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Egypt | Freedom House
Egypt | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2013/egypt About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us Subscribe REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Egypt Freedom in the World 2013 OVERVIEW: 2013 Political instability and protests continued throughout 2012, as a SCORES contentious transition from military to civilian rule was followed by heated debate over the unilateral actions of the new Islamist-dominated STATUS government. Elections for the People’s Assembly, Egypt’s lower house of parliament, were completed in January 2012, with nearly 70 percent of the new chamber held by Islamist parties that were illegal before the ouster of authoritarian president Hosni Mubarak in early 2011. However, the People’s Assembly was dismissed in mid-June, after various electoral FREEDOM RATING laws were ruled unconstitutional in what many described as a power struggle between the judiciary and the political establishment. Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood won a presidential runoff later in June, and in November he claimed extensive executive powers in a decree that CIVIL LIBERTIES he defended as necessary to ensure the adoption of a new constitution in a chaotic political environment. The resulting constitution, which opponents criticized as a highly problematic document written by an unrepresentative and overwhelmingly Islamist constituent assembly, was POLITICAL RIGHTS approved in a mid-December referendum, but its passage failed to quell deep mistrust and tensions between liberal and Islamist political factions at year’s end. Egypt formally gained independence from Britain in 1922 and acquired full sovereignty in 1952. After leading a coup that overthrew the monarchy, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser ruled until his death in 1970. -
THE ROAD AHEAD a Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’S New Parliament WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS THE ROAD AHEAD A Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’s New Parliament WATCH The Road Ahead A Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’s New Parliament Copyright © 2012 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-855-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JANUARY 2012 ISBN1-56432-855-4 The Road Ahead A Human Rights Agenda for Egypt’s New Parliament Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 1 Legislative Authority in Egypt Today ................................................................................... 3 The Need to Prioritize Legislative Reform to Ensure Basic Rights ........................................ 5 1. Repeal the Emergency Law and End the State of Emergency .................................................. 6 2. Amend the Code of Military Justice to End Military Trials of Civilians .................................... 11 3. Reform the Police Law ........................................................................................................ -
Tests for Egyptian Journalists
Tests for Egyptian Journalists Reporting Truth, Fighting Censors, Earning a Wage, and Staying Alive in Times of Turmoil By Naomi Sakr n a classic essay in the Journal of Democracy in 2002, “The End of the Transition Paradigm,” democratization analyst Thomas Carothers questioned the assump- Ition that elections are the be-all and end-all of democracy. His argument seems especially apt in Egypt’s case. One mistake, according to Carothers, is to believe that the political and economic effects of decades of dictatorship can be brushed aside. Another is to imagine that state institutions under dictatorship functioned sufficiently well that they can be merely modified and need not be entirely rebuilt. Political scien- tist Sheri Berman, writing in Foreign Affairs in 2013, made similar points about what she called the “pathologies of dictatorship.” These leave a poisonous aftermath of pent-up distrust and animosity, she said, bereft of political bodies capable of respond- ing to or even channeling popular grievances. In Egypt, media institutions, largely controlled by the state since soon after the country became a republic in 1952, are part of this problem, but they can also be part of a future solution. To the extent that news media contribute to framing public discussion, the closer they get to representing the full plurality of interests and viewpoints in society, and the more they report verified information rather than prejudice, rumors, and lies, the more likely it is that different social groups will understand each other and make policy choices that are collectively beneficial. How media pluralism is achieved depends on history. -
STIFLING the PUBLIC SPHERE: MEDIA and CIVIL SOCIETY in EGYPT Sherif Mansour
Media and Civil Society in Egypt STIFLING THE PUBLIC SPHERE: MEDIA AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN EGYPT Sherif Mansour I. Overview More than four years after the dramatic events in Cairo’s Tahrir Square led to the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak and Egypt’s first-ever democratic elections, Egyptian civil society and independent media are once again struggling under military oppression. The July 2013 military takeover led by then-general, now- president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has brought Egypt’s brief, imperfect political opening to an end. The Sisi regime’s goal is to return Egypt to the pre–Arab Spring status quo by restoring the state’s control over the public sphere. To this end, it is tightening the screws on civil society and reversing hard-won gains in press freedom. Civil society activists have been imprisoned, driven underground, or forced into exile. The sorts of lively conversations and fierce debates that were possible before the military takeover were pushed off the airwaves and the front pages, and even online refuges for free discussion are being closed through the use of surveillance and Internet trolls. Egypt’s uneven trajectory over the past several years is reflected in the rankings it has received from Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press report, which downgraded Egypt to Not Free in its 2011 edition, covering events in 2010. After the revolution in early 2011, Egypt improved to Partly Free. By the 2013 edition, it was Not Free once again. And this year, Egypt sunk to its worst press freedom score since 2004. -
All Truth Is Worth Publishing
REPORT ARAB POLITICS BEYOND THE UPRISINGS All Truth Is Worth Publishing Mada Masr and the Fight for Free Speech in Egypt MAY 23, 2017 — LAURA C. DEAN PAGE 1 As an authoritarian cold front settles over Egypt, a newsroom full of left-leaning journalists provides one of the last redoubts for the revolutionary ideals of 2011. The online newspaper Mada Masr was founded in 2013 by veterans of several envelope-pushing publications. Since then, it has distinguished itself not only for its bold reporting and experimental style, but also for management based on consensus, and the pioneering of a business model that relies on revenue sources beyond advertising. The newspaper has proved exceptionally resilient to efforts to silence it, weathering the arrest and imprisonment of some of its editors and contributors. And with a fast-growing Arabic section, Mada is more popular than ever. A new law that would drastically restrain digital media may yet prove to be Mada’s undoing. Yet the paper remains fully committed to continuing its truth-telling, and has resolved to resist the ongoing crackdown on speech. The story of Mada Masr provides a rare case study of a grassroots institution almost wholly sprung from Egypt’s uprising. It is almost difficult to recall now, but following the uprisings of 2011, people in Egypt began to divide historical time into two periods: before the revolution and after the revolution. In the latter, all manner of things seemed possible. It was at the tail end of this euphoric time, in the early summer of 2013, that a group of young Egyptian journalists set out to build an online news site. -
Egyptian Media Under Transition: in the Name of the Regime… in the Name of the People?
Egyptian Media Under Transition: In the Name of the Regime… In the Name of the People? Fatima el Issawi MEDIA@LSE POLIS Department of Media and Communications Journalism and Society POLIS—Media and Communications London School of Economics “Arab Revolutions: MediaRevolutions” Project Egyptian Media Under Transition: In the Name of the Regime... In the Name of the People? By Fatima el Issawi1 1. This paper was produced with the support of the project’s interns Morgane Conti, Sheetal Kumar and Leila Al-Qattan and edited by Polis Director Professor Charlie Beckett. About the Author FATIMA EL ISSAWI is a Research Fellow at POLIS, the journalism and society think tank in the Department of Media and Communications at the London School of Economics (LSE). She is leading the research project on “Arab Revolutions: Media Revolutions,” which looks at the transformations in the Arab media industry under the transitional political phases within the current uprisings. She has over fifteen years of experience in covering the Middle East for international media outlets. She also works as an indepen- dent journalist, analyst, and trainer in the Arab world. l 3 l Egyptian Media Under Transition: In the Name of the Regime…In the Name of the People? Table of Contents Introduction: The Historical Context .......................................... 7 Executive Summary and Recommendations .............................. 9 Chapter 1 National Egyptian Media: A Coercive Regulatory Framework .... 15 Historical Background ...................................................................... 15 Media Regulations Pre-Revolution: An Oppressive Legal Arsenal .... 18 Constitutional Reforms: An Unfinished Process.............................. 23 Chapter 2 State Media: From Propaganda to Propaganda ......................... 29 Historical Overview: A Snapshot ..................................................... 29 Post Revolution: An Internal Shock, Not a Revolution ................. -
Egypt's Military Tribunals: Illiberal and Destabilizing by Eric Trager
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1842 Egypt's Military Tribunals: Illiberal and Destabilizing by Eric Trager Aug 30, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Eric Trager Eric Trager was the Esther K. Wagner Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis By subjecting civilians to military tribunals, Egypt's military rulers risk confrontation with the public. ince assuming control of Egypt following Hosni Mubarak's February 11 resignation, the Supreme Council of S the Armed Forces (SCAF) has subjected civilians to military trials at an unprecedented rate. The increased use of military trials has become a rallying cry for Egypt's major political forces against the SCAF, and a new round of demonstrations is being planned for September. Background E gypt's rulers have long used military tribunals to achieve desired verdicts by circumventing the relatively independent judicial system. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Egypt's British rulers established military tribunals to avoid the country's national courts and expedite trials of Egyptians accused of offenses against British soldiers. Later, Gamal Abdul Nasser relied on military tribunals to try cases involving political opponents, controlling the outcomes by picking judges and retaining authority to approve verdicts. After Nasser's death, Anwar Sadat mostly discontinued the practice, apparently believing that judicial independence would bolster foreign investment; political dissidents were thus sent to state security courts rather than military ones. Hosni Mubarak initially followed Sadat's prosecutorial policies but, after a few disappointing verdicts, sought greater control over judicial outcomes. During the early 1990s, the government began trying terrorism cases in its military courts; this gave the regime complete control over verdicts, since the judges in question were military officers appointed by the president and minister of defense for renewable two-year terms. -
Military Electoral Authoritarianism in Egypt
Please do not remove this page Military electoral authoritarianism in Egypt Aziz, Sahar F. https://scholarship.libraries.rutgers.edu/discovery/delivery/01RUT_INST:ResearchRepository/12643396150004646?l#13643549520004646 Aziz, S. F. (2017). Military electoral authoritarianism in Egypt. In Election Law Journal (Vol. 16, Issue 2, pp. 280–295). Rutgers University. https://doi.org/10.7282/T35142T3 This work is protected by copyright. You are free to use this resource, with proper attribution, for research and educational purposes. Other uses, such as reproduction or publication, may require the permission of the copyright holder. Downloaded On 2021/09/30 09:23:52 -0400 ELECTION LAW JOURNAL Volume 16, Number 2, 2017 Military Electoral Authoritarianism in Egypt Sahar F. Aziz1 Table of Contents I. Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 2 II. Electoral Authoritarianism .................................................................................................................... 4 III. Elections Under Sadat and Mubarak ................................................................................................ 6 A. Sadat Introduces Multiparty Elections .............................................................................................. 7 B. Mubarak Promotes Civilian Electoral Authoritarianism ................................................................... 8 IV. From Revolution to Military Coup: General Sisi Becomes -
7. Egypt's Evolving Media Landscape
7. Egypt’s Evolving Media Landscape: Access, Public Interest and Control1 By Lina Attalah and Nagla Rizk2 The media in Egypt is currently playing, as it often has in the past, a crucial role in political, social and cultural change. The media has a critically important role to play in Egypt given that authoritarian political rulers have, to a large extent, been controlling the public sphere. Media ownership trends and editorial practices have evolved dynamically within, and in response to, the repressive political ecosystem. A set of intricate factors have been driving this evolution since 2000, and these are now changing rapidly in the wake of the 25 January revolution. In parallel, technological developments are also shaping changing practices and trends in Egypt’s media landscape. Developing information and communication technologies (ICTs) impact on the types of platforms people use to consume media, the way content is produced and the decisions taken by editorial policy makers. For a start, ICTs have transformed mass-mediated communications into a more interactive process that engages citizens more strongly. As well as affecting the way traditional mass media operate, the advent of ICTs has also produced a parallel arena of digital and new media, mostly used by independent citizens. New media spaces, unfolding through interactive content publishers and online social networks, increasingly constitute important players in shaping public opinion about current events. In this study, we investigate how ICTs are both interlacing with mainstream media practices, as well as creating a novel digital media space. We look into how the two spheres of mainstream and alternative media co-exist, and ultimately intersect and converge. -
Social Media- a New Virtual Civil Society in Egypt? Abdulaziz Sharbatly
Social Media- a new Virtual Civil Society in Egypt? Abdulaziz Sharbatly This is a digitised version of a dissertation submitted to the University of Bedfordshire. It is available to view only. This item is subject to copyright. • Social Media - a new virtual civil society in Egypt? UNIVERSITY OF BEDFORDSHIRE 1 Social Media: a new virtual civil society in Egypt? by Abdulaziz Sharbatly A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Research Institute for Media, Arts & Performance Journalism & Communications Department 2 AbstractAbstractAbstract This project seeks to trace the power of social media in serving as a virtual civil society in the Arab world, focusing on Egypt as a case study. This study aims to explore the role of social media in mobilising Egyptian activists across generations, and particularly in reaching out to people under the age of 35 who constitute around 50 per cent of the population. Studies preceding the 2011 uprising reported that young Egyptians were politically apathetic and were perceived as incapable of bringing about genuine political changes. Drawing on a range of methods and data collected from focus groups of young people under the age of 35, interviews with activists (across generations and gender), and via a descriptive web feature analysis, it is argued that online action has not been translated into offline activism. The role of trust in forming online networks is demonstrated, and how strong ties can play a pivotal role in spreading messages via social media sites. Activists relied on social media as a medium of visibility; for those who were not active in the political sphere, social media have been instrumental in raising their awareness about diverse political movements and educating them about the political process, after decades of political apathy under Mubarak’s regime. -
The Graffiti of Mohamed Mahmoud and the Politics of Transition in Egypt: the Transformation of Space, Sociality and Identities
El Hawary, 1 The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences The Graffiti of Mohamed Mahmoud and the Politics of Transition in Egypt: The Transformation of Space, Sociality and Identities A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Sociology, Anthropology, Psychology and Egyptology In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts In Sociology-Anthropology By Nouran Al-Anwar El-Hawary Under the supervision of Dr. Mark Westmoreland September/2014 El Hawary, 2 “The autonomy of the reader depend on a transformation of the social relationships that overdetermine his relation to texts. This transformation is a necessary task. This revolution would be no more than another totalitarianism on the part of an elite claiming for itself the right to conceal different modes of conduct, and substituting a new normative education for the previous one, were it not that we can count on the fact that already exist, though it surreptitious or even repressed, an experience other than of passivity. A politics of reading must be articulated on an analysis that, describing practices that have long been in effect, makes them politicizable” (de Certeau 1984; 174) El Hawary, 3 Acknowledgement The writing and the completion of this thesis would not be possible without the help and support of a number of people. First of all, I am deeply indebted to my supervisor, Professor Mark Westmoreland, for his unwavering support and guidance. Mark provided crucial direction during early stages and has continued to offer generous support and insightful comments throughout. I could not have wished for a better supervisor and consider myself very fortunate for having had the opportunity to benefit from his expertise. -
Can Offensive Advertising Strategies Survive the Perceptions of the Millennial Muslims in Egypt?
CAN OFFENSIVE ADVERTISING STRATEGIES SURVIVE THE PERCEPTIONS OF THE MILLENNIAL MUSLIMS IN EGYPT? By Nihal Ismail Ahmed Ayad A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctoral Research Degree Programme (PhD) in London School of Commerce Under the auspices of Cardiff Metropolitan University, Cardiff, UK Under the Supervision of Dr Jonathan Wilson Dr Chantal Hales ©2017 Nihal Ismail Ahmed Ayad ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Nihal Ismail Ahmed Ayad: Can Offensive Advertising Strategies Survive The Perceptions Of The Millennial Muslims In Egypt? (Under the direction of Dr Jonathan Wilson and Dr Chantal Hales) This study explores what Millennial (Generation Y) Muslims in Egypt perceive as offensive in offensive advertising and the reasons behind their offence. It aims to define religiosity from their point of view and to investigate if it has an effect on their attitudes and purchase intentions/behaviours. Therefore, the study raised enquiries about key concepts such as the definition of offensive advertising, attitudes towards offensive advertising, religiosity and behaviours of Millennial Muslims in Egypt. The researcher explores the Millennial Muslims perceptions and attitudes towards offence, offensive advertising and religiosity through focus group discussions, one- to-one interviews and solicited diaries. The research design used in the study is an interpretivistic philosophy with an exploratory purpose, inductive approach and grounded theory strategy. The study revealed in-depth data concerning the Shababs’ profiles, characteristics, personalities, views on religion and religiosity and their attitudes towards offensive advertising. The research established that religiosity has no effect on the perceptions or behaviours of the Millennial Muslims in Egypt since parental influence has the greater effect even on their religiosity, which yielded two new behavioural models pertinent to the Millennial Muslims in Egypt.