very antiquated and limited; (2) sense First, it would be helpful to reduce this essay to a thesis, the basis for and intention were sacrificed for elegance of expression and adornment which draws heavily upon the literary theories of such writers as Prince of the story lines; and (3) people chose literature as a profession (21). Alexander Kropotkin (1842-1921), Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910), and, of Because 'the standard for true literature is that it expresses the aims of course, Maxim Gorky. According to Husain, the nature of literature humanity through those means by which the greatest number of people depends on the economic class of those for whom it is written and, in can draw influence from it' and because such courtly literature did not turn, by its authors. Great literature, or 'true literature', as he calls it, express the aims of humanity, but of only a small section of humanity, is created by that class which advances the techniques of production. it failed to be true literature (24). Literature, then, is a commodity, an aspect of a society's economic life. In the second part of the essay, tided 'An Economic Analysisof Ancient When this particular class is in ascendance, it takes the entire world and Indian Literature', Husain demonstrates his theory of true literature by the whole of life as its focus of interest. Literature produced by that class applying it to the literary production of that period. According to him, nurtures and reflects that whole of life. Life and the world, according one rarely finds the masses mentioned in Sanskrit literature. 'If they are to this theory, are moving towards a goal of perfection-Marx's classless mentioned, it is done with revulsion and scorn' (27). society which is somewhere in the future. However, when this class 120 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 121

The shudras are constantly made to believe that service to the higher castes Urdu writers of this period were poets by profession. Hence, 'When is the duty of their status and their religion. . .. Sringara rasa and shanti poetry is understood as a commodiry, it falls under the rules of supply rasa overflow in Sanskrit literature because the first entices sexual feelings and demand. Because poetry buyers are only the wealthy, poetry must of the nobility and the second lessens the feeling of sin among old men. necessarily cater to their tastes and natures' (33). As result, a large part This is a world of self-deception where the mention of tragedy is not of Urdu poetry consists of qasidas (eulogies), 'about which there is little countenanced and is understood as dangerous. Therefore, every Sanskrit worth saying' (34). tragedy is transferred for no reason at all into a comedy.6 The other major genre is the ghazal, which, according to Husain, Sanskrit poetry is preoccupied with sex; in fact, according to Husain, is concerned only with talking to the beloved, a fact that amply 'Poetry and literature used to do the work of pills for sexual potency' demonstrates that Urdu poetry of this period is 'unable to do anything (27). Even the great Sanskrit poet-dramatist Kalidasa, foremost writer except provide enjoyment for the rich' (34). Besides, the ghazal 'is such of the golden-age Gupta period in the fourth-fifth century CE, whom a monotonous form with its qafiya and radif, like a machine that goes 8 Husain does admit is an 'incomparable poet', has his failings, for, 'He on making the same noise over and over again' (32). The blindness and says nothing against the ryranny of nature and the wrongs of sociery, unawareness of these Urdu poets towards the realities of life are further and his characters remain in only one class and are nourished in only demonstrated by the fact that, with the possible exception of Bahadue one environment' (30). 7 Shah Zafar, the last of the Mughal emperors, no Urdu poet treated the 9 In the medieval period, Hindus became 'fed up with the high­ great political events of the day in his poetry. No one addressed himself handedness of Brahmins and Pundits' and sought ways to be to the battle of Plassey, the third battle of Panipat, or the defeat of Tipu . 10 saved from the encroachment of Islam (32). As a result, bhakti, or Sultan, or the most important of these events, the 'incident of '57' devotional, poets came forth, speaking the language of the people, not Husain continues: the affected and effete language of the court, and preached a doctrine How many poets wrote poems about these bloody events? How many which taught that 'all evil begins because of the religion-brokers and eulogies were written? Where were the martial songs, the marsiya poets that all men are equal in the eyes of God' (32). From this ferment whose magic recitation made every gathering place a place of lamentation? arose Kabir Das (1440-1518), 'the first and foremost Indian poet No great poet wrote even a single lamentation on the battle of Plassey. of the masses', a poet 'who, without help from rulers and scholars, Read the shahr-ashob of Dagh and the letters of Ghalib [about the made successful attempts at producing the feelings of self-respect and destruction of Delhi during] the incident of '57 and lament the fact that self-perception among the masses because he and his contemporaries when the fate of the entire country was being decided, these gentlemen did not speak the language of the rich, but rather the language of the were able to think of nothing except their own bread and thought in such poor' (32). backward ways that they were insults to life and poverty. (36) One problem with Kabir and other such poets, Husain points out, Narrowness of vision in poetry brought about an overly fastidious is that they 'prefer death to life and advise people to live away from the concern for language; hence form, according to Husain, became more push and pull of life and remain unconcerned with physical wants' (32). important than meaning. By giving language prioriry over meaning, He finds such an attitude difficult to accept. these Urdu poets held a 'false theory of life' which 'wrapped ... them Leaving Sanskrit and Hindi literature, Husain then turns to older like a snake skin' out of which they could not break (37). Urdu literature. Here, there were several problems, due to the fact that URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 122 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 123

Only one poet, Vali Muhammad Nazir (1740-1830), is worthy of Husain then offers 'An Economic Analysis of Modern Indian discussion as a true poet from among those of this era: Literature'. Whereas ancient and medieval literature was a plaything of the upper classes, modern literature is essentially a 'monopoly of [I]n all of Urdu literature, he is the only poet who lived with the masses, the middle class' ( 41). This middle class arose with the ascendance of understood them and expressed their sentiments in their language. The standard of living in this period was so full of ignorance that nothing British power and with industrialization introduced in India. Western more could be expected from writers. If they would set forth a true education offered an alternative to traditionalism to some, for example, picture of their own age and, along with it, display heartfelt feelings Raja Rammohan Roy (1774-1833) and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817- of sympathy, it would have been a great thing. In this respect Nazir is 1898). However, this same stimulus also gave rise to communalism behind Tulsi Das and Kabir Das. Even then, he sees the world from the and reaction, as expressed in the novels of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee viewpoint of the common citizen and in his mirror of life reflected all (1838-1894) and Abdul Halim Sharar (1869-1926). In this context, the evils he saw. No mention of Arabian and Iranian figures is made in Husain addresses himself to India's most internationally renowned poet his poetry; he lived with poor men and fakirs, and gave them the power and India's Nobel Prize winner, Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), in a of speech. (38) section of the essay entitled 'Tagore and the Past'. Husain starts with a However, Husain does acknowledge one of Nazir's shortcomings: quotation from Lenin in which the revolutionary leader levels criticism 'It is sad that he was not hard-working; otherwise his angle of vision against Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910): would have been wider. In spite of all his faults, he has a special place His creative power and his innovation apparently find fault with the in the ancient literature of India' (38). Very tellingly, Husain adds a brutalities of capitalism. His heart is filled with sorrow and anger at the final remark regarding Nazir and Kabir: 'I wish that these two had not despotism of government and the killing of justice by the courts. He been fakirs' (38). This characterization of both poets is, of course, open reviews all those ways in which palaces of wealth have been built with to question. the blood of the poor together with the victories of civilization. But over Urdu poetry, according to Husain, declined for several reasons, the and above this, he, the ascetic, is the loud voice of the drum which rises primary one being because it flowered in an age which was a period in support of nonviolence in the face of violence. In Tolstoy, there is the of decline for Muslim rule in India and for feudal civilization. Again, desire of some bright future, the struggle to be free from the bondages of Husain harks back to the assertion that these poets looked upon poetry the past; but in addition, his imagination is still immature, there is a lack of political consciousness, and reluctance for change [in his works]. (50) as a 'means of earning their livelihood, as in a baker's shop' . And lastly, because the poetry was 'nourished in a narrow-minded society', it According to Husain, Tagore also exhibits this same 'immature' shortened its own life through its own short-sightedness. He then takes imagination, 'lack of political consciousness' and 'reluctance for a final swipe at the beloved of the Urdu ghazal, calling her an 'unfaithful change'. While Tagore as a poet and novelist asks the proper questions whore' and ends this section of the essay with the statement that he regarding the human condition in his works, he fails to give directions did 'not intend to make fun of or insult anyone with his analysis', for solving the problems inherent in this condition. Rather than but concludes: 'Except for Kalidasa, Kabir, Nazir, Ghalib, etc. there is moving forward with the evolution of life, Tagore, according to Husain, perhaps no poet who will be remembered with respect by men [and 11 prefers to retreat to the past. Here, Husain quotes from the poem women] of the future' (38-40). 12 'Vasundhara' (Earth) , where 'instead of desiring the destruction of 124 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 125

those relationships which have been fire beneath the feet of humankind, songs had shown the lamp of hope to revolutionaries on the gibbet ..., he [Tagore] wants to eliminate all means of production and return to not only is his body old, but his spirit as well, and his latest collection of (54) 13 the age of barbarism' (52). poems is the story of his waywardness. Husain quotes additional examples fromTagore's works, concluding In the political sphere Tagore is an anti-imperialist; however, thus, 'None of Tagore's literary achievements are free of this conflict of there is a dualism in his thinking, states Husain: 'In considering the past and present. He has a great, extreme hatred for the present. He capitalistic civilization, he not only wonders about the inevitable complains of the capitalistic civilization which is not only burdening result of this system, but also whether to go forward or backward. the soul with material demands, but is also making people indifferent When he is asked for practical means to destroy kingship, he begins to their existence. Not that life has expanded to infinity; rather, instead to preach reformation, non-violence, and mysticism' (55). As a final of expanding into eternity, it has shrunk into an instant of "today" and note, Husain adds: "now'" (53). Alluding to Tagore's controversial visit to Russia in 1930, Husain Yet a large part ofTagore's writing is acceptable in modern literature. And shows that the poet does understand that the reason for such turmoil it is quite wrong to believe that he is an enemy of action. At every step, in society is due to the 'confusion in the economic system' (53). Tagore Tagore has advocated action and, accordingly, he is higher and worthy does recognize that Russian success in this area is because 'there, wealth of more respect than many of his contemporaries, for his message is for was not confined to one class, but rather, it was promised to the entire no particular age or particular group. His point of view is international society' (53). However, when it comes to seeking an answer to India's and is above time and place. (55) problems in this same area, Tagore, states Husain, balks. 'In spite of this [understanding], the solution to the problem of his country does Having characterized Tagore as a conservative, Husain turns to modern not even come to his mind,, except that the people should untangle the Urdu literature and to two poets, satirist and judge Akbar Allahabadi complexities of mysticism in the jungles and mountains' (53). Husain (1846-1921) and Muhammad Iqbal. The former is characterized as continues: 'The two contradictory emotions of hope and fear are [T ]he greatest standard bearer of reactionism and conservatism, and, frequentlyfound here and there in his writing. He has faith in the future his sarcasm is replete from beginning to end with mourning at [India's] of humankind, but he cannot say anything about when and how this worship of the West.Th is is the poet of those old parents whose culture change [in the economic system] will come about. This trend becomes is limited to native shoes, turban and achkan, and according to whose more prominent as he grows older' (53). religion one can travel only on bullock carts. It is remote from the railway Tagore's later works, such as The Golden Boat (I 932) and Ba/aka train. It [Akbar's poetry] is the strong protest of the feudal culture which (1916; published in English as A Flight of Swans, 1955) exhibit was passing decrees of infidelism in satirical doggerel. Needless to say, this this trend: literary trend was common and reflects the conflict between modernism and traditionalism, which is still continuing strongly in every Indian­ Because of not knowing the way, the poet's quest remains unsuccessful, especially Muslim-family. (55-6) and getting entangled in the complications of mysticism, he eventually falls prey to pessimism; consequently, his latest poetry sings the elegy In a single paragraph Husain then dismisses Akbar's verse as light, about death, nonexistence, decay and old age. That Tagore who used superficial, and trivial. With this, he then turns to Iqbal in the section to be affected by the svadeshi movement of Bengal ... whose passionate entitled 'Iqbal and Fascism'. THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 126 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 127

With the aim of showing Iqbal as 'an interpreter of fascism' and showing themselves to be Muslims' (61-2). Iqbal sees the reality of his that, in reality, fascism 'is nothing except the neo-capitalism of the dreams in Italian fascism, to which he speaks passionately: modern period', Husain explicates the general nature of this political 0 great Rome! Your conscience is changed. dogma (59). Iqbal's fascism, according to Husain, is addressed not just What I see-O God!-is it in wakefulness or in a dream? to a particular community (in this case, the Muslims), 'but to a special In the eyes of old people I see the effulgence of life; class within this community; this class being the youth' (59). Husain Your youth glittering with bright hearts; continues: 'In spite of being opposed to nationalism, Iqbal also agrees This fire of love, this longing, this growth; with it in the same way Mussolini [1883-1945] does; but the difference The flower cannot be hidden under a bubble in springtime; here is that in one's opinion, nationalism is racial, and with the other Your atmosphere is full of the melody of longing; it is religious' (59-60). Husain then quotes several couplets from the The rebec of your nature is awaiting a musician; poem 'jamhuriyat' (Democracy) from the collection Payam-i-Mashriq The blessing of whose glance is this? Whose miracle? (Message of the East): He whose glance is like the sunbeam! (62)

You are seeking the wealth of strange meaning from nature; This poem, 'Musolini' (Mussolini), is in the collection Bal-i-Jibril From an ant you cannot achieve the petulance of Solomon; (Gabriel's Wing).15 Clearly, the answer to these last questions and 'He Take flight! Give up democracy! Be a practiced slave! whose glance is like the sunbeam!' is Mussolini, to which Husain states: For the thought of a man cannot emerge from the brains of two hundred asses. (59-60) This blessing is that of Mussolini who can destroy the entire world for the welfare of Italy, who is commander in chief of the capitalists of Italy, In the last line here Iqbal refers to asses literally but also metaphorically; who calls war mother's milk for humanity. Iqbal considers such a dictator that is, two hundred asinine men who put their brains together to make as the guarantor of the stability of an Islamic Pakistan. His [Iqbal's] a democratic decision for a nation are nonetheless asses. concept of the Khilafat supports this point of view, although among the As a fascist, as characterized by Husain, Iqbal is opposed to com­ asses of democracy where is that nature of Solomon which can advise munism and rule by kings (malukiyat); and Husain quotes appropriately this dictator? (62) fromthe 'Ishtarakiyat-o-Malukiyat' (Communism and Kingship) section of Iqbal's Persian magnum opus, ]avid Nama (Javed's Book). Regarding Husain concludes: 'In short, Iqbal is an Islamic fascist' (62). This Iqbal's attitudes relative to his social position, Husain states: 'He [Iqbal] statement, like many others in this essay, doubtless provoked strong is an enemy of kingship and capitalism to the extent which a middle­ reactions among readers. class person can be' (60). In addition, Iqbal deems the use of machines Following such pronouncements upon two of the greatest living harmful to humanity, as in government by workers. 14 Appropriate authors of India, the remainder of Husain's essay is in many ways passages from Iqbal's poetry are cited to substantiate these claims. anticlimactic, for it cursorily touches on such topics as nationalism in Without kingship and capitalism, Iqbal assumes a new international other Indian literatures, literature and Indian reformist movements, and world view: 'But the world of this international view is not, according literature and purposelessness. One of the final sections is devoted to to him, an international class, but rather a community in which there is the Bengali revolutionary poet Qazi Nazrul Islam. Husain claims for a very large group of people who, in Iqbal's view, are infidels, outwardly this poet a very high place in Indian letters: 'In all of Indian literature, 128 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 129 there is only one poet who comes out successfully when tested on reluctantly seems to offer some rather weak criticism of them. But in his Maxim Gorky's criterion [for a true poet] and who is a revolutionary, concluding remarks at the end of the second section of the essay, when anticonservative and a lover of change' (68-9). This section of the essay he states that 'except for Kalidasa, Kabir, Nazir, Ghalib, etc.', no Indian appears to be the basis for a larger, more comprehensive essay on the poet will be remembered with respect, he clearly contradicts what he 18 poetry of Nazrul, which was written in 1938. 16 said earlier. This essay, '.A.dab aur Zindagi', holds a unique place in progressive Husain's statements about Nazir's poetry, while consistent with his criticism. Husain, whom Khalilur RahmanAzmi calls 'the firstsystematic theoretical framework in a way which statements about Kalidasa and critic of the Progressive Movement', caused a great deal of controversy Ghalib are not, give that poet and his work an emphasis that is certainly with this essay which 'for the young people of the period ... was made disproportionate to his true place in Urdu literature. Here, the critic into a critical Scripture' (348). seems to be in search of poets with whom to fill his critical framework. In the foreword to this eponymously named collection of Husain's Certainly, Nazir is a 'poet of the people', and he does provide insights essays, the publisher and critic, Muhammad Iqbal Salim Gahindri, into a certain stratum of society in eighteenth century North India wrote: 'It is not an exaggeration to say that no document since Hali's not found elsewhere in Urdu poetry. However, it is an exaggeration on Muqaddama-i-Sher-o-Shairi [1896] has had such an extensive influence Husain's part to place Nazir in the company of other older poets such on the area of Urdu criticism' (5). In an essay written in the early 1940s, as Kabir or Tulsidas. Husain himself acknowledges the place of his own essay in the context Similarly, the treatment of Akbar Allahabadi is equally slanted. of the Progressive Movement: Certainly Akbar is not in the same artistic category as either Tagore or Iqbal. By introducing him merely to dismiss him as superficialand trivial In the development of the Progressive Movement, the following events strikes one as a bit of gratuitous nastiness directed not so much at the are worthy of mention: revolution in Premchand's art in the latter period poet as to the conservative Muslims who might happen to share Akbar's of his life; Iqbal's death; the publication of [his own] 'Literature and religious views. Here, the shock tactic taken by Husain seems similar to Life' [Adab aur Zindagi], the establishment of the Progressive Writers' that taken by the youthful Angare authors. Association, and the translation of the poems of Qazi Nazrul Islam. 17 Whereas Husain's statements about Akbar may have been meant to In many respects, this essay is to progressive criticism what Angare was offend religious sensibilities, his remarks about the alleged monotony to progressive fiction. While this essay did cause controversy, it was not of the ghazal form (the beloved as an unfaithful whore, and poetry proscribed, however. Husain has very obviously imbibed the thought of composition an occupation comparable to working in a bakery) are the radical literary theoreticians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth intended to offend traditional literary sensibilities as well. One also finds centuries. The major contribution this article makes is that it is the first such shock elements in Husain's statements about Tagore and Iqbal. His time Marxist literary tenets were applied to Urdu literature and, very criticism of the former is in no way original or unique, for many others, possibly, to Sanskrit and medieval Hindi and Bengali literature as well. including Gandhi, were concerned with Tagore's retreat from activism While his arguments are well developed, there are places in the essay in the independence movement. What is interesting here though is that where, in my estimation, Husain does not seem to be comfortable with three years later, in 1938, Tagore, it will be shown, rejects his past stance or convinced of the conclusions he must draw. His line of reasoning and endorses the independence movement in his famous message sent must, logically, exclude Kalidasa and Ghalib as great poets; thus, Husain to the 1938 Calcutta meeting of the AIPWA. 130 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 131

In treating Iqbal's poetry, Husain is perhaps least convincing. He THE FIRST ALL-INDIA PROGRESSIVE WRITERS' seems to enjoy ignoring a great part of Iqbal's work which, if taken ASSOCIATION MEETING, LUCKNOW, 1936 together with the selected quotations used in Husain's essay, would In addition to sending copies of the London manifesto to Premchand, certainly give a picture of Iqbal different from that which emerges from Sajjad Zaheer also sent copies to Dr K. M. Ashraf,* an influential CPI this discussion. Here Husain suffers from over-selectivity of material member and Reader in History at Aligarh Muslim University. He also on which to base his assertions and seems to have committed the sent copies to his fellow Angare members: Mahmuduzzafar, who at intentional fallacy. One or two poems or parts of poems in a literary this time was teaching History and English at the recently established corpus as vast as Iqbal's are hardly sufficient to categorize a writer as Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental (MAO] College, Amritsar; Rashid Jahan, a fascist. now wife of Mahmuduzzafar and practising medicine in that city; and Khalilur Rahman Azmi offers several observations regarding this essay to Ahmed Ali, lecturer in English at Allahabad University. Returning by Husain. 'An Economic Analysis of Ancient Indian Literatures', states to India, Zaheer went to Allahabad, where his desire to establish an Azmi, suffers from 'emotional and defective thinking ... (and] falls prey Indian Progressive Writers' Association met with favourable response to sensationalism to the point of being ridiculous, especially where he from many individuals at Allahabad University, noted at the time as goes beyond the limit in his contempt towards and degradation of old one of India's top academic institutions for its distinguished faculty Urdu literature' (349). and engaged students. The facul included the charismatic, popular Regarding Husain's treatment of Tagore and Iqbal, Azmi merely ty poet-professor Firaq Gorakhpuri,* Vice-Chancellor Amarnath Jha,* and states that 'he (Husain] has made a hasty decision' (349). Silence here Dr Tara Chand,* Professor of History. from Azmi, it would seem, says more about Azmi than about Husain. In December 1935 the Hindustani Sabha met in Allahabad; in With the gift of hindsight, Azmi summarizes Husain's association with attendance were three great doyens of Urdu writing, Maulana Abdul this whole movement as an association which 'was less intellectual and Haq, Josh Malihabadi, and Premchand. Zaheer presented the manifesto more emotional': before these three. Premchand was already committed to it; the other In spite of being an expert in several languages and being widely read, two concurred with its tenets and agreed to sign it. Raipuri shows an immature emotionalism in his criticism. As soon as Zaheer was concerned at this point to elicit as wide a response as he outgrew this state, the spell of progressivism broke and the extreme possible to his movement and to hear from individuals who might reaction which resulted not only forced him to leave the Progressive be interested in organizing chapters of the AIPWA in various cities Movement but also caused him to repent and to cease writing in Urdu throughout India. Initially, Premchand was more circumspect about permanently. His criticism now merely has historical importance. (350) such centres. He was not entirely convinced of the need for them in other cities. He felt that the best the AIPWA could do was set up The publication of this essay, then, taken together with the Hindi­ provincial branches; however, Zaheer seemed to prevail with the notion Urdu controversy as described earlier in this chapter, offers an insight of setting up as many centres as possible, an idea to which eventually into the intellectual milieu which Zaheer found when he returned to Premchand acceded. 19 India. It is against this background that he and his close associates One of the earliest centres of the AIPWA was in Aligarh, under the proceeded to organize the first meeting of the All-India Progressive direction of Dr K. M. Ashraf A group of students there immediately Writers' Association. rallied behind the movement, among them many who would become 132 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 133

major names in the Progressive Movement in the decade to come: Ali to do. I, therefore, would launch my unsteady boat on the stormy seas. Sardar Jafri,Jan Nisar Akhtar,* Hayatullah Ansari,* Asrarul Haq Majaz, In what direction it goes is hardly of consequence' .20 Khwaja Ahmad Abbas,* and Shahid Latif.* The precocious Akhtar Given Premchand's positive disposition to the idea of the AIPWA, Husain Raipuri also attended its meetings. Zaheer invited him to give the presidential address. At firstPremchand In addition, Dr Abdul Aleem,* an aggressive, young lecturer in Arabic was reluctant, primarily because he had been asked to serve as at Aligarh Muslim University, took an active interest in the group. Other president of both the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan (Hindi Literature organizers included Oxford-educated Hirendranath Mukherjee* in Conference), Lahore, and the Hindi Parchar Sabha {Council for the Calcutta and Sibte Hasan* in Hyderabad, Deccan, where he was working Promotion of Hindi), Hyderabad. Moreover, he was not keeping well. for the journal Payam (Message), edited by Qazi Abdul Ghaffar.* He wrote to Zaheer: Zaheer went to Amritsar and Lahore to meet with Punjabi writers for As regards my presidentship, I am not fit for it. I do not say this out of the purpose of encouraging them to join the movement. Among those humility, but I actually find myself weak. Mr Kanaialal Munshi would whose support he enlisted were Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Akhtar Shirani, * and be a better person than myself, or even Dr Zakir Husain.[*) Pandit Sufi Ghulam Mustafa Ta bassum,* who was elected secretary of the Jawaharlal will be too busy; otherwise, he would be the best one. At this Lahore group, which would play an important part in the development time everyone will be intoxicated with politics and few will be interested of a breakaway movement after 1942. Iqbal, too, offered his verbal and in literature. But we have to do something. If Mr Jawaharlal shows an moral support for the movement (The Light, 107-9). interest in it, the meeting will be a successful one. (27) Responses from various sectors of India were so encouraging that Zaheer planned the first all-India conference of the Progressive However, Premchand is not entirely adamant in his refusal, for he Writers' Association for 9-10 April 1936 in Lucknow. The choice of adds later, 'It would be better if a person from outside presided over place was determined by the fact that the Indian National Congress our meeting. But if no one is available, then I am ready to do so. I will would be meeting there at the same time. Several benefits could utter a few words' (27). In a postscript to the same letter, he suggests accrue from having this meeting coincide with that of the Lucknow the name of Amarnath Jha as another possibility. Here one should note Congress meeting. First, it was possible that the presidential address that Premchand pleads reasons of health for not wishing to preside. His 21 to the AIPWA would be given by Nehru (this did not materialize); in health was failing, and he would die in October, seven months later. addition, many of the people attending the Congress meeting might A few days after receiving the letter above, Premchand wrote that, wish to attend the AIPWA meeting, thus ensuring an audience for since he would be attending the first meeting of the Bharatiya Sahitya the progressives. Parishad, the All-India Literary Conference {to be held in Wardha on Elaborate plans were made for the meeting, and all details were 14 April, with Gandhi presiding), he would have to withdraw from the carried out by Zaheer himself and his immediate circle (Roshnai, 92-6; presidentship of the meeting; he would not even be present. In fact, he The Light, 48-60). On 14 February 1936 Premchand attended one suggested that Zaheer's meeting be postponed: 'I think we should not of many planning meetings held at Zaheer's home. His friend and worry about the meeting at present; after working quietly for some time, publisher, Daya Narayan Nigam, expressed his apprehension about let us then make arrangements for holding the meeting. If we meet right the success of such an organization. In response, Premchand wrote to now, only a few persons will participate and our purpose will have been Nigam: 'I am an old man, but I wish to do what all young writers wish defeated' (28). 134 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 135

Premchand seems to have changed his mind for, the next day, in Gradually, the hall started to fill up. Tw o or three front rows were a letter dated 19 March 1936, he makes two important points: first, occupied by delegates from Bengal, Madras, Maharashtra, Gujarat, that he has been asked to come to Lucknow to translate Nehru's Bihar, Punjab and U.P. Nearby sat the fifteen or twenty persons of the Congress meeting speech into 'common language', presumably reception committee. Tw o-thirds of the hall was filled with one-rupee ticket-holders, consisting of visitors, students, office workers, journalists, Hindustani, and, second, that since he would be in Lucknow he lecturers, school teachers, lawyers-all lean and thin, somewhat bashful, would be willing to serve as president. 'If you are in any difficulty in fond of literature-communist and socialist party workers, trade union finding a suitable person for president at your meeting, you might workers, people working among the peasants who were from different include my name for it' (28). Similarly, he accedes to Zaheer's notion parts of India and were meeting in Lucknow at this time; they were all to start local centres of the AIPWA: 'The objections I had against the interested in the new progressive literature of national and social freedom. local committees are now removed. I agree that the local committees These were the representatives of the intellectuals in our country who would perpetuate a lively interest in our activities' (29). In addition, possessed a new national and social feeling and consciousness. The hall he asks Zaheer to give some suggestions as to what he should talk was not filled with activity, nor noisy and confused. People spoke in about in his speech. subdued voices; the quiet was more than was necessary. There did not Five days later, on 25 March, Premchand wrote Zaheer that the seem to be any enthusiasm in this crowd. (Roshnai, 115; The Light, 61) Wardha meeting had been cancelled because of Gandhi's bad health: The session opened with a welcoming speech prepared by the host for 'Hence, I find no need to send my apology [to Zaheer] about presiding the meeting, Chaudhri Muhammad Ali Rodolvi, who, while a remnant over the meeting. You may now make an announcement about it. My of the old Avadh culture of Lucknow, was, according to Zaheer, a address will be brief'. However, because copies of the speeches to be progressive-thinking man. The host was not present for the session, but given at this meeting were solicited for publication prior to the meeting . his speech was read to the assembly. in order to circulate them, Premchand, pressed and harried with editorial duties and with ill health, added this caveat: 'I may not be able to write 'ADAB KI GHARAZ-O-GHAYAT' (THE PURPOSE AND it soon for publication. I do not think there is any need to do so. It can PURVIEW OF LITERATURE) be published after it is read at the conference' (29). With a firm commitment from Premchand to preside at the first Following this opening, Premchand spoke. The speech was neither brief, AIPWA, Zaheer proceeded with his plans. Premchand arrived in running nearly forty-five minutes, nor inconsequential, as Premchand Lucknow and stayed with Zaheer, who was pleased that Premchand had seemed to suggest in his letters to Zaheer. Entitled 'Adab ki Gharaz-o­ brought a friend, the young, prominent Hindi novelist and short-story Ghayat' (The Purpose and Purview of Literature), it is one of the major writer Jainendra Kumar. Since no other major Hindi writers attended, documents of the Progressive Movement. In writing about it, Zaheer 22 the presence of both Hindi writers was most welcome. states that 'nothing better to date has been written in connection with The first session of the meeting was to be on Thursday, 9 April, from the progressive literary movement in our country' (Roshnai, 123; The 10:00 a.m. to 12:30 p.m.; the afternoonsession from3:00 to 5:30 p.m.; Light, 65). 23 the place, the elegant Rifah-i-Am Hall. According to Zaheer, the crowd [Presumably] prepared by Premchand late in life, after a long, that attended the first session was quite different from the usual sort of prestigious literary career, this speech not only delineates certain critical conference gatherings: problems which would be discussed and debated throughout the history THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 136 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 137

of the Progressive Movement, but also provides a profound insight into contented the eyes. Poets exhibited the splendour of their brilliance and the 'revolution in Premchand's art', as Akhtar Husain Raipuri calls it, imagination in depicting those elaborate feelings [in poetry]. A new word scheme or simile, no matter how far-fetched from reality, was enough to which developed in Premchand's thinking prior to his death. 24 As such, get appreciation [for the poet]. Imagery about the nest and cage, lightning this speech demands careful scrutiny. and granary and the story of different conditions of frustration and agony Calling the first meeting of the AIPWA 'a memorable occasion in the in separation all used to be depicted with such dexterity that the audience history of Indian literature' , Premchand remarks that Indian writers of could not control their emotions. (236) the past, both Hindi and Urdu, confined their works to a very narrow view, in terms both of style and content, but particularly style, which But Premchand views literature in an entirely different manner: 'Only has led to a preoccupation with language as an end in itself. However, that creation will be called literature which describes some truth in a such a concern was necessary as a 'purifying process, for until language mature, refined, and graceful language and which has the quality of is pure and steady it cannot express fine or powerful feelings'. 25 Echoing affecting the head and heart. And this quality is acquired by literature sentiments already asserted by Akhtar Husain Raipuri, Premchand only when the truths and experiences of life are expressed in it' (235). states that because writers were dependent on patrons, the literature According to Premchand, literature is best defined as 'the criticism of they produced necessarily reflected the taste and mentality of those for life whether in the form of an essay, story, or poem, the chief function whom it was written, in this instance a people in 'a period of decline' of literature is to present an honest and critical view of life' (236). The who 'either indulged in sexual passion or lost themselves in spiritualism operative words here are 'function' and 'honest'. That literature should and renunciation' (237). He continues: have a 'function' implies a utilitarian view of it, similar to the feature of socialist realism described at the 1934 meeting of the Union of Soviet When literature is dominated by the inevitability of the transitoriness Writers. In fact, Premchand states this tenet explicitly: 'I do not hesitate of the world, every word, steeped in frustration, obsessed with the to say that I also measure art with the rod of usefulness' (244). adversity of the times and reflecting elaborate feelings [of love], one should understand that the nation has fallen into the grips of dullness That literature which does not rouse our good taste, does not provide us and decline, and has lost the will to undertake [action] and struggle. It with a spiritual and mental satisfaction, does not produce activity and has closed its eyes to the high aims of life and has lost the capacity to strength in us, which does not awaken our love for the beautiful, which discern and understand the world. (237) does not produce in us resolution and the determination to achieve victory over difficulties, that literature is useless today; it does not deserve But writers of the past, according to Premchand, were not concerned to be called literature. (238) with the 'capacity to discern and understand the world'. Instead, they 'created from imagination and worked into it any sort of arbitrary spell In the past, religion was the basis of humankind's spiritual and they wished' (236). moral civilization; it functioned, states Premchand, through fear and temptation, with issues of piety and sin as its weapons. But now literature The sole purpose of these writings was to entertain and to satisfy our has nullified this function of religion; its means, the love of beauty: lust for the amazing. It was a delusion to think that literature had any connection with life; a story was a story and life was life; both were [Literature] tries to awaken this love of beauty in man. No man is considered contradictory to each other. Poets were also dominated by the unimpressionable to beauty. Writers' creation is impressive to the notion of individualism. The ideal of love satisfied lust and that of beauty THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 138 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 139

extent to which this quality is alive and active in them. Due to their In such progress there is no place for idiosyncrasy or personality: keen observation of nature and their incisive impressions, [their] 'To give importance to egoism and individual perspective is, in aesthetic sense becomes so refined that whatever is ugly, ignoble, and our profession, a thing which leads us to dullness, degradation, devoid of human qualities becomes intolerable to them. They attack and carelessness. And such art is not useful, either individually or this with the full forces of words and feelings at their command. collectively' (244). It could be said that they are wedded to humaneness, virtue, and To progress is to change, and one of the most revolutionary statements nobleness. To support and plead for the oppressed, suffering, and which Premchand makes in this speech is: 'We will have to change our destitute, whether an individual or a group, is their duty. Society is standards of beauty' (246). To do this, writers must turn away from their court and they submit their plea to this court, which deems their the rich and privileged and their senseless, effete taste, and turn to the efforts successful if it arouses the sense of the aesthetic and the sense common person as the subject of their writing. Premchand points out of justice. (239) this notion in particularly vivid terms: Such 'sense of the aesthetic' and 'sense of justice' inspired by literature, Till now its [beauty's] standards were based on those of wealth and point toward progress, toward the improvement of the human condition. luxury. Our artists wished to remain tied to the apron strings of the Hence, says Premchand, the name 'Progressive Writers Association' rich; their existence was dependent on the appreciation of the wealthy [is] wrong', for and privileged, and the purpose of art was to describe their pleasures and sorrows, hopes and disappointments, their conflicts and competitions. [L] itterateurs or artists are, by nature, progressive. They probably Our artists turned their eyes to the palace and the bungalow; huts and would not have been litterateurs if this were not their nature. They feel hovels did not command their attention, for they considered them inadequacy inside, as well as outside, themselves. They must remain outside the realm of humanity. If they ever referred to them, they did so restless in order to fulfil this deficiency. They do not perceive individuals laughingly. The villagers' inaccurate pronunciation, their rustic clothes and society in those conditions of happiness and freedom in which they and fashions, manners and ways were the permanent material to poke fun want to see them in their imagination. For this reason, they always feel at. It was beyond the imagination of art to consider whether the villager dissatisfied with the present mental and social conditions. They want to also possessed a heart and hopes. (246-7) end these disgusting conditions so that the world would become a better place to live in and die in. This anguish and this feeling keeps their heart The fault here lies in the artists' narrow notion of what art is. In the and brain alive. Their compassionate heart cannot bear the thought that past, art has meant and in some instances continues to mean even today a group of people, bound by rules and dogmas of society, will go on 'worship of form, word scheme, and novel similes'. In such art there is suffering. (242-3)

[N]o ideal, no lofty purpose of life. Worship, renunciation, spiritualism, Premchand further elaborates on what he believes 'progress' means: and retreating from the world are its most exalted imagination. According to our artists' opinion, these are the ultimate aims of life. Their vision By progress we mean that situation which generates firmness and the is not so wide that they can see the highest charm of beauty in the capacity to perform duty [in us], which makes us see our degradation, struggle of life. They do not believe that it is possible for beauty to exist which makes us see that, due to various internal and external causes, we in starvation and nakedness. For them, beauty is a beautiful woman not have reached this condition of decline and death and that we must strive a poor woman who lacks beauty, who sweats in the fields as she puts her to remove them. (243) child to sleep on the bare earth nearby. They had decided that beauty, THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 141 140 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970

u then, d e will surely come to s. Why, without any doubt, lies on painted lips, cheeks, and eyebrows; how and honour, then prestige a n fam o our and prestige?' (251). can beauty penetrate dishevelled hair, dry, parched lips, and withered should we worry about h n u n has entered this 'field of d ty cheeks? (247) The Progressive Writers' Associatio r t a basic view a emchand; these are, fi s , with some principles', s ys Pr ta t t an style, a When this standard of beauty changes, widens, and becomes more ic content i s m ore i mpor n h vis-a-vis literature in wh h r u literature: encompassing, feelings of idealism, courage, and self-sacrifice will also o l that has gone before in U d point which sets it apart fr m al come to the fore in humankind. At this point Premchand also makes a and t l erature to remain a slave o f wine pitch for political improvement as well as moral and aesthetic progress: [The association] does not wan it o ct on and l te ture a message and a song f a i glamour. It claims to make i ra th deal is to e ed with language. Wh en e i It [beauty] will not stay confined one class. Its flight will not be limited adventure. It is not much conc rn c ord le itself. Beauty of t hought an aff by the four walls of the garden, but will have the entire universe at its broad, language becomes simp by ch ers who want t o please the ri disposal. Then base taste shall not be tolerable to us; we will gird our loins to be careless about ornamentation. Writ o eople to e who write for the comm n p and dig its grave. Then we will not be ready tolerate that state of affairs accept the style of the rich; writ rs uc an to e purpose is to produce s h in which thousands of people are slaves a few; then and only then will write in the common languag . Our te tu e c an be e to e o t tut o h c l ot e c t d ct o to tr herein unsophisticated li ra r w bring in b ing a c ns i i n w i h wil n b in on ra i i n atmosphere in this coun y w beauty, good taste, self-respect, and humaneness. (248) created and developed. (252)

Here Premchand is alluding to the 1935 Government of India Act, The second major aim of the association is to establish literary centres which seemingly sets up a constitution for greater self-rule for India, throughout the country, in all the various vernacular languages, in which something similar to the dominion status of Canada, but which, in fact, there would be extensive give and take. Through such activity, India 26 retained very crucial powers for the viceroy and the British Parliament. would come to possess the intellectual atmosphere in which there would Premchand continues in this political vein, perhaps wishing to steal be 'the birth of a new epoch in literature' (252). Such literature would a bit of the politicians' thunder: 'The writers' aim is not to cheer the possess the fundamental qualities of great literature: 'Dignified through audience and not to provide material for entertainment. Don't degrade the breath of freedom, beauty and clarity of sty le and a clear reflection them to such a level! They are not even that truth which follows behind of the call and bustle of life, the heart of truth. It must give us a goal; patriotism and politics; instead, they are the standard-bearer who shows it must make us alive; it must make us think. It should not put us to the path' (248). sleep, for further slumber will mean death' (253). Still, Premchand warns these potential standard-bearers that the This speech, both in its general line of argumentation and in a writers' role is, in many respects, a thankless task. They must eschew all number of its specific examples, seems to owe a great deal to Husain's personal profit in their undertaking. 'The temple of literature has no essay 'Adab aur Zindagi'. Here in Premchand's speech we find Husain's place for those who worship glamour and riches' (251). The interests of basic premise regarding literature as an economic product for the society must be placed over those of the individual, for the 'devotees' of consumption of a specific class. In addition, Premchand also makes this 'temple' called literature must know 'that service is the aim of the reference to such specifics as lack of reference in older literature to the lives of those who have compassion for others, whose hearts are filled lower classes, except in jest, and to the excessive concern with language with love. Respect begets respect. If we serve society with a sincere heart which writers in that period exhibited, just two of the various points of 142 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 143

elucidation which are found in both Husain and Premchand. This is not movement, and Husain's has been played down, if even alluded to in to say, however, that Premchand has plagiarized from Husain. In fact, the first place. A fruitful area for investigation would be the relationship one cannot say with absolute certainty, given the evidence at hand, that between these two authors and their respective documents. Premchand even read Husain's essay. One can only speculate chat, given The speculation offered in the preceding paragraph does not mean the popularity of Husain's essay and given the striking resemblances to say there is nothing new or innovative in Premchand's speech. His between the two, there is a strong possibility chat Premchand may have endorsement of the stance taken by Zaheer and these younger writers drawn on this essay for material for his speech. When one also recalls is in itself an innovation, particularly among older writers in Hindi the initial strong reluctance Premchand showed toward the presidentship and Urdu. In addition, he insists that writers from one area make it a of the meeting, the other activities, such as translating Nehru's Congress point to learn what is going on in the literature of another area, and speech into Hindi (or Urdu?), which were vying for his time, the fact that writers should organize into groups in the various provinces. Such that he asked Zaheer for suggestions as to what to talk about in the themes are also found in Gorky's 1934 address. presidential speech, and his deteriorating poor health; it might well be Another presentation which addressed literary criticism, made by that he borrowed copiously from the Husain document, or someone Angare group member and conference organizer Ahmed Ali, also shows else did for him. the influence of Husain's essay. In his speech, entitled 'A Progressive The reason for bringing up this point is not to discredit Premchand or View of Art', Ali discussed the nature of art and its serious function his speech. However, there are many allusions in both Hindi and Urdu as an agent of change in society. The speech was in two sections, the to this speech, together with the Lucknow manifesto, which is treated first of which attempts to define art. 'Art, in fact, is an expression of 27 below, as the most basic documents of the Progressive Movement. Yee the highest consciousness of life, and appeals by producing powerful no one seems to have noticed the similarities between Husain's essay feelings which lead to progressive mental and emotional activity­ 28 and Premchand's speech. There are perhaps several reasons for this. action'. Artists communicate these powerful feelings through images First, one must recall that Husain was only twenty-one when the first and symbols. Such images and symbols 'should not be arbitrary. . .. version of this essay was published, twenty-three when it appeared in They should be accessible to the public; otherwise that contact between the journal Urdu in 1935. He was not an older, established writer but the artist and the public will never be established which leads to that a student, and could not offer the movement the prestige and reverence state in which the public also start sharing feelings of the artist, and a which Premchand could. Since the movement at this time was most right communication of which leads to stimulation' (68-9). All of this emphatically looking for legitimacy and respectability, particularly interaction transpires in a social reality, the artist's social environment. among older writers in India, it seems logical to put emphasis on The relationship between and among these elements are then described Premchand and his speech rather than on the younger Husain. in elaborate algebraic terms, which those who are not mathematically Next, one must recall that Husain left the Progressive Movement in inclined might have difficulty following and for which Ali was ridiculed the 1940s, having rejected the movement and all it stood for. Hence, by his fellow-organizers: it would be doubly embarrassing to have the author of its most basic document recanting. An analogous situation would be to have Gorky The object that [the artist] sees exists only in relation to its disavow socialise realism. Hence, for these two reasons, Premchand's surroundings. If X, the object, exists only in relation to Y, the sum speech has been played up in nearly all of the critical writing on the total of the actual and material reality, and so in relation to Z, the artist, who is also immediately connected with Y, the work of art in its 144 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 145

finished form will be S, the sum total of equation XYZ. No perfect form (1819-1892). It is progressive because it is-here Ali quotes Andre of art, S, can be determined only in itself, minus Y, (the sum total of Gide's statement made at the 1935 Congress for the Defence of the actual and material surroundings), and in relation to Z (the artist) Culture-'a literature of opposition . ... It is only through opposition alone, minus Y, thus XZ-Y. If a work of art expresses the equation XZ-Y, that our literature can acquire a new life' (82). He praises Premchand's then it will become dry, unreal, and artificial. It will fail to establish a connection between the audience, A, and Z, the object, and Z, the powerful story 'Kafan' (The Shroud) as an example of such oppositional artist: because A has only Y (the social reality) to help him in bringing literature, stating that 'It is probably the best and the greatest short story about this contact with X and Z. That is the equation will not form in the Hindustani language' (83). He concludes: itself into XYZ, and consequently will not be equal to S, which is, the finished work of art. Because the audience, the artist and the object [A]s progressive writers it is our duty to produce literature which will not all are determined by the social reality which unites the object, the be bloodless and anaemic, but pulsating with freshblood, throbbing with audience, and the artist. If this relation is not established the work of new life-a literature which will envisage the future, herald its advent, art does not attain fullness. (69-70) and directly work for the healthier and better life afterwhich all of us are aspiring today. We should not write for just a section or class, but join Ali then discusses various kinds of art-ancient Greek and Buddhist hands with the struggling humanity, and address those millions of human beings who are living in hunger, poverty, and squalor, for they are public sculpture, the paintings of Ajanta, and the Bengal school of art, Indian today, and they are our audience of tomorrow' (83). classical dancing, and Balinese dancing-in these terms. Those which are truthfully rooted in the social reality of their time stimulate us; those Writing about this speech years later in Roshnai, Sajjad Zaheer which are mired in mysticism, devotionalism, and dream literature, are describes it in denigrating terms, which suggests that at the time of this 'futile, and not only do not stimulate us, but drag us down in inaction, all-important meeting their personal and professional relationship was and are moribund' (72). starting to fray. He writes: The second part of the speech addresses the writings of Tagore and Iqbal in these same terms. Both are found seriously wanting, despite Ahmed Ali dwelt on the aims and rules of the new literary movement in their worldwide reputations. Ta gore's poetry demonstrates the 'defeatist his paper on progressive literature. A special feature of it (i.e. the article] and mystical tendencies' of a 'stricken ego' (79). Iqbal's poetry is 'In love was that some of the philosophical points of literary criticism were with a past which has already buried its dead ... preaches an impossible expressed by means of mathematical formulas which were beyond the and meaningless Pan-Islamism, cries, weeps, denounces, sings of the understanding of people with ordinary comprehension and education. Iqbal and Tagore were mentioned in passing and were declared ancient Bulbul and the Rose' (80). In short, the poetry of these two reactionaries. (127) foremost Indian poets 'is morbidly escapist, born of a desire to forget the reality, and despite its beauty is but a dreamer's dream. Instead of His description of Ahmed Ali turns ad hominem: awakening our critical faculty, instead of assisting the progressive forces working in society, it only drags us down to inaction, and is in the The fact was that most of Ahmed Ali's weaknesses could not be attributed highest degree reactionary' (80). He then holds up a number of Western to personal perversity, rather, they expressed the narrow-mindedness in writers whose works are examples of progressive literature-viz., John criticism, to which most of us were prone. What we needed to do was Galsworthy (1867-1933), Eugene O'Neill (1888-1953), Walt Whitman to discuss his paper thoroughly, appreciate its strengths, and to criticize its flaws. Instead, even those among us who became aware of the flaws, 146 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 147

laughed them off, and did nothing. The trouble was that Ahmed Ali spiral movement, not a straight line. This was said by Mr Sajjad Zaheer's could not tolerate criticism, and imagined that anyone who directed great master, the great god of communism: Marx. The movement is not an objection at him did so out of jealousy, and his real purpose was to a straight line but a spiral, and a spiral is not a straight line. I've always denigrate him and his literary standing. For this reason even his friends believed this. hesitated to criticize him. He continues: Zaheer then goes on to make an inaccurate summation of Ahmed If I moved from stark, naked materialism as espoused by Marx and Ali's literary career, which suggests their breach was due to ideological Engels to an appreciation, not an ideological commitment but an issues regarding the nature and function of literature: appreciation, of transcendentalism, I am moving from point to point to point. My progress has not stopped. Mr Sajjad Zaheer's progress did But here we made a serious mistake, forperhaps mainly as a result of this, not move beyond Point A. He remained stuck there. He died at Point Ahmed Ali gradually receded into his shell of egoism, and disappeared A. I ·moved on from Point A to other points. I got a broader vision. Of from the literary world. His substantial literary talent did not, therefore, course, the followers of Mr Sajjad Zaheer, the orthodox Communists fulfil its potential. If someone becomes convinced of his superiority over and the custodians of the Progressive Writers Association, will say, all others, it becomes difficult for him to feel any attachment to the rest of humanity and without a love of mankind, sensitivity to its pain and 'Well, there you are; we knew he was a reactionary; that's why he's talking about moving from materialism to transcendentalism'. USAL unhappiness, and the willingness to find solutions for their amelioration, Interview, 138-9) how can anybody claim to be Progressive?29

Ahmed Ali believes that Sajjad Zaheer's treatment of him, and When I interviewed Ahmed Ali in 1975, I asked about these especially the scorn heaped on him and his paper at the first AIPWA 'mathematical formulas' about which Sajjad Zaheer makes so much. meeting, was motivated not only by a growing disagreement about the Ali stated that he used them to demonstrate the way one might reach definition of 'progressivism' and the nature and function of literature, an understanding and appreciation of Marxism and its objectives. He but also by personal animus and the fallout fromcomplicated personal, further indicated that the rift between the two as set forth in Roshnai romantic involvements between and among members of the An are was not entirely based on intellectual and political differences, but on g group and their families. He candidly spoke of these personal factors, personal grudges as well: which have not been discussed elsewhere. Speaking of himself in the Let me cite the example I used in my paper at the first meeting of the third person and referring to 'Mr' Sajjad Zaheer, Ali states his 'very All-India Progressive Writers Association in Lucknow, to which Mr Sajjad personal interpretation': Zaheer took great exception. When I start from Point A and I must reach Point Z, do you think that A to Z is one straight line? How can you say According to [Sajjad Zaheer], Ahmed Ali dropped completely out of so? I can turn from A into any direction, north, south, east, northwest, existence-out of Sajjad Zaheer's mind and from his memory. It's as if I then perhaps south southwest. It's not one straight line. One moves on were never there. I think the reason for this is-if you'll forgive me a very from point to point and as one moves on, one gathers more experiences personal interpretation-due to Mr Sajjad Zaheer's conscience, which he and in the light of experience one unconsciously reviews the movement tried to suppress utterly and completely, in his life, in his work and in his from one point to another, from Point A to Point B, or to Point B 1 or Progressive Writers Association. He had a great sense of guilt, a sense of Point B2, etc. As Mr Sajjad Zaheer said and as Karl Marx said, it's a guilt which is very personal, which lies in the great forces of sex. 148 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 149

Ali refers to Zaheer as 'a coward': in literature was, in fact, a direct outcome of these earlier movements throughout India. He did not have the guts and the courage to uphold his own word, his The final speech of the meeting was given by Maulana Hasrat own affinities, his own declarations of love for Rashid Jahan. There he Mohani, a crusty, controversial Indian National Congress politician and went; he fell in love with Rashid Jahan, was engaged to be married to her, but could he forget his family background? How the pressure of poet. He submitted that the literary movement proposed by this group his family was against his marrying her? How simply because she came must be an aspect of the larger independence movement: from a Sunni family and his family, Shias, did not want him to marry her? Then he handed her over to a friend of his [Mahmuduzzafar]. The Our literature must represent the movement of our national freedom; conscience of this friend ignored that of the other friend [Zaheer] and it must oppose imperialism and wealthy tyrants; it must support went ahead and married her, having ruined the life of a cousin of his and aid workers, farmers, and all oppressed peoples; it must express whom he had led on and convinced to divorce her husband! A very the pains and pleasures of the people, their higher aspirations and loving, a very devoted, a very affectionate husband. I am referring here urges in such a way that their revolutionary power may increase and, to X and Y [Ahmed Ali's terms]. having become organized and united, they might be able to succeed in their struggle.32 Is this communism? Is this honesty? Is this sincerity? If progressivism revolves around this pivot, then I would rather have nothing to do Moreover, progress1v1sm alone was not enough of a commitment with it. I would not have communism, for here is nothing but sheer from writers; their literature must also 'demonstrate communism and hypocrisy, sheer dishonesty, sheer insincerity-and infidelity! If you socialism. It must be revolutionary' (52). He also states that such cannot honour your own words, if you cannot honour or follow your revolutionary sentiment was not foreign to Islam, for, in fact, 'There own heart-if your mind says, 'Well, it's very reactionary to remain in is no contradiction between Islam and communism. The humanistic love with somebody'-! think that this type of attitude should be wiped idealism of Islam demands that Muslims throughout the world try to out (136). 30 establish a communistic system' (52). In speaking of his own verse, which was in the best traditions The disagreements that these two men experienced during the of nineteenth-century Urdu poetry, the sort seriously attacked by arrangement of this initial meeting, at the meeting itself, and in Premchand and various other speakers, the maulana states that he is subsequent activities of the association is a foreshadowing of the future aware of the contradiction between what he has written and what he trajectory of the AIPWA; as the movement grew, it would become more is saying in his speech. In a remark typical of the man, he stated: 'You doctrinaire and, as if in imitation of developments on the Soviet literary should not bother with such questions [about this contradiction]. scene, started to purge, banish, exile, and even metaphorically obliterate You should pay attention to more important and weightier problems of members from its ranks. Ahmed Ali, Sajjad Zaheer's fellow Angare-walla, life'. To this, he added: was among the first. Back to the firstmeeting of the AIPWA. Poet-critic Firaq Gorakhpuri I have come here in order to participate in this conference for a very presented an article dealing with the cultural and religious reform particular reason: to announce my support of those aims of yours which movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, notably the you have written in your declaration. I want this sort of literature to be 31 Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, the Wahhabi, and Aligarh movements. written in our country. Old things will not serve any purpose. They are The major point of his talk was that this new Progressive Movement only things to amuse the heart. It is not necessary foryou to imitate me in 150 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 151

the matter of poetry. In fact, I myself will assist you fully in the creation As suggested in Chapter 3, in the discussion of the differences between of the new progressive literature of this sort. (52) the London and Hans manifesroes, there seemed to be a conscious attempt on the part of the organizers to water down the stance of the The importance of Hasrat Mohani's endorsement is that, as an Hans version in comparison to the original London version. Here this established, older Urdu poet, he, like Premchand, is offering this tendency is even more clearly demonstrated. undertaking respectability. Other prominent people offered their endorsement; for example, Gandhian social reformer and arcs advocate Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay (1903-88) and her sister-in-law, poet­ 1936 LeftReview Version 1936 LucknowDeclaration politician Sarojini Naidu. If one recalls the proscription of Angare in [ l] Radical changes are taking place in Great changes are taking place in our Indian society. country. 1933, such an endorsement cannot be overlooked, for their acceptance

would open the movement to a wider public. (2] Fixed ideas and old beliefs, social Tw o resolutions were also passed at this meeting: first, the and political institutions are being condemnation of the Japanese 1931 invasion of China and Mussolini's challenged. Out of the present turmoil 1935 invasion of Ethiopia; and second, a demand for full freedom to and conflict a new society is arising. all writers and journalists. 33 [3] The spiritual reaction, however, Decadence and reaction, although However, the major document to emerge from the meeting was the though moribund and doomed to having received their death decree, Declaration of the Progressive Writers' Association, a reworking of the ulcimace decay, is still operative and have not yet become powerless and London manifesto. Zaheer speaks of 'the difference of a few words' is making desperate efforts to prolong extinct. Continuously caking new shapes, this fatal venom is infecting between the London Manifesto and that presented at Lucknow: itself. every sphere of our culture; The Declaration of the Progressive Writers' Association was also put [4] le is the duty of Indian writers that for chis reason, it is the duty of before the conference and was unanimously approved. There was only a they should give the dress of words and Indian writers to interpret chose difference of a few words between the first draft which had been prepared form to the existent changes in Indian new progressive tendencies which in London in the beginning and this resolution. These changes, which life and should assist in putting the are emerging in the country and co were submitted by the Maharashtrian delegates, were all approved. country on the path of construction participate fully in their development. (Roshnai, 134; The Light, 71) and progress.

To discuss the differences between the two versions, it will be necessary [5] Indian literature, since the break­ The prominent characceriztic oflndian down of classical literature, has had literature has always been chat it fights to reconsider the London Manifesto in a side-by-side comparison with the fatal tendency to escape from the shy of the obvious and real conditions the Lucknow Declaration. The same method employed for comparing actualities of life. of life. the London and Hans versions of the manifesto will be used again. The Lucknow Declaration is translated here as literally as possible. le has tried to find a refugefrom reality Escaping fromreality, our literature has Clearly, there is a great deal more here than 'the difference of a in spiritualism and idealism. taken refuge in baseless spiritualism and in the shelter of idealism. few words' , as Zaheer has suggested. In fact, there is a completely different underlying basis between the two versions of this document. 34 152 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 153

[6] The result has been that it has [l l] We believe that the new literature We want the new literature of India produced a rigid formalism and a of India must deal with the basic to make as its subject the basic banal and perverse ideology. problems of our existence today-the problems of our life. These problems problems of hunger and poverty, are those of hunger, poverty, and social [7] Witness the mystical devotional For this very reason, its elements and social backwardness and political backwardness, and slavery. obsession of our literature, its furtive parts have become exhausted. subjugation, so that it may help us and sentimental attitude towards sex, to understand these problems and its emotional exhibitionism and its through such understanding help us almost total lack of rationality. act.

[8] Such literature was produced particularly during the past two [12] We will oppose all those traces which centuries, one of the most unhappy are taking us towards helplessness, periods of our history, a period of lassitude, and superstition. We accept disintegrating feudalism and of acute as means of change and progress all misery and degradation of the Indian those forces which bring out our critical people as a whole. faculties and which test custom and institutions the touchstone of reason. [9] It is the object if our association to The purpose of our association is to rescue literature and other arts from liberate literature and the other fine arts [13] With the above aims in view, The following will be the aims of the the priestly, academic, and decadent from the fatal grasp of conservatives the following resolutions have been association: classes in whose hands they have and, making them the interpreter of adopted: degenerated so long; to bring the arts the suffering and happiness and the into the closest touch with the people; struggle of the people, to show the [14] (I) To establish organizations of (I) To propagate our aims by holding and to make them the viral organ path of the bright future towards writers in the various linguistic zones consultative sessions with the help of which will register the actualities of which mankind is striving. of India; the coordination of these progressive writers from all of India life, as well as lead us to the future. organizations by holding conferences, and by publishing literature. publishing of magazines, pamphlets, [ 1 O] While claiming to be the We claim to be the heirs of the highest etc. inheritors of the best traditions of values of Indian culture. For this Indian civilization, we shall criticize reason, we will expose the traces of [15] (2) To cooperate with those ruthlessly, in all its political, economic reaction in whatever sphere of life in literary organizations whose aims do and cultural aspects, the spirit of which we find them. not conflict with the basic aims of the reaction in our country; Association.

and we shall fosterthrough interpreta­ Through the association, we will [16] (3) To produce and translate (2) To encourage the writers and tive and creative works (both native interpret every such sentiment as may literature of a progressive nature and translators of progressive articles and foreign resources) everything that show the path of a new and better life in of high technical standard; to fight to strive for the freedom of our will lead our country to the new life our country. In this work we will make cultural reaction; and in this way, to countrymen by struggling against for which it is striving. use of the culture and civilization of our further the cause of Indian freedom reactionary tendencies. own country and of others as well. and social regeneration. 154 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 155

[I 6] (4) To strive for the acceptance perhaps the organizers did not wish to state their 'united front' attitude of a common language (Hindustani) so specifically; in fact, they did not mention it, but, again, preferred and a common script (lndo-Roman) to affect the same end by different means. These means were the for India. revamping of the entire manifesto in less radical language in order [18] (5) To protect the interests (3) To help progressive writers. to appeal to a more widely based organization for which resolution of authors; to help authors who 2 was written. The organizers did not need to state their intention require and deserve assistance for the specifically; for, by 'deradicalizing' their earlier London Manifesto, publication of their works. they shifted its emphasis to having Indian writers work towards a goal

[19] (6) To fight for the right of free (4) To cry co safeguard the freedom of which they all-regardless of their political, linguistic, religious, or expression of thought and opinion. opinion and freedom of ideas. social disposition-could agree on: independence fromBritain. Hence, resolution 2 (resolution 3 of the London version) stresses 'freedom for our country', whereas the earlier version speaks of 'Indian freedom and [italics added] social regeneration'. This resolution seems co zero in LeftReview, 2 [1936-37]. 240. Naya Adab (Feb. 1941); Azmi, 44-5. on a specific rallying point, particularly when one considers the other resolutions of the London Manifesto. Consider, for example, the powerful statements 7 and 8 of the Resolution 4 would probably invite coo much disunity perhaps, so London Manifesto have been almost entirely deleted from the Lucknow it is dropped altogether. Resolution 5 of the London Manifesto, which Declaration. Certainly, 'lack of rationality' is ambiguous enough to be stressed specific areas in which writers would be helped, is totally inoffensive. The resolutions, six in the London Manifesto, are reduced emasculated in the Lucknow version and seems to be put there as a to four in the Lucknow version. The first resolution of the Lucknow perfunctory gesture to the writers. This gross change is perhaps due to version does not speak of the 'linguistic zones' of India as does the an attempt to highlight the first two resolutions at the expense of the last London version; such a notion suggests division and separateness rather two. This contention is further borne out in the lase resolution, which, than unity. Instead, the language of the resolution as worded in the in the London version, seeks 'co fight' for freedom of expression, etc. Lucknow version stresses cooperation and equality among all groups whereas the Lucknow version seeks, by contrast, merely 'to try [italics and writers in the 'consultative sessions' to be held to propagate the added] co safeguard' these freedoms. Nevertheless, one could assert association's aim. In the London Manifesto, the language suggests chat chis Lucknow Declaration, while losing much of the punch of the domination, called 'coordination', by a central group from above. The London Manifesto, did give chis organization a very clear, definable language of the Lucknow document is subtler, suggesting that the thrust rallying point and did make the organization palatable to possible of the organization will come frombelow , thus giving the writers a sense detractors in India who might base their objections on various differing that they will determine the direction of the organization. political, social, religious, and linguistic views. Resolution 2, which in the London Manifesto sought to have chis The first meeting of the All-India Progressive Writers' Association Indian group cooperate in the United Front effort as espoused by the was, on the whole, a success. However, important issues as well as Seventh Communist International (Comintern) Congress (25 July-20 practical matters concerned the organizers. Nor was there a lack of levity August 1935) is deleted in the Lucknow version. It would seem chat during a post-mortem session, as Zaheer notes: 156 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 157

That evening, following the end of the conference, we came be banned by the government. Hasrat Mohani started a branch of the home, exhausted, and sat down to chat after dinner. All of us, organization in Kanpur, and another was organized in Lahore. The (Mahmuduzzafar, Aleem, and I), with the exception of Munshi prominent leftistpolitician Jayaprakash Narayan* suggested at this time Premchand and Rashid Jahan, were somewhat downcast. Among the that the organization should seriously consider putting out an English immediate concerns was how to pay the rent for the goods that had language magazine, as well as one in each of the vernacular languages. been hired for the conference. Moreover, I was dejected by the useless The English language magazine was several years in coming, but Shahid Urdu-Hindi debate started by Babu Jainendra Kumar. But Premchand looked happy. He was roaring with laughter at Rashida's characteriztic Ahmad Dehlavi,* editor of Saqi (Cupbearer), the prestigious Delhi­ style of mockery: she compared the lengths of Maulana Hasrat Mohani based journal, became actively involved in establishing Shahjahan (King and Dr Aleem's beards, commented on the mathematical formulas in of the World), which was issued to represent the progressive element Ahmed Ali's paper, and derided Saghar Nizami's tight sherwani and in Urdu literature. even tighter churidar pajama. Writers from other parts of India also sought to establish centres for the organization in their respective areas. For example, Gujarati poet He continues: Umashankar Joshi* and journalist-actor Bhogilal Gandhi (1911-2000) organized a centre in Ahmedabad. In other areas as well groups were set In his turn, Premchand began to level some friendly criticism at us, the up. In the Punjabi-speaking area, Punjabi novelist and short-story writer young Progressives. He said, 'I like to see you walking fast to achieve a (1895-1997) quick revolution, but I am afraid that if you begin to run heedlessly, you Gurbaksh Singh set up an art colony calling it Preemagar may trip and fall.And at my age, if I attempted to run with you and (Love City) and published his Marxist-oriented journal Pritlari (Love fell down, I could hurt myself seriously'. And he chuckled. 'But come Link), which 'made a tremendous contribution to and influence on what may, we will never let go of your hand', said Rashida, laughing. Panjabi writing ... and ... proved to be of crucial importance to the ( The Light, 74) Progressive Movement in Panjabi literature'. 35 Several centres were set up in Bengal, with that in Calcutta being the most active; others were After this meeting, the AIPWA's efforts to seek wide support all over started in Gauhati and Sylhet, Assam, and then in Poona.36 Still others India from various sectors of writers were successful; for reactions to were organized by writers in Kannada, Malayalam, and Telugu. 37 While this new organization, which elected Sajjad Zaheer as its first general many of these centres flourished in the major cities, those in outlying secretary, were generally positive. In Urdu especially, writers endorsed areas did not sustain themselves as well. the organization, Premchand being the group's most distinguished In spite of this enthusiastic reception in various parts of India, Hindi literary supporter. He printed his address to the AIPWA meeting in writers in the main remained aloof from the organization. This coolness 1936, Hans in July and also sought to start branches of the organization was in part due to the high-caste standing of most of the Hindi writers in Patna, Gorakhpur, Nagpur, and Benares. At all points, he attempted and in part to the Hindi-Urdu controversy, which was at a particularly to reconcile Hindi writers with this organization. In Delhi, several Urdu acute point during this period.38 Shortly after the first Lucknow meeting writers, including Akhtar Husain Raipuri and Josh Malihabadi, together of the AIPWA there occurred an incident which fanned this controversy with the poet Majaz, set up a branch. It was in Delhi that Josh started even further: the first meeting of the Bharatiya Sahitya Parishad (Indian his journal Kalim (Questioner; also an epithet of Moses), which was Literary Assembly), which met on the campus of Nagpur University, to continue publishing for several years, but which would eventually 25-26 April 1936. 158 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 159

The idea of an all-India literary forum was one of Gandhi's more I have received a letter from Kanaialal Munshi last night. A literary conference is being held at Wardha on April 4 and Mahatmaji will be cherished dreams. Through such a forum he hoped co engender there on that date. They have taken advantage of his short stay there and closer relationships between and among the various languages of so have fixed this date. I have to be present there. Hence, I will not be the subcontinent in such a way chat their varied and diverse trends able to come to Lucknow in any case. 39 and movements could be blended to help in the formation of, first, a national language, or rashtrabhasa, and also a national literature. As was already noted, Premchand had proposed a postponement Such a national literature was intended co absorb the best traits of of the AIPWA meeting for a later date. However, Gandhi fell ill, and the different Indian languages and to rid them of their provincialism. the Wardha meeting was postponed and rescheduled for the end of Various writers, including Premchand, K. M. Munshi, and Kaka Sahab the month in Nagpur. As a result, Premchand was able to accept the Kalelkar were particularly interested in setting up such an organization. presidentship of the AIPWA meeting. Between June 1934 and April 1935 these three writers discussed the In his capacity as one of the organizers, Premchand offered an possibilities of forming chis organization. Gandhi was approached invitation to Urdu writers co attend the Nagpur meeting. In a letter co for support, which he gave. Because of Gandhi's association with the Sajjad Zaheer, Premchand stated: Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, founded in 1910, prior to his return co India from South Africa in 1914, this society assisted the project for Perhaps you know that we are going to call a literary conference on founding the all-India literary organization. In 1935 a convention of 24-25 April under the presidentship of Mahatmaji at Nagpur, and Urdu this sammelan was held in Indore, Gandhi presiding. Here the idea writers have been invited to this conference. But I am not sure about their participation. I have personally invited Maulana Abdul Haq Sahab of an all-India literary council was introduced with the purpose 'to to Nagpur, but I doubt if he will undertake a journey to Nagpur after consider the ways and means of creating a brotherhood of writers his tiring journey to Lahore where I met him. (30)40 through the medium of the Rashtrabhasha, so chat in due course there could be the evolution of a national language and a national literature' In addition, Premchand asked Zaheer to accompany him. 'Brother, (Munshi Premchand, 408). please do not say no'; he added, 'We will have an opportunity to Premchand offered Hans as the official organ of the provincial propagate our aims there' (30). literatures through which this organization could then work. Starting As the situation developed, however, little of a positive nature was with the August-September 1935 issue, the journal was published by accomplished at this meeting. Indian National Congress president Hans. Ltd with Premchand and K. M. Munshi as co-editors, and an Rajendra Prasad (1884-1963) was the chairman of the Hindi Sahitya advisory board whose members represented all the major literatures of Sammelan for this particular session. A committee was then set up to India. le was noted earlier that Sajjad Zaheer and Professor Muhammad implement the proposal to set up the Bharatiya Sahitya Parishad with Aqil were the Urdu representatives on this board and that the first Hans as its official organ. This committee had Gandhi as chairman and meeting of the Bharatiya Sahitya Parishad was proposed co meet in Rajendra Prasad as vice-chair. Kaka Sahib Kalelkar, chairman of the Wardha on 3-4 April 1936 (see pp. 134-5). Because of his relationship reception committee of the proposed parishad, then gave his inaugural with the early stages of this organization, Premchand felt chat he should address on 24 April in which he 'referred to the difflcult problems facing attend the initial meeting and forego the presidentship of the proposed literature and also to the forces of communalism and provincialism All-India Progressive Writers' Association. He wrote co Sajjad Zaheer: which were the principal maladies that adversely affected the unity of 160 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 161

the country' (Munshi Premchand, 423). This address was followed by and Dr [K. M.] Ashraf criticized the Sanskritized language of Gandhi's speech, which made two major points: first, the necessity of Premchand in Suhail [Canopus] of Aligarh' (Munshi Premchand, having the parishad to integrate the languages and literatures of India 425). Ashraf pointed out that, over the years, Premchand's language into a national language and a national literature, through the medium had moved from chaste Urdu to a language using more and more of Hindustani; and second, a blistering attack on the 'plethora of highly words drawn from Sanskrit, thereby calling into question the writer's objectionable erotic literature [that] has flooded all the provinces' advocacy of Hindustani. In a rejoinder published in Hans June (Munshi Premchand, 423). 1936, Premchand stated chat even though there were only three It was in the afternoon session, again under the chairmanship of representatives of Urdu present, in the actual voting on the issue Gandhi, that problems started. A discussion ensued on the point in the of whether co accept Hindustani or Hindi-Hindustani there were agenda dealing with the question regarding the language the parishad twenty-five votes for Hindi-Hindustani and fifteen for Hindustani. would use as a 'via medium': Hindustani or Hindi-Hindustani.41 As Hence, even though the advocates for Hindustani were defeated, the session progressed, Gandhi left the podium and Nehru took his there was strong support for it, and there was victory in this defeat place. Members of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan proposed that Hindi­ (Munshi Premchand, 425). Hindustani be used as what was termed 'the via medium' for the The importance of chis incident lies in the controversy it generated organization. Representatives of Urdu, including Premchand, Maulana lacer, not only in terms of Gandhi's reactions and chose of the organizers Abdul Haq, and Akhtar Husain Raipuri, made serious objections to the of the progressive writers' meeting, but also because it took on much word 'Hindi' in this context. According to these writers, such a proposal larger proportions within the Indian National Congress, the Muslim 'appeared to be a move to bring in Hindi through the back door' (Munshi League, and various other political organizations. In describing chis Premchand, 424). Abdul Haq proposed that only Hindustani be used as session, writer-publisher Muhammad Iqbal Salim Gahindri remarked: the via medium, which Gandhi would not condone, given his definition 'The session of the Bharatiya Sahitya Parishad {Nagpur) will always of the term 'Hindi'. Writing of this incident later, Gandhi states: 'I could be remembered for its revival of the Hindi-Urdu controversy' .42 not accept [Abdul Haq's] suggestion. I should have done violence to The controversy aside, however, the Nagpur session did provide a myself and to the Sammelan if I had given up the word 'Hindi' which broad gathering in which AIPWA aims could be voiced. To chis end was the word of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan and which I had persuaded Akhtar Husain Raipuri spoke to the question raised in the conference them to define so as to include Urdu' . By way of rationalizing, he added: whether or not the aims of literature could be fixed or pinpointed. Husain presented an address published beforehand, which also bore We must remember that the word 'Hindi' is not of Hindu coinage; it the signatures of Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abdul Haq, Premchand, was coined after the Muslim advent to describe the language which the and Acharya Narendra Dev.* The problems of literature, said Husain, Hindus of the North spoke and studied. So many Musalman writers of 4 'cannot be separated from the other problems of life'. 3 Life, according note have described their language as Hindi. And why now this quarrel to him, is a perfect unity: 'It cannot be divided into the compartments over words, when Hindi is defined to include the variations spoken and written by Hindus and Musalmans? (Tendulkar, 146-7) of literature, philosophy, politics, etc. Literature is a mirror of life. Noc only chat, but it is also the guide of the caravan of existence. It must The upshot of this controversy was that Maulana Abdul Haq not be made life's travelling companion; rather, it should be made life's later 'bitterly attacked the "Hindiwallahs" in Urdu of Hyderabad, leader' (7-8). 162 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 163

When the 'battle ... between the forces of progress and decline' has NOTES started, literature cannot remain neutral simply by narrating the events I. Sajjad Zaheer has written an important essay in which he discusses the nature of this of this encounter. It must choose a side and be committed to that side. controversy linguistically, politically and literarily, concluding that the Hindu and Writers must commit themselves to the 'most important problem of life': Muslim communities must not allow themselves to be divided on the grounds of language and religion; the Hindi-Urdu-Hindustani controversy, as he calls it, is just 'To wash away the stains of unemployment, poverty, and tyranny from another aspect of imperialist tyranny. Both groups should strive for cultural unity to the face of society' (8). If writers address themselves these problems, and overcome separatism; fanaticsin both camps should be made to see their short­ then irrelevant questions will not be asked about literature, such as those sightedness, and the 'easy zone' between the two languages should be expanded posed at meetings such as this one: 'Which direction should literature rather than contracted. Writers, states Zaheer, should learn and write in both point, what should it say, whom should it speak to, and by what method languages, and there should be a large-scale transliteration of books from one script to another. See Sajjad Zaheer, 'Hindi, Urdu, Hindustani ka Masla', (The Problem should it speak?' (8). Therefore, it is proper to expect Indian writers of Hindi, Urdu, Hindustani), Naya Adab, 3 (1944), 1-31. This essay was expanded to demonstrate that the 'foundation of literature is fixed in life' and and published in book form as Hindi, Urdu, Hindustani (Bombay: Kutub Pub., that 'life is the story of continuous transformation and change'; such a 1947). It is still one of the most persuasively argued, pro-Urdu pieces written during literature is 'a living and sincere literature ... [which] chooses to change this continuing controversy. Another article of interest is Akhtar Husain Raipuri, 'Urdu Zaban ka Mustaqbil' (The Future of the Urdu Language), originally dated society and shows life the way to exultation and possesses the desire to Apr. 1937, in Adab aur lnqilab (Literature and Revolution) ([Bombay]: Neshinal serve all of humankind' (8). Infarmeshan Pub.), 164-75. He stresses the need forreform in the Urdu script; in Again, the postulations set forth in this document are hardly fact, he calls the 'sacred nature of our script' as advocated by Muslim conservatives revolutionary or leftist. There is, of course, the underlying Marxian 'ridiculous' and attempts to keep it on religious grounds 'absurd' ('Urdu Zaban ka notion of the utilitarian basis of literature and of literature as a means Mustaqbil', 170). 2. 'The Question of Language', Nehru: The First Sixty Years, ed. D. Norman, (New of improving society. However, beyond this point there is little of a York: John Day. 1965), 526. The original date of the article was 25 July 1937. controversial nature in this speech. It is essentially an attempt, much 3. Munshi Premchand, 40. Professor Muhammad Aqil was the second Urdu-speaking like the Lucknow Declaration, to politicize writers, to make them member of this board; there were five Hindi-speaking members. Gandhi was named cognizant of the potentiality of literature as a political tool. Writers head of the board, which took over the magazine in Feb. 1936. 4. Jan.-Feb.-Mar. 1940, 26. would certainly have read freedom and independence from Britain into Naya Adab, 5. An English translation of this essay by A. Suhail appears in AUS(M) 25 (2010), any statement such as 'decisive battle', 'forces of ... decline', 'poverty 123-30. and tyranny', 'to change society', etc. Hence, without being entirely 6. Sringara rasa and shanti rasa refer specifically to the erotic mood and the peaceful explicit about their intentions, and without being overly doctrinaire in mood, two of eight (possibly nine) moods (rasas) which Sanskrit literature has as the their various pronouncements, the organizers of the AIPWA once more basis for its aesthetics. For a discussion of rasa, see Daniel H. H. Ingalls, 'Sanskrit Poetry and Sanskrit Poetics', An Anthology of Sanskrit Court Poetry: Vidyakara's attempted to make Indian writers politically aware and active. In the Subhd#taratnako�a. Harvard Oriental Series 44 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard ten years that followed, up to independence and partition in 1947, the University Press, 1965), 2-29. AIPWA reached the acme of both its popularity and its creativity, the 7. It should be noted that up to this point there is a striking resemblance between this logical outcome of the careful planning which went into the movement line of argumentation and that of D. D. Kosambi,* the eminent mathematician and historian of ancient India, who was also a professed Marxist. I believe that in its early phase. Husain should probably be given some credit for formulating this theory first, for These ten years would be the organization's years of power. Kosambi did not develop his interest in Marxism and in Sanskrit literature until the middle and late 1940s, well over a decade later than Husain's work. Subsequently 164 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 165

Kosambi did work closely with Rahul Sankrityayan (1893-1963), a Buddhist review of the latter translation, see Heshmat Moayyad, Mahfil, 8:1-2 (Summer monk, Sanskrit scholar, and a strong supporter of the Progressive Movement, in the 1971), 163-8. early preparation of the aforementioned Vidyakara anthology. Kosambi may have 15. Amritsar: Azad Book Depot (1969], 156-7. learned of Husain's work in this area through Sankrityayan; perhaps, too, Kosambi 16. This essay appears in Adab aur lnqilab, 132-54. formulated this theory entirely on his own. When I commented in a letter to 17. 'Urdu Adab ke ]adid Rujhanat, 1933-1943' (Modern Te ndencies of Urdu Literature, Husain that his work predated Kosambi's by years with respect to these issues and 1933-1943), Adab aur Inqilab, I 88. Husain also translated the poetry of Nazrul deserved recognition for this work, Husain rather self-effacingly stated in a letter into Urdu. Concerning these translations, Azmi says: 'In these there is no doubt to me, dated 11 Nov. 1972 from Lahore that his work 'perhaps anticipated some that the destructive and terroristic concept of revolution found in Nazrul Islam's of the findings of Kosambi'. See Robert P. Goldman, 'D. D. Kosambi's Sanskrit poetry has left its imprint widely on the revolutionary poetry of Urdu' (349). Scholarship: A Marxist Approach to Sanskrit Literature', MISAL, 347-57. 18. See Note 11, above. 8. For a thorough discussion of qa.fiya, radif, and other aspects of Urdu prosody, see 19. Naya Adab Qan.-Feb.-Mar. 1940), 28. This letter is from Benares, dated 15 Mar. Muhammad Abdul Rahman Barker et al., 'Urdu Poetics', A Reader ofModern Urdu 1936. Poetry(Montreal: Institute oflslamic Studies, McGill University, 1968), xii-liii, and 20. Quoted in Munshi Premchand, 413. In the early part of the twentieth century F. W. Pritchett & K. A. Khaliq, Urdu Meter: A Practical Handbook. columbia.edu. Nigam started Zamana (The Age), one of the first literary journals in Urdu, thus 1987. Web. 13 Mar. 2011. laying the foundation for modern Urdu journalism. As owner of the Zamana Press 9. Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar of Delhi (1775-1862). A number of his he was finedRs. 50 in 1909 for publishing Premchand's novel Soz-i-½ltan (Passion ghazals speak of the Uprising and particularly of the humiliation he suffered for the Fatherland), which was seized by the state government as being subversive. by deportation to Burma (now Myanmar). Husain speaks of this poet only in a At that time Premchand was writing under the name Navabrai; in 1911 Nigam footnote, not in the text. He lauds Bengali poets who wrote about these incidents, suggested the name Premchand. Nigam assisted Premchand in starting the Saraswati then adds: ' ... some ghazals of Shah Zafar must be considered exceptions' (30). Press, though he did so against his will and urged Premchand to devote himself 10. See Glossary for Mir ]afar and Bartle of Plassey (I 757); the third battle of Panipat solely to writing. For better or worse, Premchand did not heed this advice. (14 Jan. 1761), between the Marathas led by Bhao Sahab and the Afghans under 21. For a number of reasons, mostly Premchand's very precarious health, I have Ahmad Shah Abdali, marked the defeat of Maratha advancement in North India suggested that, given the immense prestige and legitimacy Premchand and his and the establishment of the Afghans in the area of Delhi. For Tipu Sultan of participation lent to this meeting, the organizers would do anything necessary to Mysore, see Glossary. The 'incident of '57' is what is now generally referred to keep him on the roster. Thus, it might be possible that, despite his very precarious as the 'Uprising', though Karl Marx called it India's first revolution for Indian health, the elaborate speech he delivered at this meeting may not have been written independence. It used to be called it the 'Sepoy Mutiny' or 'Sepoy Rebellion' by him, but possibly someone else. Perhaps Sajjad Zaheer? For my speculation on ('sepoy' is an English corruption of the Urdu/Hindi sipahi = 'soldier'), today a this possibility, see 'Premchand's Address to the First All-India Progressive Writers' discredited term. Association: Some Speculations',JSAL, 21:2 (Summer-Fall 1986), 21-39. 11. It is important to note Husain's inconsistency here: he includes Ghalib in this list of 22. In 'The Marxist Literary Movement in India and Pakistan', Hafeez Malik says that poets who will be remembered with respect, but he castigates Ghalib as self-seeking 'of all the twenty five Uttar Pradesh delegates not one represented Hindi writers', and ignoring the 1857 Uprising in his poetry (IO). and he also speaks of the 'absence of Hindi writers' (650). Both statements are 12. Rabindranth Tagore: Selected Poems, tr. W. Radice (London: Penguin Books, 1993), inaccurate; other inaccuracies in this article will be pointed out later. See journal 99-101. of Asian Studies, 26:4 (Aug. 1967), 649-69. 13. The Golden Boat, tr. B. Bhattacharya (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1932); 23. This was the first of over a dozen or so meetings of the AIPWA and UPWA held poems from Ba/aka are found in A Flight of Swans, tr. A. Bose (London: John between 1936 and 1970. Only the more important ones will be discussed in this Murray, 1955). volume. 14. There are two major English translations of this work: Shaikh Mahmud Ahmad, 24. 'Urdu Adab ke Jadid Rujhanat, 1933-1943', Adab aur Inqilab, 188. 25. This speech was reproduced in July 1936, in a Hindi translation from The Pilgrim of Eternity (Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1961), with the Hans, 'Ishtarakiyat-o-Mdlukiyat' section appearing as lines 1099-132, 52-4; and A. J. either an English or Urdu original; this Hindi version appears as the title article Arberry, tr., javid-nama (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966), with the 'Ishtarakiyat­ in Premchand, Sahitya ka Uddeshya (The Purpose of Literature, 1936) (Allahabad: o-Mdlukiyat' section appearing as lines 1069-1100, 56-7. For a comprehensive Hans Prakashan, 1967), 9-26. The Urdu version first appeared in Naya Adab Qan. 166 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970 THE AIPWA: THE INDIAN PHASE 167

Feb. I 94 I) and is reproduced in Premchand, 'Adab ki Gharaz-o-Ghayat' (The not approve of Rashid Jahan as a wife forher son because, as a devout Shia, she did Purpose and Purview of Literature), Mazamin-i-Premchand (Essays of Premchand), not wish to have a Sunni daughter-in-law. This assertion has also been made by the ed. Q. Rais (Aligarh:Yuniv. Pub., 1960), 234-53. A somewhat inaccurate English Zaheers' eldest daughter, Najma, Professor Emerita of Biochemistry at Jawaharlal rranslation appears in Hans Raj Rahbar, Premchand, His Lifeand Work (Delhi: Atma Nehru University. Ram & Sons, 1957), 165-82. See Premchand, 'Adab ki Gharaz-o-Ghayat', 234. Adding another perspective to chis matter, critic Ale Ahmad Suroor has written 26. For a discussion of this act, see Sir Reginald Coupland, Report on the Constitutional that he was present when Rashid Jahan told Sajjad Zaheer chat she did not marry Problem in India (Oxford: OUP, 1944). For an Indian's reaction, see Jawaharlal him because of what she considered his lack of ambition (Khwab Baqi Hain Nehru, Toward Freedom: The Autobiography ofjawaharlal Nehru (1941; Boston: [Dreams Remain], Lahore: Fikshan Haus, 1994, 312). I suggest that her comment Beacon Press, 1958), 422-8. For another British reaction, see Percival Spear, India: directed at Zaheer is rather more caring than citing his mother's religious attitude A Modern History (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1961), 386-94. as the reason why things between chem turned out as they did. 27. As examples, see Azmi, 46-7 and Ali Sardar Jafri, TaraqqiPasand Adab (Progressive Ali's 'X', the 'ocher woman', was a close associate of Zaheer's in London where Literature), 2nd edn. (Aligarh: Anjuman-i-Taraqqi Urdu, 1952), 183-4. she too was a student for a short time. He had, in face, invited her co attend 28. Marxist Cultural Movement in India: Chronicles and Documents (1936-47), ed. leftist political meetings over objections from some members of che group who S. Pradhan (Calcutta: National Book Agency Pvt. Ltd, 1997), 68. resented the presence of a woman. She eventually became a prominent CPI worker 29. The Light, 68-9. That Ahmed Ali 'vanished from the literary world' is patently not and official who lacer married an important leader of the CPI; she became a the case, for he continued to publish novels, short stories, poetry, translations of longstanding, stalwart, distinguished CPI member of the Rajya Sabha. Urdu poetry and the Qur'an; he was, in fact, the only member of the Angare Group 31. See Glossary for particulars on these movements. with a genuine literary career. The others, it could be said, became apparatchiks. 32. Quoted in Azmi, 52. However, Zaheer's characterization of Ali's personality is not entirely inaccurate, 33. Note that the Lucknow Congress session also condemned these acts of aggression. for Ahmed Ali was quick-tempered and easy to take offence, a fact about which See Norman, ed., Nehru, 1, 447. I had been forewarned in my interview with Sajjad Zaheer at his home in New 34. In his article on the Progressive Movement, Hafeez Malik takes Zaheer at his Delhi on Saturday, 20 July 1968. He referred to Ali not only as 'very difficult' but word on this point and states that 'A very slight amendment in the wording of as 'very paranoid' as well. I have shared some of my personal experiences of Ali's the Manifesto was adopted on suggestion of the Maharashtra delegation'. See 'The temperament in 'Some Thoughts on Ahmed Ali' at a birth-centenary conference Marxist Literary Movement', 651, Note 11. 'Ahmed Ali, Progressive Writers, and Bilingual Creativity', Lucknow University, 35. Surjit Singh Dulai, 'Progressivism in Panjabi Literature', MISAL, 225-347. This 10 Feb. 2011, sponsored by the Sahitya Akademi, organized and chaired by detailed article is the most comprehensive study of socialise realism in Punjabi Dr Harish Trivedi. Also see my 'Zaheer v Ali: Dissenting Views on the Early Years literature written in English to dace. of the Progressive Movement in Urdu', Jndo-Muslim Cultures in Transition, 207-20. 36. For discussions of Marxist influences in Marathi, see Vasant Shahani, 'Realism in Prior to his extended remarks about this period in my extensive interview with Marathi Creative Literature' and Vilas Sarang, 'Marxist Orientation in the Poetry him from 1975 (in/SAL Interview,JSAL, 33:1-2 [1998]/34:1-2 (1999], 117-94), ofVinda Karandikar and Narayan Surve', MISAL, 188-208, 209-24 respectively. A Ahmed Ali himself has written two major articles dealing with chis particular period thirty-minute documentary by Dilip Chi ere, Narayan Surve, Poet of the Proletariat, in Urdu literary history. One is a response to an interview with poet N. M. Rashed has been made for the Sahitya Akademi'sVideo Film Author Series (2000). which I published in 7:1-2 (Spring-Summer 1971), 1-20; rpt. Mahfil, Naya Daur 37. For a discussion of Marxist influence in Malayalam, see K. Ayyappa Paniker, (New Age), Karachi, Sept. l 969, 50-9 and also as part of the introduction to 'Socialist Realism and the Progressive Literature Movement in Malayalam' , MISAL, N. M. Rashed, La= insan (O = Man) (Lahore: Al-Misal, 1969), 1-36. Ali's article, 170-87. 'The Progressive Writers' Movement and Its Historical Perspective' appears in the 38. For a discussion of the early attitude of high-caste Hindi writers and the Progressive ]SAL, 13: 1-4 (1977-78), 91-8. The second article is a rebuttal co Sajjad Zaheer's Movement, see Yogendra Malik, 'Socialist Realism and Hindi Novels', MISAL, view of the Progressive Movement, 'The Progressive Writers' Movement and 115-35. Related articles on Hindi literature in this same volume include Prabhakar Creative Writers in Urdu', MISAL, 42-53. Macwe, 'A Personal View of the Progressive Writers' Movement', 54-66; Anjani K. 30. Razia Sajjad Zaheer subtly suggested to me in my interview with her husband Sinha, 'Socialist Realism and Modern Hindi Poetry', 136-54; and Corinne Friend, (she was present and joined in freely; New Delhi; Saturday, 20 July 1968) that his 'The Evolution ofYashpal from Socialist Realist to Humanist', 155-69. mother, Lady Wazir Hasan, a strong-willed woman of firm religious convictions, did 168 URDU POETRY, 1935-1970

39. Premchand to Zaheer, from Benares, 18 Mar. 1936, Naya Adab, Jan.-Feb.-Mar. 1940, 28. 40. Premchand had returned from Lahore, where he addressed the Aryabhasa Sammelan (A 5 ryan Language Conference) convened by the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha (Aryan

Representative Society) of the Punjab on the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary. There, 'thousands of people, by far the biggest crowd that he had ever faced in [his) The All-India Progressive Writers' life had gathered to hear the great Hindi writer' (Munshi Premchand, 420-1). 41. The exact difference between these two terms as used by Gandhi is difficult to Association, 19 3 7-194 7: Years of Power determine; in fact, the difference seems muddled, even in Gandhi's statements about them. He did include Urdu within his definition of Hindi and worked hard to get Your duty today is the same as that of the the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, meeting in 1935 in Indore, to include Urdu within Encyclopaedists of eighteenth-century France their definition of Hindi. Writing in Harjian, he states: - MaulanaAbdul Haq By recognizing the fact that the language written in the Urdu script but understood both by Musalmans and Hindus is also Hindi, the Sammelan disarms the suspicions that it has any design upon the Urdu script. The authorized script of the Sammelan still remains Devanagari. The propagation of Devanagari script among the Hindus of the Punjab, as elsewhere, will still continue. The resolution in no way detracts from During the ten years between 19 3 7 and 194 7, the All-India Progressive the value of the Devanagari script. It recognizes the right of Musalmans to write the Writers' Association (AIPWA) reached the zenith of its power, both language in the Urdu script as they have done hitherto'. Quoted in D.G. Tendulkar, literarily and politically. The organization meshed together in a way that Mahatma: Lifeof Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, 4 (New Delhi: Government of India, 1961), 22. few such groups could hope to. In addition, the national organization witnessed the emergence of its leading provincial group-the Urdu At the Madras session of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, 26 Mar. 1936, Gandhi elaborated on his definition of Hindi: 'Hindi, otherwise and later known as branch-which remained in the forefront of AIPWA activities and served Hindustani, or even Urdu, and written in Devanagari or Urdu script, could be and as a model of emulation forgroups in various other Indian languages in was the only possible common medium [for the rashtrabhasa]' (Tendulkar 144). terms of the consistency of its literary activity and its demonstration of The fact was that Urdu writers did not accept their language as falling within the leadership. During this period, the Urdu branch engaged in a number rubric of 'Hindi', but rather within 'Hindustani', in spite of Gandhi's definitions. of highly fruitful activities: they succeeded in securing endorsement Hence their suspicions about the reluctance toward Hindi in this context. It would seem that 'Hindi-Hindustani' would, in the minds of Urdu writers, mean a greater of the group from Muhammad Iqbal; they established the progressive Hindi emphasis in the 'via medium' for this organization. journal Naya Adab (New Literature) and their own publishing house; 42. Introductory remarks to the Foreword to Adab aur Inqilab, 7. they sought to define in precise terms the idea of 'progressivism', and 43. Foreword to Adab aur Inqilab, 7. The Foreword is Husain's speech to this session. in so doing engaged in polemics with the more aesthetically oriented group within the fold, called the 'art for art's sake' writers, which eventually resulted in a split within their organization; and finally, they rallied Urdu writers behind the Allied war effort, which resulted in the production of numerous works in poetry, fiction, drama, film, and art that have become some of the best known artistic expressions of this era. For the purposes of this discussion it is necessary to distinguish between the national group, the AIPWA, and the Urdu Progressive