Genitive Case and Covert Movement
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Graduate Student Handbook 2021-2022
Northern Illinois University Department of English Graduate Student Handbook 2021-2022 Photo by Michael Day 1 Table of Contents 1. INTRODUCTION 5 2. ADMISSION TO THE M.A. AND PH.D. PROGRAMS 6 2.1. Applying for Admission and Admission Requirements 6 2.1.1. For Master’s Degrees – Native English-Speaking Applicants 6 2.1.2. For Master’s Degrees – Non-Native English-Speaking Applicants 7 2.1.3. For the Ph.D. – Native English-Speaking Applicants 7 2.1.4. For the Ph.D. – Non-Native English-Speaking Applicants 7 2.1.5. For Students-at-Large 7 3. MASTER OF ARTS IN ENGLISH 9 3.1. Advising 9 3.2. Tracks 9 3.2.1. Track I (Foreign Language requirement) 9 3.2.2. Track II (No Foreign Language requirement) 10 3.3. Areas of Study 11 3.3.1. British and American Literature 11 3.3.2. English Education 12 3.3.3. Film and Literature 13 3.3.4. Linguistics 14 3.3.5. Literature and Rhetoric/Writing 15 3.3.6. Rhetoric and Writing 16 3.3.7. Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) 16 3.4. Independent Reading (ENGL 698) 17 3.4.1. Proposals 17 3.4.2. Procedures 17 3.5. Comprehensive Examinations for the M.A. Degree 18 3.5.1. Examination Areas 18 3.5.2. Procedures for the Examination 19 3.5.3. Grading of the Examination 19 3.6. The M.A. Thesis 20 3.6.1. Timing of the Thesis 20 3.6.2. -
Annual Report
2008 Annual Report Center for Language and Cognition Groningen Faculty of Arts, University of Groningen 2 Contents Foreword 5 Part One 1 Introduction 9 1.1 Institutional Embedding 9 1.2 Profile 9 2 CLCG in 2008 10 2.1 Structure 10 2.2 Director, Advisory Board, Coordinators 10 2.3 Assessment 11 2.4 Staffing 11 2.5 Finances: Travel and Material costs 12 2.6 Internationalization 12 2.7 Contract Research 13 3 Research Activities 14 3.1 Conferences, Cooperation, and Colloquia 14 3.1.1 TABU-day 2008 14 3.1.2 Groningen conferences 14 3.1.3 Conferences elsewhere 15 3.1.4 Visiting scholars 16 3.1.5 Linguistics Colloquium 17 3.1.6 Other lectures 18 3.2 CLCG-Publications 18 3.3 PhD Training Program 18 3.3.1 Graduate students 21 3.4 Postdocs 21 Part Two 4 Research Groups 25 4.1 Computational Linguistics 25 4.2 Discourse and Communication 39 4.3. Language and Literacy Development Across the Life Span 49 4.4. Language Variation and Language Change 61 4.5. Neurolinguistics 71 4.6. Syntax and Semantics 79 Part Three 5. Research Staff 2008 93 3 4 Foreword The Center for Language and Cognition, Groningen (CLCG) continued its research into 2008, making it an exciting place to work. On behalf of CLCG I am pleased to present the 2008 annual report. Highlights of this year s activities were the following. Five PhD theses were defended: • Starting a Sentence in Dutch: A corpus study of subject- and object-fronting (Gerlof Bouma). -
Turkish Bibliography
Turkish Bibliography Reference Grammars Deny, J. 1921. Grammaire de la langue turque. Ernest Leroux, Paris. von Gabain, Annette. 1974. Alttürkische Grammatik. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Golstein, B. 1997. Grammaire du turc. L’Harmattan, Paris. Halasi-Kun, T. 1916. Türkische Grammatik. Sammlung Göschen, Berlin. Kissling, Hans-Joachim. 1960. Osmanish-türkische Grammatik. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Kononov, A.N. 1956. Grammatika sovremennogo tureckogo literaturnogo jazyka. Izdatel’stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, Moscow. Kornfilt, Jaklin. 1997. Turkish. Routledge, London. Lewis, Geoffrey L. 1967. Turkish grammar. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Németh, J. 1962. Turkish grammar. Mouton, The Hague. [bew. van Halasi-Kun 1916] Swift, Lloyd B. 1963. A reference grammar of Modern Turkish. Indiana University Publications, Bloomington. Underhill, Robert. 1976. Turkish grammar. MIT Press, Cambridge. Vaughan, Thomas. 1709. A grammar of the Turkish language. J. Humfreys, London. [facsimile edition: Menston, 1968] Monographs and Dissertations Adamovic, Milan. 1985. Konjugationsgeschichte der Türkischen Sprache. E.J. Brill, Leiden. Aygen, Gülşat. 2002. Finiteness, case, and clausal architecture. Dissertation, Harvard University. Dietrich, Ayşe Pamir. 1997. Towards a syntactic characterization of passives, ergatives and middles in Russian and Turkish. Dissertation, Cornell University. Erguvanlı, Eser Ermine. 1984. The function of word order in Turkish grammar. University of California Press, Berkeley. Erkü, Feride. 1983. Discourse pragmatics and word order in Turkish. Dissertation, University of Minnesota. Foster, Joseph F. 1970. On some phonological rules of Turkish. Dissertation, University of Illinois. Göksel, Aslı. 1993. Levels of representation and argument structure in Turkish. Dissertation, University of London. Johanson, Lars. 1971. Aspekt im Türkischen: Vorstudien zu einer Beschreibung des türkeitürkischen Aspektsystems. Almqvist och Wiksell, Stockholm. Kardeştuncer, Aino E. 1982. Theoretical implications of Turkish vowel harmony. -
1 Introduction in This Paper, We Analyze Embedded Clauses in Uyghur, a Turkic Language Spoken in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China
GENITIVE SUBJECT LICENSING IN∗ UYGHUR SUBORDINATE CLAUSES ALYA ASARINA &JEREMY HARTMAN Massachusetts Institute of Technology 1 Introduction In this paper, we analyze embedded clauses in Uyghur, a Turkic language spoken in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China. We argue that genitive case on the subjects of these clauses is licensed by agreement with a clause-external D head. We also argue that these clauses are full CPs. Putting these claims together, we show that Uyghur exhibits agreement and case-assignment over a CP boundary, a configuration that is inconsistent with Chomsky’s (1998) Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC). The Uyghur data thus support adopting the weaker version of the PIC proposed by Chomsky (2001). Consider the following examples of embedding in Uyghur.1 (1) Noun Complement: [ men-1N ket-ken-(liq) ] heqiqet-im muhim [ I-gen leave-RAN-(LIQ) ] fact-1sg.poss important ‘The fact that I left is important.’ (Uyghur) (2) Verb complement: Ötk¨ur [ Ajg¨ul-nuN ket-ken-(lik)-i-ni ] di-d-i Ötkür [ Aygül-gen leave-RAN-(LIQ)-3.poss-acc ] say-past-3 ‘Ötkür said that Aygül left.’ (Uyghur) When the embedded clause is the complement of an overt noun, as in (1), possessor agreement is on the embedding noun. We will argue that the optional morpheme -liq in the above examples is a complementizer, and that examples like (1) thus display agreement across a CP boundary. In addition, we will argue that the clause in (2) is also embedded by a head noun, albeit a ∗We would like to thank Vera Gribanova, Sabine Iatridou, Jaklin Kornfilt, Shigeru Miyagawa, David Pesetsky, Masha Polinsky, Norvin Richards, Kirill Shklovsky, Donca Steriade, Yasu Sudo, and the audiences at WAFL VII, CUNY Syntax Supper and MIT Syntax Square for valuable comments and discussion. -
Nominative As No Case at All: an Argument from Raising-To-Accusative in Sakha* JZ K§± B OU§ P§UU§ Syracuse University , January Óþõ¦
Nominative as no case at all: an argument from raising-to-accusative in Sakha* JZ K§± b Ou§ P§uu§ Syracuse University , January óþÕ¦ Õ. Introduction In many contemporary approaches to the morphosyntax of case, one finds either explicit or implicit references to unmarked structural cases like nominative being assigned. For example: “For the Case/agreement systems, the uninterpretable features are φ-features of the probe and structural Case of the goal N. [...] Structural Case is not a feature of the probes (T, v), but it is assigned a value under agreement [...] e value assigned depends on the probe: nominative for T, accusative for v.” [Chomsky óþþÕ:ä, emphasis added] We refer to this as a positively-specified view of, e.g., nominative case; on this view, nominative only arises as the result of some “action” taken by the grammar (per Chomsky óþþþ, óþþÕ, for example, the action in question is φ-feature agreement). In this paper, we present a novel argument, based on raising-to-accusative constructions in Sakha (Turkic), against this positively-specified view of unmarked case (in particular, of nominative). Instead, we argue, the proper grammatical representation of unmarked cases is as the outright absence of any otherwise assigned case values on the noun phrase. ó. e central question Like other Turkic languages, Sakha has a construction in which the subject of an embedded clause raises to a position where it can receive accusative case (cf. Kornfilt ÕÉßß, Moore ÕÉÉ, on Turkish). A couple of representative examples are given in (Õ–ó): (Õ) min ehigi-ni [C t bügün kyaj-yax-xyt dien ] erem-mit-im (Sakha) I you-Zhh today win-¶±-ópl.«¶f that hope-£Z«±-Õsg.«¶f ‘I hoped you would win today.’ (ó) ehigi bihigi-ni [C t kyajtar-dy-byt dien ] xomoj-du-gut you we-Zhh lose-£Z«±-Õpl.«¶f that become.sad-£Z«±-ópl.«¶f ‘Y’all were disappointed that we lost.’ [Vinokurova óþþ¢:ìäÉ; annotations added following Baker & Vinokurova óþÕþ] *e authors’ names appear in alphabetical order. -
In Eser Erguvanlı -Taylan (Ed.) the Verb in Turkish. Benjamins, Amsterdam, Pp.47-59
In Eser Erguvanlı -Taylan (ed.) The Verb in Turkish. Benjamins, Amsterdam, pp.47-59 A NOTE ON MOOD, MODALITY, TENSE AND ASPECT AFFIXES IN TURKISH1 Guglielmo Cinque University of Venice The limited goal of this contribution is to analyse the order of the mood, modality, tense and aspect, verbal suffixes of Turkish in the light of my (1999) proposal on the functional structure of the clause. My hope is that the exercise, besides explaining away certain apparent counterexamples to a rigid hierarchy of functional projections, may shed a partly new light on this area of the grammar of Turkish. In Cinque (1999), I examined the relative order of free (particles) and bound (suffixes) grammatical morphemes corresponding to mood, modality, tense, aspect and voice distinctions in the languages of the world. The recurrent picture that one finds in this domain is that they not only are rigidly ordered with respect to each other (as partly anticipated in such works as Bybee 1985, Foley and Van Valin 1984, and Dik 1989), but that each of the mood, modality, tense, aspect, and voice categories is made up, at a finer level, of a number of distinct heads, which also appear to be rigidly ordered. The striking match between the order of these grammatical heads and the order of the corresponding adverbs was further taken there to suggest a rich and articulated functional structure above the lexical VP of the clause, where each adverb class corresponds to a mood, modality, tense, aspect or voice head in a one-to-one fashion (as does the specifier to a head in a classical X-bar structure - Chomsky 1970, Kayne 1994). -
Where Propositional Arguments and Participial Relative Clauses Meet
Where propositional arguments and participial relative clauses meet Éva Dékány & Ekaterina Georgieva {dekanyeva/ekaterina.georgieva}@nytud.hu Research Institute for Linguistics (Budapest) Workshop “On the nouniness of propositional arguments” (DGfS43) University of Freiburg, 23–26 Feb 2021 Dékány & Georgieva Propositional arguments & participles Nouniness (DGfS 43) 1 / 74 Introduction Dékány & Georgieva Propositional arguments & participles Nouniness (DGfS 43) 2 / 74 Aims We aim at explaining why it is crosslinguistically common that participial relative clauses (pRCs) and deverbal nominalizations (DVNs) share the same suffix. (1) [Ali-nin pişir-diğ-i] yemek Ali-gen cook-dik-poss:3sg food ‘the food Ali cooked’ [MST, pRC] (2) Ali-nin kitab-I oku-duğ-un-u Ali-gen book-acc read-dik-poss:3sg-acc ‘(that) Ali read the book’ (as a direct obj) [MST, DVN] (Kornfilt 2003) Dékány & Georgieva Propositional arguments & participles Nouniness (DGfS 43) 3 / 74 Aims This is called the participle-nominalizer polysemy. It is observed in Uralic, Altaic, Quechua and Tibeto-Burman languages (Koptjevskaja-Tamm 1993: 2.2.5; Serdobolskaya & Paperno 2006; Shagal 2018; Noonan 1997). " Given that this is a wide-spread phenomenon, it requires a principled, structure-based account, where the exponents for the participle and the DVN are connected. We investigate this phenomenon in Udmurt and Khanty (Uralic) as well as Modern Standard Turkish and Uyghur, with some reference to Kazakh (Turkic). We argue that no real polysemy is involved, but we use it as a descriptive term. Dékány & Georgieva Propositional arguments & participles Nouniness (DGfS 43) 4 / 74 Claims The participle-nominalizer polysemy arises when the structure of DVNs properly contains the structure of pRCs. -
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What moves where under Q movement? özge Yiicel* 1. Introduction1 In the present study, I would like to scrutinize the syntactic position occupied by the Turk- ish interrogative clitic ml as it occurs in main yes/no questions, w/i-echo questions and embedded clauses. We consider Turkish yes/no questions to trigger Focus Phrases and adopt Rizzi's (1997, 2001) Split CP Hypothesis to account for the occurrence of the Q(uestion) particle ml both in matrix clauses and in embedded clauses. Accordingly, the C system to consists of different layers such as Force P(hrase), Foc(us) P(hrase), Top(ic) P(hrase), and Fin (iteness) P(hrase), the heads of Focus and Topic to be triggered when there is a topic and focus constituent in the structure. The Force head functions to type the clause declarative, interrogative, exclamative, imperative, and etc., whereas the FinP demonstrates whether the clause is finite or non-finite: (1) ... Force ...(Topic)... (Focus)... Fin IP We propose the Q particle in Turkish yes/no questions occupy a position distinct from and lower than the position of a potential declarative complementizer such as diye or ki in embedded yes/no questions. We further investigate if it is possible for the Q particle ml to function as the Force head when it occurs at the clause periphery in main yes/no ques- tions and in embedded clauses where ml types the main clause interrogative. There are certain challenges to this claim to be investigated further. Turkish is an agglutinative SOV language with a free word order. -
Rehbein/Simsek, Ankara Papers in Turkish and Turkic Linguistics
TURCOLOGICA Herausgegeben von Lars Johanson Band 103 2015 Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden Ankara Papers in Turkish and Turkic Linguistics Edited by Deniz Zeyrek, Çiğdem Sağın Şimşek, Ufuk Ataş, and Jochen Rehbein 2015 Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. For further information about our publishing program consult our website http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2015 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printed on permanent/durable paper. Printing and binding: Hubert & Co., Göttingen Printed in Germany ISSN 0177-4743 ISBN 978-3-447-10523-1 Contents Editorial note and acknowledgement................................................................. xi Preface .............................................................................................................. -
0Xxintroduction 1Xxlooking for Free Relatives in Turkish
LOOKING FOR FREE RELATIVES IN TURKISH (AND THE UNEXPECTED PLACES THIS LEADS TO) 1 SABINE IATRIDOU Massachusetts Institute of Technology 0xxIntroduction Free Relatives, like I ate what(ever) he cooked have been described in a variety of languages. This paper started out as an investigation of Free Relatives in Turkish. As often happens, it ended up being about a variety of different things. 1xxLooking for Free Relatives in Turkish In Turkish, there are two constructions that look like Free Relatives (FRs), in the sense that they both appear to be headless. I will refer to them as Strategy I and II. Strategy I FRs, as in (1), have been discussed by Kornfilt (2005). They differ from headed relatives, e.g. (2), in being headless and in the placement of agreement morphemes. They are similar to the headed relatives in that they are both nominalized by -dik-, which, predictably, results in their subjects being in the Genitive. (1) Sen-in pişir-dik-ler-in-i yi-yeceğ-im. you-gen. cook-nom.-pl.-2.sg.-acc. eat-fut.-1.sg. ‘I will eat “the things” which you cooked.’ 1 This paper could not have been written without the help of Jaklin Kornfilt. For about a month before WAFL, Jaklin would answer multiple daily messages about how to say this or that in Turkish and she did so extremely patiently and goodnaturedly, never asking where I was headed nor why my questions were about such disjoined sets of phenomena. My debt to her is very large. I also greatly benefited from discussing different aspects of the paper with Rajesh Bhatt, Kai von Fintel, Roumi Pancheva, Sergei Tatevosov and Maziar Toosarvandani. -
ON SOME INFINITIVAL WH CONSTRUCTIONS in TURKISH* Jaklin Kornfilt Syracuse University 0. Introduction the Aim of This Paper Is
ON SOME INFINITIVAL WHCONSTRUCTIONS IN TURKISH* Jaklin Kornfilt Syracuse University 0. Introduction The aim of this paper is to present a syntactic phenomenon of Turkish concerning infinitival complements and to sketch a principled explanation which refers to more general characteristics of the language. The phenomenon in question consists of a deficiency of infinitival constructions: Turkish has neither infinitival relative clauses, nor infinitival WHquestions; yet, it does have infinitives. Representative examples for each assertion follow, along with corresponding English examples: Infinitival relative clauses: (1) * A h m e t Ayşe ye [jyjp [çp PRO e; oku mak] bir kitapj ] aldi Dat. readInf. a book buypast Intended reading: 'Ahmet bought Ayşe a book to read' (2) John bought Mary [jvjp a book; [çp PRO to read Cj 1 1 Infinitival WHqucstions: (3) *Ahmct Ayşe ye \QP PRO ne oku maki söyledi Dat. what readInf. saypast Some ol" the contents of this paper were presented to a meeting of the EUROTYP project of the European Science Foundation, Theme Group 3: Subordination and Complementation, at a special meeting on Infinitivals and NonFinite Complements, held al Grcgynog, Wales. I wish to thank Nigel Vincent, the group leader, for inviting me to that meeting, to Istvan Kenesei for initiating that invitation, and to the participants of that meeting for interesting discussion and suggestions, in particular to Istvan Kenesei, Jon Ortiz de Urbina, and Maria Luisa Rivero. A less developed version of this paper was published as: "Infinitival WHConstructions and Complementation in Turkish"; in Eurotyp Working Papers: Group 3: Subordination and Complementation, vol. 4; K. Börjars and N. -
Proceedings of the First Workshop on Turkish, Turkic and The
Tu+ 1: Proceedings of the first workshop on Turkish, Turkic and the languages of Turkey November 21 - November 22, 2015 University of Massachusetts, Amherst Edited by Faruk Akkus¸, Isa˙ Kerem Bayırlı, Deniz Ozyıldız¨ c 2018 Published by GLSA (Graduate Linguistics Student Association) Department of Linguistics University of Massachusetts Integrative Learning Center, 4th Floor 650 North Pleasant Street Amherst, MA 01003 U.S.A. [email protected] glsa.hypermart.net ISBN-13: 978-1983844027 ISBN-10: 1983844020 Thank you The 1st Workshop on Turkish, Turkic and the languages of Turkey (Tu+1) was held at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst on 21-22 November 2015, in collaboration with Yale University. In addition to the two invited talks by Sabine Iatridou (MIT) and Jaklin Kornfilt (Syracuse University), the workshop hosted 23 oral and poster presentations. The presenters came from 17 different institutions, 6 of which were non-US institutions. The articles in this proceedings volume are a selection of papers presented at Tu+1. Our hope is that this workshop will be held annually and that it will provide a platform for discussion of empirical and theoretical questions raised by Turkic languages and the languages spoken within Turkey. We are grateful to the linguistics departments at Yale and at UMass for sup- porting the workshop, morally, technically and financially. Rosetta Berger, Rajesh Bhatt, Robert Frank, Vincent Homer, John Kingston, Tom Maxfield and Michelle McBride deserve special mention. We would also like to thank all those who gave a helping hand during the workshop. We are grateful to the Graduate Linguistic Student Association for publishing this volume, to Leah Chapman for agreeing to design the cover, and last but not least, to our presen- ters and audience for making this workshop an enjoyable learning experience.