DOCSLIB.ORG

The Case of Chinese Investments in Zambia's

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Case of Chinese Investments in Zambia's Regulating Foreign Direct Investments in Resource-Dependent African Countries: The case of Chinese Investments in Zambia’s Copper Mining Sector Beyongo Mukete Dynamic A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. June 2018 © Copyright by Beyongo Mukete Dynamic 2018 All Rights Reserved 0 1 Acknowledgement I owe sincere gratitude to several people, without whom, I would never have completed this thesis. I would like to thank my supervisor, Associate Professor Jane Golley, for her time as well as the inspiration and motivation she gave me throughout this project. Jane always pushed me to do something better in the next version of my Chapters. She read all my draft Chapters thoroughly and made extensive comments. This has not only improved my research ability, but her comments have taught me to go more deeply into topics and focus on my written expression. She was immensely supportive and opened my eyes to countless essential details. I also want to thank other members of my supervisory panel who read and commented on this work, most notably Margaret O’Callaghan, Dr Graeme Smith and 2 Dr Jolyon Ford. Margaret helped me to meet several people in Zambia, and these contacts made my fieldwork a success. She also commented extensively on my Chapters and helped me to know more about Zambia. I deeply appreciate Graeme’s and Joylon’s feedback and support during the later stages of completing the thesis. I am grateful to the Australian Centre on China in the World for their support to the study. My appreciation goes to the professional and administrative staff at the Centre, especially to Jasmine Lin and Merrilyn Fitzpatrick. Caroline Stevenson helped read the thesis, provided suggestions and made extensive comments, which have helped to make the thesis more concise. I also benefited from the several discussions and seminars held at Centre. The study also benefitted from discussion and exchanges with other PhD students and scholars at the across the Australian National University. My most beautiful experience as a PhD student came during my fieldwork in Zambia. Meeting and speaking with Zambians, combing through files at Mines Safety Department in Kitwe and ZCCM’s Archive in Ndola, made me to develop deep love for Zambia, passion for my topic, and value of mining to most Zambians. I would like to thank Dr Besa Bunda and his colleagues at the University of Zambia for hosting me, helping me to access sources at the mines, and connecting me with important informants in public agencies. I am deeply indebted to many people in Lusaka, Kitwe, Ndola, Chambishi, Kalulushi who took their time to support this project. Special thanks to Marja Hinfelaar, Rodrick Chabala, and dozens of interviewees who created time in their busy schedules to share their diverse views and experiences in the mines with me. I want to thank my close friends in Canberra, Princwill Mengot, Kpudzeka Maxime and Nyingmah Moses. Our weekend meetings helped me withstand the challenges of doing a PhD 15,000 kilometres from home. Most importantly, my deepest gratitude goes to my best friend and partner, Modeste Bongyi, who kept encouraging me in many ways and supported me throughout this project. During this time, Modeste 3 gave birth to our beautiful daughter, Berinyuy Beyongo. I also want to thank Mr Aunt, Martha Biongo for her tenderness and advice throughout the project. Special thanks to my wonderful mother, who inspired me to take this journey. She told me at an earlier age that I will make a good professor. I shared that dream, and years later took on this challenging and beautiful task. Abstract Several studies have examined the diverse social, economic and political impacts of Chinese investments on African countries. While some studies argue that Chinese investments has positively impacted on these countries, others claim that it has led to the weakening of local regulations and local industries. Throughout many aspects of this debate, scholars and commentators tend to consider African actors and agents as passive objects shaped by Chinese investments, often neglecting the subtle ways in which local actors and institutions interact with Chinese investments to both resist and shape various outcomes. This thesis addresses this oversight in the specific context of safety and environmental regulations of Chinese investments in Zambia’s copper mining sector. 4 The thesis adopts a political economy approach, which contends that host country actors and institutions both resist and cooperate with foreign companies to shape investments practices. In particular, some local actors have responded to Foreign Direct investments (FDI) by re-vamping domestic institutions to counter more effectively the negative impact of FDI. I use this approach to examine how local actors have responded to events and practices involving two Chinese mining companies operating in Zambia. My analysis and findings draw on over six month’s field work in Zambia during which time I conducted 69 interviews, and extensive desk-based research. The thesis demonstrates that, at least partly due to pressure from local actors— unions, bureaucrats and elected government officials – both Chinese mining companies improved their regulatory standards: one being pressured to adopt substantial improvements in its safety regulations and practices, and the second compensating victims of pollution and installing emissions monitoring devices. In addition, the Zambian government increased funding to regulatory agencies and re-structured safety and environmental regulations in the mining sector. It also introduced new laws and measures that increased the power of mining regulatory officials and enabled local community members to take legal action against mining companies for compensation due to damages caused by the mines. While most analyses of the impact of FDI on Zambia focuses on State-Business relations, I look beyond this dyadic relationship to argue that diverse actors and factors have shaped and influenced regulatory processes and outcomes in subtle ways. Any comprehensive analysis of the impact of Chinese FDI on Zambia needs to factor in the roles played by these diverse actors. 5 Table of contents Declaration .......................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Acknowledgement................................................................................................. 2 Abstract ................................................................................................................. 4 Table of contents ................................................................................................... 6 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 8 Chapter 1. Zambia and the rise of Chinese investments .................................. 17 I. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 17 II. The Rise of Chinese investments in Copper-rich Zambia .................................. 17 III. Introducing the diverse players involved in the monitoring and enforcement of Safety and Environmental Regulations in Zambia. ..................................................... 29 Chapter 2. Debates on the Impact of Foreign Direct Invetsment on Regulatory Outcomes in Africa: The case of Chinese investments in Zambia ................................ 33 I. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 33 II. State-Business Relations and Regulatory Processes ............................................ 36 b. “The Capture” theory and the “Race to the Bottom” hypothesis ......................... 37 c. Chinese investors in “neopatrimonial states”: A boon to weak regulations? ...... 42 6 III. A Political Economy Approach to the study of Regulations ............................ 47 a) Bureaucrats and bureacuraies ........................................................................... 48 b) Democratic reforms, elections and decentralisation ......................................... 52 c) CSOs: Partners in the monitoring and enforcement of regulation ................... 55 d) Crises and Regulations: Do crises make any difference? ................................. 59 IV. Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 62 Chapter 3: Research Methods and Sources - the Zambian Experience .............. 66 I. Introduction .......................................................................................................... 66 II. Qualitative Case Study Method ........................................................................... 68 a. The Case Study Method ................................................................................... 68 b. Sample Selection .............................................................................................. 71 III. Data Collection ................................................................................................. 73 a. Interviews ......................................................................................................... 73 b. Documents ........................................................................................................ 75 IV. Data analysis ..................................................................................................... 76 a. From
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Zambia Page 1 of 16
    Zambia Page 1 of 16 Zambia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2002 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 31, 2003 Zambia is a republic governed by a president and a unicameral national assembly. Since 1991 generally free and fair multiparty elections have resulted in the victory of the Movement for Multi -Party Democracy (MMD). In December 2001, Levy Mwanawasa of the MMD was elected president, and his party won 69 out of 150 elected seats in the National Assembly. The MMD's use of government resources during the campaign raised questions over the fairness of the elections. Although noting general transparency during the voting, domestic and international observer groups cited irregularities in the registration process and problems in the tabulation of the election results. Opposition parties challenged the election result in court, and court proceedings remained ongoing at year's end. The Constitution mandates an independent judiciary, and the Government generally respected this provision; however, the judicial system was hampered by lack of resources, inefficiency, and reports of possible corruption. The police, divided into regular and paramilitary units operated under the Ministry of Home Affairs, had primary responsibility for maintaining law and order. The Zambia Security and Intelligence Service (ZSIS), under the Office of the President, was responsible for intelligence and internal security. Members of the security forces committed numerous, and at times serious, human rights abuses. Approximately 60 percent of the labor force worked in agriculture, although agriculture contributed only 22 percent to the gross domestic product. Economic growth slowed to 3 percent for the year, partly as a result of drought in some agricultural areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia's Independence
    Zambia’s Independence In thy cozy loamy soils deeply flowed mine young blood/ In thy sun- scotched patches birth-ed thee a patriotic lad/ How this thought of hilarity mine psyche partly flood/ Thy progeny in hope mine entrails thou maketh glad/ Thy black visage daily mine heart gladly beholdeth/ For thine good, whence mine desire dryly flourisheth/ Oh Zambia, kind Mother to me thou may be more/ Oh land, thy toil, the oil that boileth our common soul! BRIEF INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the author relives the memories of Zambia’s 19th independence celebrations as a child at Mibenge Primary School in Mibenge’s village in Samfya- Mansa district of Luapula Province. It introduces the major theme of independence, the founding fathers of the independent Republic of Zambia, and the promise of a prosperous, democratic and free nation. MAJOR THEME: Independence ≈ History ≈ Politics ≈ §1.1 Mibenge was born on the ninth Christmas after Zambia became independent. My mother told me that she almost named me Mary had I been a girl, but for the second born who was already called by that name in the family. I was born Charles Chushi Zachariah Mwewa to Zachariah I 1 Kalubeya Mwewa and Justina Kunda of Mibenge village in Samfya-Mansa district in the Luapula Province of Zambia.2 I am positioned seventh in an eight-member family of only two girls: John Mwewa, Mary Kalaba, Gilbert Ng’andwe, George (also called Charles Chibwe), Joseph Ng’andwe, Jeremiah Chushi, and Anne Mwewa. When I was born, it was perhaps not a family secret that I was unexpected.
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 43 No 9
    www.africa-confidential.com 3 May 2002 Vol 43 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL NIGERIA II 2 NIGERIA I Khaki blues, business suits The generals’ election The military has helped tear the country apart but civilians still defer There are worries whether President Obasanjo’s army can to the soldiers and politicians hold together against growing It is a measure of Nigeria’s political class that in next year’s presidential election, the two most likely communal and religious clashes candidates – Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari – are retired generals and former military ahead of next year’s polls. And, if leaders. And Nigeria’s wealthiest and most influential kingmaker, another retired general and military it does, its senior officers may want leader, Ibrahim Babangida, may well offer money to both sides. On 25 April, General Obasanjo, to take back power again. ‘persuaded’ by his supporters, declared he would seek a second term; on the same day, Gen. Buhari joined the biggest opposition group, the All People’s Party, on whose ticket he may stand for President. LIBERIA 3 Buhari and Obasanjo hold strong and contrary religious convictions: Obasanjo is a ‘born again’ Christian who has preached at the fundamentalist Winners’ Chapel; Buhari exudes asceticism, publicly Rebels without a plan supporting the extension of the Sharia criminal code (AC Vol 42 No 17). Obasanjo is Yoruba from Ogun Rebels threaten President Taylor State in the south-west; Buhari is Fulani from Katsina in the far north. and give him a pretext to ban Over this looming battle lurks the ghost of a late military leader, Gen.
    [Show full text]
  • The Plundering of Zambian Resources by Frederick
    The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance Donge, J.K.van Citation Donge, J. Kvan. (2009). The plundering of Zambian resources by Frederick Chiluba and his friends: a case study of the interaction between national politics and the international drive towards good governance. African Affairs, 108(430), 69-90. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/14510 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). African Affairs, 108/430, 69–90 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adn073 C The Author [2008]. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved THE PLUNDERING OF ZAMBIAN RESOURCES BY FREDERICK CHILUBA AND HIS FRIENDS: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN NATIONAL POLITICS AND THE INTERNATIONAL DRIVE TOWARDS GOOD GOVERNANCE JAN KEES VAN DONGE ABSTRACT This article analyses the accusations that have emerged since 2001 of predatory behaviour during the presidency of Frederick T. Chiluba (1991– 2001). It advocates a detailed analysis of the practices that have come to light in order to move beyond a generalized interpretation of the persis- tence of predatory elites in Africa. Three specific themes appear. First, there is a danger of oversimplification of these conflicts as between the international community and national governments. The political struggles tend to be more complicated than generally presented, and international involvement meshes with local political struggles. Second, predatory be- haviour or corruption is a social process that is embedded in wider national and international networks.
    [Show full text]
  • Members of the Northern Rhodesia Legislative Council and National Assembly of Zambia, 1924-2021
    NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA Parliament Buildings P.O Box 31299 Lusaka www.parliament.gov.zm MEMBERS OF THE NORTHERN RHODESIA LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL AND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF ZAMBIA, 1924-2021 FIRST EDITION, 2021 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD ................................................................................................................................................ 3 PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................................... 5 ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................................................... 7 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 9 PART A: MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1924 - 1964 ............................................... 10 PRIME MINISTERS OF THE FEDERATION OF RHODESIA .......................................................... 12 GOVERNORS OF NORTHERN RHODESIA AND PRESIDING OFFICERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) ............................................................................................... 13 SPEAKERS OF THE LEGISTRATIVE COUNCIL (LEGICO) - 1948 TO 1964 ................................. 16 DEPUTY SPEAKERS OF THE LEGICO 1948 TO 1964 ....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • ZAMBIA Forcible Exile to Suppress Dissent
    AI Index: AFR 63/04/97 EXTERNAL ZAMBIA Forcible exile to suppress dissent 1. INTRODUCTION In the northern Zambian town of Kitwe, the first public rally of the now-ruling Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) party took place in 1990. One of the key speakers who stood at the podium was the MMD’s vice chair for operations, Frederick Chiluba, who was also the chair general of the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions. Chiluba gave a speech calling for democracy and pluralistic politics, but also added that “Zambia has seventy-three tribes and if you don’t belong to any of these then you are not a Zambian.”1 Most interpreted his statement as a veiled political attack on then-President Kenneth Kaunda, born in Zambia to parents who emigrated from Malawi, and who had ruled the country since independence in 1964. Few could have foreseen that the issue of who was a non-Zambian would become a political tool to suppress dissent in the years ahead. Since the landslide election of President Frederick Chiluba one year afterward in 1991, Kaunda has continued to be a consistent target for threats of forcible expulsion. Starting in 1994, the government of President Chiluba began publicly questioning the citizenship and patriotism of other members of Kaunda’s United National Independence Party (UNIP), as well as members of other opposition parties and individuals who expressed criticism of government policy. In December 1994, the Zambian government announced that it was launching “background investigations” into the nationality of prominent Zambian opposition figures. According to the then-Foreign Affairs Minister, Remmy Mushota, the exercise was aimed at those who were “misleading Zambians”, though he did not name any names.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalization and the Zambian Copper Mining
    NATIONALIZATION AND THE ZAMBIAN COPPER MINING INDUSTRY SIMON JOHN CUNNINGHAM Ph. D. UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH 1985 fý Ar DECLARATION I declare that this thesis has been composed by myself and is my own work. Parts of the thesis, particularly material included in Chapter 2,3,4,6 and 8, have been published previously in my work The Copper Industry in Zambia (Praeger, New York, 1981). LAýk wo.A Simon Cunningham ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis was conceived and much of the work carried out under the sponsorship of a Shell Research Fellowship that enabled me to travel to Zambia. Mr. Michael Hodd of the University of London supervised the final preparation of the manuscript. Professor J. N. Wolte and Dr. Gavin Reid gave me much support and encouragement. I am particularly grateful to Sir Ronald Prain for his constructive reading of my work and his encouragement. I would also like to thank the past and present editors of the Natural Resources Forum, Steven Hein, Bension Varon, and Keith Walton, for their support and advice. This wor k benefited greatly from discussions with Jean Vuillequez, R. H. Hobson, 0. Woolcott, W. H. Ellis, G. Brebner, A. J. Wilson and F. T. Ostrander and many company and government in Zambia. Professor Raymond Mikesell and Dr. Lewis Gann and my colleagues at the United Nations, Jozef van Brabant, Ulrich Hewer, Manuel Agosin, Shahrokk Fardoust, Mansoor Dailami and Adrzej Krassowski provided me with many helpful criticisms. Mr. Henry Chamberlain, the London archivist of the Anglo-American Corporation, allowed me to consult the company reports that were used extensively in the research.
    [Show full text]
  • The State of Democracy in Zambia the State of Democracy in Zambia
    The state of democracy in Zambia The state of democracy in Zambia Authors McDonald Chipenzi Laurent C W Kaela Clever Madimutsa Jotham C Momba Hope Mubanga Nchimunya Muleya Charity Musamba Copyright © The Foundation for Democratic Process (FODEP) and the University of Zambia Political and Administrative Studies (UNZA-PAS), 2011 All electronic version of this report shall be licensed under a Creative Commons Licence (CCL)http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/. The licence will allow others to copy, distribute or display the report, provided they do so for non- commercial purposes and give proper credit to sources, and distribute derivative work only under the licence identical to the CCL adopted. This licence applies worldwide and is not revocable First published in 2011 by FODEP & UNZA-PAS 284-B Omelo Mumba Road, Rhodes Park P O Box 32379 P O Box 32387 Lusaka, Zambia Edited by Chris Chirwa Cover design by Robert C Chaponda Printed in Zambia by Pro Print Limited Acknowledgments This report is a product of an assessment of the quality of democracy conducted on the basis of International IDEA's State of Democracy Assessment Framework. The report was developed by The Foundation for Democratic Process (FODEP) and the University of Zambia (UNZA) with the support and partnership of International IDEA. International IDEA has not participated in the content development nor the research leading to the report. Views expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council of Advisors. Special acknowledgment is due to International IDEA for technical and financial assistance without which this project would have not been possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Zambia at a Glance: 2005-06
    Country Report Zambia Zambia at a glance: 2005-06 OVERVIEW Before the president, Levy Mwanawasa, and the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) can contest the presidential and legislative elections set for 2006, they must deal with accusations from the former vice- president, Nevers Mumba, that Mr Mwanawasa has engaged in corrupt practises. Mr Mwanawasa and his supporters are likely to remove the threat posed by Mr Mumba by engineering his expulsion from the MMD. However, the episode is likely to further divide the MMD and increase its unpopularity with the public. On balance, the Economist Intelligence Unit expects both Mr Mwanawasa and the MMD to be re-elected in 2006, owing to their position as incumbents, the strong support of rural voters and the disunity of the opposition. We expect the government to remain broadly on track with its agreed economic reforms, although it could slip in the run-up to the 2006 polls, which would strain, but not break, relations with the IMF and other donors. Increased copper production will boost economic growth, but this expansion will be tempered by poor agricultural performance, and so real GDP growth will be below potential, at 5.6% in 2005 and 6.4% in 2006. Drought has hit much of Zambia this year, adversely affecting agricultural output and putting upward pressure on inflation, which is forecast to average 20% in 2005. Even assuming normal weather conditions in 2006, lax fiscal policy and the ongoing depreciation of the kwacha mean that inflation is forecast to stay high, at 19%. Key changes from last month Political outlook • There has been no change to our political outlook.
    [Show full text]
  • There Used to Be Order Life on the Copperbelt After the Privatisation Of
    There Used To Be Order Life on the Copperbelt after the privatisation of the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines A thesis submitted for the Degree of DoctorTown of Social Anthropology Cape of Patience Ntelamo Mususa Social Anthropology Department of African and Gender Studies, UniversityAnthropology and Linguistics University of Cape Town February 2014 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Abstract The thesis examines what happened to the texture of place and the experience of life on a Zambian Copperbelt town when the state-owned mine, the Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines (ZCCM) was privatized beginning 1997 following the implementation of structural adjustment policies that introduced free market policies and drastically reduced social welfare. The Copperbelt has long been a locus for innovative research on urbanisation in Africa. My study, unusual in the ethnographic corpus in its examination of middle-income decline, directs us to thinking of the Copperbelt not only as an extractive locale for copper whose activities are affected by the market, but also as a place where the residents’ engagement with the reality of losing jobs and struggling to earn a living after the withdrawal of mine welfare is re-texturing simultaneously both the material and social character of the place.
    [Show full text]
  • Zambia Media Council
    Table of Contents Introduction 1 Country Facts 3 Mission Overview 5 Overview of Zambian Media 7 Landscape Laws Affecting Press Freedom 10 Statutory Regulation 14 ZAMEC Timeline 15 Zambia Media Council (ZAMEC) 17 Brief Description of Regional Regulatory Systems 20 Kenya 20 Tanzania 22 South Africa 22 24 Why the SA Press Council Works (By Ray Louw) 27 Government Concerns with ZAMEC Background 27 IPI Conversations with Lt. Gen. Ronnie 28 Shikapwasha Statutory Regulation 29 Further Changes 30 32 Journalists’ Views on Regulation and the Zambia Media Council Voluntary Self-Regulation 33 Concessions 34 Mistrust of Government 35 Solidarity amongst Journalists 37 Continued Negotiation 39 Table of Contents 40 Other Press Freedom Issues Broadcast Licensing 40 Intimidation 42 Violations by Political Party Supporters 43 Targeting of The Post Newspaper 45 47 Conclusion 52 IPI Recommendations 53 Follow up Activities 54 References 1 Introduction A delegation from the International Press Institute (IPI) visited Zambia from 11-17 October 2010 to meet with journalists, media organizations and with government. The major focus of discussions was media regulation. With general elections scheduled for 2011, issues of media freedom become even more pressing in this southern African country. The IPI delegation spent most of its time in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, but also had the opportunity to briefly visit two stations – one commercial station and one community station – in the small city of Livingstone. Most discussions with journalists revolved around the issue of media regulation in Zambia. This has become a hot topic and primary concern for the Zambian press over the past year.
    [Show full text]
  • Ghana Write-Up
    NOTE: This is a pre-publication version made available for your use as a courtesy by the authors and the International Development Research Centre. A final, published version will appear in print and electronically in late 2010. Zambia Fastone Goma, Muyunda Ililonga and Jeffrey Drope Executive Summary Despite Zambia’s sizeable tobacco cultivation and its significant resource constraints (it is rated 165th of 177 countries on the Human Development Index), it is actually emerging as a tobacco control story with promise. It has signed and ratified the FCTC, and has existing, though decidedly problematic, laws and apparent will in several key sectors to take on new tobacco control challenges. Prevalence rates have been poorly measured for adults, but appear to be high relative to other Sub-Saharan African countries. By some accounts, 40% of male adults are smokers (though probably not daily smokers) while less than 10% of women are smokers. Youth smoking is lower at around 10% for daily smokers. Zambia also has a growing problem with non-cigarette tobacco use. By nearly all accounts, most of the existing legislation is vague and weak, and requires re-development. There is a movement in the advocacy community to seek these changes in the form of new legislation. This, however, will require major efforts on the part of the advocacy community to educate (and seek to influence) policymakers using solid research. With a new government, there may be a genuine window of opportunity to pursue this avenue in the short term and many high-level policymakers have indicated overt support for tobacco control including the President, the Vice-President, the Minister of Agriculture and the Mayor of Lusaka (the capital city).
    [Show full text]