Michael H. Clemmesen Version 6.10.2013

Michael H. Clemmesen Version 6.10.2013 1 Prologue: The British 1918 path towards some help to Balts. Initial remarks to the intervention and its hesitant and half-hearted character. It mirrored the situation of governments involved in the limited interventions during the last In the conference paper “The 1918-20 International Intervention in the Baltic twenty years. Region. Revisited through the Prism of Recent Experience” published in Baltic Security and Defence Review 2:2011, I outlined a research and book project. The This intervention against Bolshevik Russia and German ambitions would never Entente intervention in the Baltic Provinces and Lithuania from late 1918 to early have been reality without the British decision to send the navy to the Baltic 1920 would be seen through the prism of the Post-Cold War Western experience Provinces. The U.S. would later play its strangely partly independent role, and the with limited interventions, from Croatia and Bosnia to Libya, motivated by the operation would not have ended as it did without a clear a convincing French wish to build peace, reduce suffering and promote just and effective effort. However, the hesitant first step originated in London. government. This first part about the background, discourse and experience of the first four months of Britain’s effort has been prepared to be read as an independent contribution. However, it is also an early version of the first chapters of the book.1 It is important to note – especially for Baltic readers – that the book is not meant to give a balanced description of what we now know happened. The subject is the subjective British perceptions, motives, analysis and discourse at the time that led 1 These chapters were used in an earlier form as a paper for the 4th Annual Baltic Military History Conference in Tartu early September 2012, thereafter expanded after a final research visit to The National Archives of United Kingdom in Kew. 2 extreme elements of the Labour Movement. The Cabinet had intelligence that part of the police supported strikes and would remain passive in case of trouble. All parts of the economy lacked skilled labour. Therefore the army – the strongest British Army ever – had to release such groups of trained men, something that added to the pressure to start a general demobilisation as soon as the fighting ended, no matter if the framework still wasn’t peace, but only an armistice. It would be difficult to satisfy the French wish to have a large British Army on the Rhine next to its own to keep-up the pressure on the Germans until their eventual signing of a peace treaty. It was clear to all that no sizable British land forces would be available to assist in the stabilization of the chaos wrought by total war. In Russia the turmoil was spreading with the Bolshevik government fighting White - Entente supported – opposition armies in the east, south and far northwest, in the latter place based on the British bridgehead force in Archangelsk, initially . established to recreate an eastern front after the hoped-for toppling the Tallinn (Reval) with Toompea in 1918 revolutionary government. On these fronts of the Russian civil war, the Entente was already committed to support their Russian allies, and the British leaders had The British framework been further energized in their disgust for the Bolsheviks by the Cheka raid on the Early November 1918 it was evident that the Great War was nearly over and that British Embassy in Petrograd on 31 August 1918 and the killing of the senior it would be victorious, but pride, satisfaction and optimism was nearly totally diplomat left in town, the Naval Attaché, Captain Francis Cromie, when he absent from the discussions of the Cabinet meetings. Great Britain was attempted to resist the entry. desperately tired. She was nearly as exhausted as the defeated Germany, and The raid led to the arrest of Soviet envoys to London that had been exchanged where France had been forced into the war by invasion, Britain could quietly early October for the British diplomat and intelligence agent Robert Bruce doubt that the continental character and results of its voluntary participation Lockhart, who had acted as the British Prime Minister’s envoy to Lenin in Moscow justified the massive human losses and the immense damage to its wealth and until he was arrested earlier in the year after a failed British supported coup future options. The country was pressed by the supply problems even in key areas attempt against the Bolsheviks. like coal. There was widespread industrial action, rumours about revolution led by 3 rest of the Baltic area with Estonia had been occupied in late February 1918 to put maximum pressure on the Bolshevik negotiators and force them to sign a peace treaty so that the Germans could concentrate fully on the coming planned decisive offensive in the West – the one that did become decisive, but by failing, which broke the German national will and ability to continue the war. After an end to the fighting the cohesion of most of that conscript based German Army was likely to break, infected by the revolution locally and at home. 14 July 1917 – 30 September 1918: the seeds planted The Russian revolution of March 1917 gave Home rule to the Estonians, and as decided by the Provisional Government elections had taken place in May for the Estonian regional council, the Diet (Maapäev). The elected members met in Tallinn (the contemporary name, Reval, will be used hereafter) on 14 July to form a local government. During summer and autumn that year the ineffectiveness of the Russian Provisional Government and the shadow of German offensives the council discussed how to get foreign support against Germany to ensure Estonian self-determination. Jaan Tõnisson’s idea to seek full independence and then join Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania with the Nordic States in a block was rejected as impractical, and the effort was initially concentrated on seeking When it was supposed to be over: Details of the Armistice read to British troops at noon support among supporters of an all-Russian Federation in Petrograd. The late on 11 November 1918. summer local elections, however, undermined the ability to act, as the left- socialist forces - swelled by Latvian refugees and Russian soldiers and sailors - There were no such established British or Entente commitments in the west and gained a clear majority in the two larger cities, Reval and Narva, and after the 7. no obvious British strategic interests. Along the Baltic Sea and in the Ukraine only November Bolshevik coup in Petrograd, the local Estonian Bolsheviks took power the German forces deterred Bolshevik forces from taking over. In Lithuania and in the mainland part of the country. The Germans had occupied the islands since southern Latvia the Germans had been in occupation since spring 1915 and they late October. In the elections to the Russian Constituent Assembly on 12-14 had taken most of the rest of Latvia and the Estonian Islands in autumn 1917. The November, the Bolsheviks got more than 40 per cent of the votes, and together 4 with other leftist groups, they gained a small majority. Again, however, the results The support for independence grew after New Year. In the second week of the were different elsewhere, with the centre-right groups winning outside North January 1918 the Second Congress of Estonian Soldiers – with representatives Estonia, including in Tartu. The Maapäev met again on 28 November as a from the Estonian troops that had been part of the Imperial Russian Army – voted response to the development in Russia and the declaration of the leader of the 2/3 in support of independence. Their support for a reformed, but free, Estonia, Estonian revolutionary committees, Jaan Anvelt, that the assembly would be rather than for total social changes inside an autonomous part of a revolutionary disbanded immediately and replaced by an Estonian Constituent Assembly Russian federation was the crucial difference between the situation in Estonia and elected early February 1918. The Maapäev reacted by using the occasion to Latvia. This nationalist rather than revolutionary orientation of the majority of declare Estonia an independent republic and proclaimed it the legitimate Estonian officers and soldiers became one of the decisive factors that made Baltic representatives of the Estonian people until such time where the constituent independence possible. assembly had been elected. On 10-11 January the authorised representatives (Council of Elders) of the dissolved Maapäev met under the protection of Estonian soldiers. The Council decided that the country ought to declare independence immediately as an independent, neutral, state and seek great power guarantees of the status. The new state would safeguard the rights and cultural autonomy to the Russian and German minorities. The coming peace treaty should forbid great power fortifications on Estonian soil. Estonian representatives should be present at the peace conference. A peace treaty paragraph should create the framework for an internationally (e.g. neutral Swedish) monitored referendum among all who had lived in Estonia one year before the war. In this way the people would make the final decision of Estonia should be independent or be united with another power. All political parties in the country opposed German occupation and would see such an occupation as a violation of the rights of the nation, and the whole population wanted all foreign troops removed from Estonian territory. The Elders decided to send envoys abroad to argue its case for independence along the lines outlined. Ants Piip went to London, Kaarel Robert Pusta to Paris and others led by Jaan Tõnisson and Ants Piip Jaan Tõnisson to Stockholm to cover Scandinavia.

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